76 (return)
[ Some Editors place this
clause before the words: "and Smerdomenes the son of Otanes," for we do
not hear of Otanes or Smerdomenes elsewhere as brother and nephew of
Dareios. On the other hand Mardonios was son of the sister of
Dareios.]
77 (return)
[ {tukhe}, "hits."]
78 (return)
[ {keletas}, "single
horses."]
79 (return)
[ This name is apparently
placed here wrongly. It has been proposed to read {Kaspeiroi} or
{Paktues}.]
80 (return)
[ {ippeue}: the greater
number of MSS. have {ippeuei} here as at the beginning of ch. 84, to which
this is a reference back, but with a difference of meaning. There the
author seemed to begin with the intention of giving a full list of the
cavalry force of the Persian Empire, and then confined his account to
those actually present on this occasion, whereas here the word in
combination with {mouna} refers only to those just enumerated.]
81 (return)
[ i.e. 80,000.]
82 (return)
[ {Suroisi}, see note on
ii. 104.]
83 (return)
[ {tukous}, which appears
to mean ordinarily a tool for stone-cutting.]
84 (return)
[ {mitresi}, perhaps
"turbans."]
85 (return)
[ {kithonas}: there is
some probability in the suggestion of {kitarias} here, for we should
expect mention of a head-covering, and the word {kitaris} (which is
explained to mean the same as {tiara}), is quoted by Pollux as occurring
in Herodotus.]
86 (return)
[ {kithonas}.]
87 (return)
[ {drepana},
"reaping-hooks," cp. v. 112.]
88 (return)
[ See i. 171.]
89 (return)
[ {Pelasgoi Aigialees}.]
90 (return)
[ {kerkouroi}.]
91 (return)
[ {makra}: some MSS. and
editions have {smikra}, "small."]
92 (return)
[ Or "Mapen."]
93 (return)
[ Or "Seldomos."]
94 (return)
[ {metopedon}.]
95 (return)
[ {me oentes arthmioi}.
This is generally taken to mean, "unless they were of one mind together";
but that would very much weaken the force of the remark, and {arthmios}
elsewhere is the opposite of {polemios}, cp. vi. 83 and ix. 9, 37: Xerxes
professes enmity only against those who had refused to give the tokens of
submission.]
96 (return)
[ {men mounoisi}: these
words are omitted in some good MSS., and {mounoisi} has perhaps been
introduced from the preceding sentence. The thing referred to in {touto}
is the power of fighting in single combat with many at once, which
Demaratos is supposed to have claimed for the whole community of the
Spartans.]
97 (return)
[ {stergein malista}.]
98 (return)
[ {oudamoi ko}.]
99 (return)
[ Or, "Strauos."]
100 (return)
[ Or, "Compsatos."]
101 (return)
[ {tas epeirotidas
polis}: it is not clear why these are thus distinguished. Stein suggests
{Thasion tas epeirotidas polis}, cp. ch. [Footnote 118; and if that be the
true reading {ion} is probably a remnant of {Thasion} after {khoras}.]
102 (return)
[ Or, "Pistiros."]
103 (return)
[ {oi propheteountes},
i.e. those who interpret the utterances of the Oracle, cp. viii. 36.]
104 (return)
[ {promantis}.]
105 (return)
[ {kai ouden
poikiloteron}, an expression of which the meaning is not quite clear;
perhaps "and the oracles are not at all more obscure," cp. Eur. Phoen. 470
and Hel. 711 (quoted by Bähr).]
106 (return)
[ "Ennea Hodoi."]
107 (return)
[ Cp. iii. 84.]
108 (return)
[ The "royal cubit" is
about 20 inches; the {daktulos}, "finger's breadth," is rather less than ¾
inch.]
109 (return)
[ Or, "Cape
Canastraion."]
110 (return)
[ Or "Echeidoros": so it
is usually called, but not by any MS. here, and by a few only in ch. 127.]
111 (return)
[ {pro mesogaian tamnon
tes odou}: cp. iv. 12 and ix. 89.]
112 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 6 and 174: but
it does not appear that the Aleuadai, of whom Xerxes is here speaking,
ever thought of resistance, and perhaps {gnosimakheontes} means, "when
they submitted without resistance."]
113 (return)
[ Some MSS. have
{Ainienes} for {Enienes}.]
114 (return)
[ {dekateusai}: there is
sufficient authority for this rendering of {dekateuein}, and it seems
better here than to understand the word to refer only to a "tithing" of
goods.]
115 (return)
[ {es to barathron}, the
place of execution at Athens.]
116 (return)
[ "undesirable thing."]
117 (return)
[ {ouk ex isou}: i.e. it
is one-sided, because the speaker has had experience of only one of the
alternatives.]
118 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 143 (end), and
viii. 62.]
119 (return)
[ {teikheon kithones}, a
poetical expression, quoted perhaps from some oracle; and if so, {kithon}
may here have the Epic sense of a "coat of mail," equivalent to {thorex}
in i. 181: see ch. 61, note 56.]
120 (return)
[ {to megaron}.]
121 (return)
[ The form of address
changes abruptly to the singular number, referring to the Athenian
people.]
122 (return)
[ {azela}, probably for
{aionla}, which has been proposed as a correction: or possibly
"wretched."]
123 (return)
[ {oxus Ares}.]
124 (return)
[ i.e. Assyrian, cp. ch.
63.]
125 (return)
[ {min}, i.e. the city,
to which belong the head, feet, and body which have been mentioned.]
126 (return)
[ {kakois d' epikidnate
thumon}: this might perhaps mean (as it is taken by several Editors),
"show a courageous soul in your troubles," but that would hardly suit with
the discouraging tone of the context.]
127 (return)
[ {onax}, cp. iv. 15.]
128 (return)
[ {ouros}: the word
might of course be for {oros}, "mountain," and {Kekropos ouros} would then
mean the Acropolis (so it is understood by Stein and others), but the
combination with Kithairon makes it probable that the reference is to the
boundaries of Attica, and this seems more in accordance with the reference
to it in viii. 53.]
129 (return)
[ {Demeteros}.]
130 (return)
[ {sustas}, "having been
joined" cp. viii. 142.]
131 (return)
[ {ton peri ten Ellada
Ellenon ta ameino phroneonton}: the MSS. have {ton} also after {Ellenon},
which would mean "those of the Hellenes in Hellas itself, who were of the
better mind;" but the expression {ton ta ameino phroneouseon peri ten
Ellada} occurs in ch. 172: Some Editors omit {Ellenon} as well as {ton}.]
132 (return)
[ {egkekremenoi} (from
{egkerannumi}, cp. v. 124), a conjectural emendation (by Reiske) of
{egkekhremenoi}. Others have conjectured {egkekheiremenoi} or
{egegermenoi}.]
133 (return)
[ {te ge alle}: many
Editors adopt the conjecture {tede alle} "is like the following, which he
expressed on another occasion."]
134 (return)
[ See vi. 77: This
calamity had occurred about fourteen years before, and it was not in order
to recover from this that the Argives wished now for a thirty years'
truce; but warned by this they desired (they said) to guard against the
consequence of a similar disaster in fighting with the Persians, against
whom, according to their own account, they were going to defend themselves
independently. So great was their fear of this that, "though fearing the
oracle," they were willing to disobey it on certain conditions.]
135 (return)
[ {probalaion}, cp.
{probolous}, ch. 76.]
136 (return)
[ {es tous pleunas}.]
137 (return)
[ Cp. v. 53.]
138 (return)
[ {ethelousi}: this is
omitted in most of the MSS., but contained in several of the best. Many
Editors have omitted it.]
139 (return)
[ {ta oikeia kaka} seems
to mean the grievances which each has against his neighbours, "if all the
nations of men should bring together into one place their own grievances
against their neighbours, desiring to make a settlement with them, each
people, when they had examined closely the grievances of others against
themselves, would gladly carry away back with them those which they had
brought," judging that they had offended others more than they had
suffered themselves.]
140 (return)
[ {oiketor o en Gele}:
some Editors read by conjecture {oiketor eon Geles}, others {oiketor en
Gele}.]
141 (return)
[ {iropsantai ton
khthonion theon}: cp. vi. 134.]
142 (return)
[ i.e. by direct
inspiration.]
143 (return)
[ {en dorupsoros}: the
MSS. have {os en dorupsoros}. Some Editors mark a lacuna.]
144 (return)
[ {gamorous}, the name
given to the highest class of citizens.]
145 (return)
[ Or, "Killyrians." They
were conquered Sicanians, in the position of the Spartan Helots.]
146 (return)
[ {pakheas}: cp. v. 30.]
147 (return)
[ {gar}: inserted
conjecturally by many Editors.]
148 (return)
[ See v. 46.]
149 (return)
[ {e ke meg oimexeie},
the beginning of a Homeric hexameter, cp. Il. vii. 125.]
150 (return)
[ Or, "since your speech
is so adverse."]
151 (return)
[ See Il. ii. 552.]
152 (return)
[ Some Editors mark this
explanation "Now this is the meaning— year," as interpolated.]
153 (return)
[ {purannida}.]
154 (return)
[ {es meson Kooisi
katatheis ten arkhen}.]
155 (return)
[ {para Samion}: this is
the reading of the best MSS.: others have {meta Samion}, "together with
the Samians," which is adopted by many Editors. There can be little doubt
however that the Skythes mentioned in vi. 23 was the father of this
Cadmos, and we know from Thuc. vi. 4 that the Samians were deprived of the
town soon after they had taken it, by Anaxilaos, who gave it the name of
Messene, and no doubt put Cadmos in possession of it, as the son of the
former king.]
156 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 154.]
157 (return)
[ i.e. 300,000.]
159 (return)
[ The MSS. add either
{os Karkhedonioi}, or {os Karkhedonioi kai Surekosioi}, but the testimony
of the Carthaginians has just been given, {os Phoinikes legousi}, and the
Syracusans professed to be unable to discover anything of him at all. Most
of the Editors omit or alter the words.]
160 (return)
[ {epimemphesthe}: some
Editors have tried corrections, e.g. {ou ti memnesthe}, "do ye not
remember," or {epimemnesthe}, "remember"; but cp. viii. 106, {oste se me
mempsasthai ten... diken}.]
161 (return)
[ {osa umin... Minos
epempse menion dakrumata}. The oracle would seem to have been in iambic
verse.]
162 (return)
[ {parentheke}.]
163 (return)
[ {ou boulomenoi},
apparently equivalent to {me boulemenoi}.]
164 (return)
[ Cp. viii. 111.]
165 (return)
[ i.e. the six
commanders of divisions {morai} in the Spartan army.]
166 (return)
[ {mia}: for this most
MSS. have {ama}. Perhaps the true reading is {ama mia}.]
167 (return)
[ {amaxitos moune}, cp.
ch. 200.]
168 (return)
[ {Khutrous}.]
169 (return)
[ {ton epibateon
autes}.]
170 (return)
[ {emeroskopous}:
perhaps simply "scouts," cp. ch. 219, by which it would seem that they
were at their posts by night also, though naturally they would not see
much except by day.]
171 (return)
[ i.e. "Ant."]
172 (return)
[ {autoi}.]
173 (return)
[ i.e. 241,400.]
174 (return)
[ {epebateuon}.]
175 (return)
[ 36,210.]
176 (return)
[ {o ti pleon en auton e
elasson}. In ch. 97, which is referred to just above, these ships are
stated to have been of many different kinds, and not only fifty-oared
galleys.]
177 (return)
[ 240,000.]
178 (return)
[ 517,610.]
179 (return)
[ 1,700,000: see ch.
60.]
180 (return)
[ 80,000.]
181 (return)
[ 2,317,610.]
182 (return)
[ {dokesin de dei
legein}.]
183 (return)
[ Some MSS. have
{Ainienes} for {Enienes}.]
184 (return)
[ 300,000.]
185 (return)
[ 2,641,610.]
186 (return)
[ {tou makhimou
toutou}.]
187 (return)
[ {akatoisi}.]
188 (return)
[ 5,283,220.]
189 (return)
[ {khoinika}, the usual
daily allowance.]
190 (return)
[ The {medimnos} is
about a bushel and a half, and is equal to 48 {khoinikes}. The reckoning
here of 110,340 {medimnoi} is wrong, owing apparently to the setting down
of some numbers in the quotient which were in fact part of the dividend.]
191 (return)
[ {prokrossai ormeonto
es ponton}: the meaning of {prokrossai} is doubtful, but the introduction
of the word is probably due to a reminiscence of Homer, Il. xiv. 35, where
the ships are described as drawn up in rows one behind the other on shore,
and where {prokrossas} is often explained to mean {klimakedon}, i.e.
either in steps one behind the other owing to the rise of the beach, or in
the arrangement of the quincunx. Probably in this passage the idea
is rather of the prows projecting in rows like battlements {krossai}, and
this is the sense in which the word is used by Herodotus elsewhere (iv.
152). The word {krossai} however is used for the successively rising
stages of the pyramids (ii. 125), and {prokrossos} may mean simply "in a
row," or "one behind the other," which would suit all passages in which it
occurs, and would explain the expression {prokrossoi pheromenoi epi ton
kindunon}, quoted by Athenæus.]
192 (return)
[ {apeliotes}.
Evidently, from its name {Ellespontias} and from its being afterwards
called {Boreas}, it was actually a North-East Wind.]
193 (return)
[ i.e. "Ovens."]
194 (return)
[ {exebrassonto}.]
195 (return)
[ {thesaurous}.]
196 (return)
[ The word {khrusea},
"of gold," is omitted by some Editors.]
197 (return)
[ "in his case also {kai
touton} there was an unpleasing misfortune of the slaying of a child
{paidophonos} which troubled him," i.e. he like others had misfortunes to
temper his prosperity.]
198 (return)
[ {goesi}, (from a
supposed word {goe}): a correction of {geosi}, "by enchanters," which is
retained by Stein. Some read {khoesi}, "with libations," others {boesi},
"with cries."]
199 (return)
[ {aphesein}, whence the
name {Aphetai} was supposed to be derived.]
19901 (return)
[ Or, "had
crucified... having convicted him of the following charge, namely," etc.
Cp. iii. 35 (end).]
200 (return)
[ {tritaios}. According
to the usual meaning of the word the sense should be "on the third day
after" entering Thessaly, but the distance was much greater than a
two-days' march.]
201 (return)
[ i.e. "the Devourer."]
202 (return)
[ {Prutaneiou}, "Hall of
the Magistrates."]
203 (return)
[ {leiton}.]
204 (return)
[ {estellonto}: many
Editors, following inferior MSS., read {eselthontes} and make changes in
the rest of the sentence.]
205 (return)
[ Some MSS. have
{Ainienon} for {Enienon}.]
206 (return)
[ {stadion}.]
207 (return)
[ {diskhilia te gar kai
dismuria plethra tou pediou esti}. If the text is right, the {plethron}
must here be a measure of area. The amount will then be about 5000 acres.]
208 (return)
[ {mekhri Trekhinos},
"up to Trachis," which was the Southern limit.]
209 (return)
[ {to epi tautes tes
epeirou}. I take {to epi tautes} to be an adverbial expression like {tes
eteres} in ch. 36, for I cannot think that the rendering "towards this
continent" is satisfactory.]
210 (return)
[ See v. 45.]
211 (return)
[ {tous katesteotas}.
There is a reference to the body of 300 so called {ippeis} (cp. i. 67),
who were appointed to accompany the king in war; but we must suppose that
on special occasions the king made up this appointed number by selection,
and that in this case those were preferred who had sons to keep up the
family. Others (including Grote) understand {tous katesteotas} to mean
"men of mature age."]
212 (return)
[ {ton Pulagoron}.]
213 (return)
[ {es ten Pulaien}.]
214 (return)
[ An indication that the
historian intended to carry his work further than the year 479.]
215 (return)
[ See ch. 83.]
216 (return)
[ {ek te tosou de
katededekto eousa ouden khreste Melieusi}, i.e. {e esbole}.]
217 (return)
[ {Melampugon}.]
218 (return)
[ Lit. "had set out to
go at first."]
219 (return)
[ Lit. "and afterwards
deserters were they who reported."]
220 (return)
[ {diakrithentes}.]
221 (return)
[ {taute kai mallon te
gnome pleistos eimi}.]
222 (return)
[ i.e. the Persian.]
223 (return)
[ {prin tond eteron dia
panta dasetai}: i.e. either the city or the king.]
224 (return)
[ {mounon Spartieteon}:
some Editors (following Plutarch) read {mounon Spartieteon}, "lay up for
the Spartans glory above all other nations."]
225 (return)
[ {to men gar eruma tou
teikheos ephulasseto, oi de k.t.l.}]
226 (return)
[ i.e. the
Lacedemonians.]
227 (return)
[ {izonto epi ton
kolonon}.]
228 (return)
[ Some Editors insert
{tous} after {e}, "before those who were sent away by Leonidas had
departed."]
229 (return)
[ {remasi}.]
230 (return)
[ {leipopsukheonta}, a
word which refers properly to bodily weakness. It has been proposed to
read {philopsukheonta}, "loving his life," cp. vi. 29.]
231 (return)
[ {algesanta}: some good
MSS. have {alogesanta}, which is adopted by Stein, "had in his
ill-reckoning returned alone."]
232 (return)
[ {tes autes ekhomenou
prophasios}.]
233 (return)
[ {atimien}.]
234 (return)
[ {o tresas}.]
235 (return)
[ Thuc. ii. 2 ff.]
236 (return)
[ {tas diexodous ton
bouleumaton}, cp. iii. 156.]
237 (return)
[ {ton vees k.t.l.}:
some Editors insert {ek} before {ton}, "by which four hundred ships have
suffered shipwreck."]
238 (return)
[ {ta seoutou de
tithemenos eu gnomen ekho}: for {ekho} some inferior MSS. have {ekhe},
which is adopted by several Editors, "Rather set thy affairs in good order
and determine not to consider," etc.]
239 (return)
[ {to pareon troma},
i.e. their defeat.]
240 (return)
[ {kai esti dusmenes te
sige}. Some commentators understand {te sige} to mean "secretly," like
{sige}, viii. 74.]
241 (return)
[ See ch. 220.]
242 (return)
[ Many Editors pronounce
the last chapter to be an interpolation, but perhaps with hardly
sufficient reason.]
1. Those of the Hellenes who had been appointed to serve in the fleet were these:—the Athenians furnished a hundred and twenty-seven ships, and the Plataians moved by valour and zeal for the service, although they had had no practice in seamanship, yet joined with the Athenians in manning their ships. The Corinthians furnished forty ships, the Megarians twenty; the Chalkidians manned twenty ships with which the Athenians furnished them; 1 the Eginetans furnished eighteen ships, the Sikyonians twelve, the Lacedemonians ten, the Epidaurians eight, the Eretrians seven, the Troizenians five, the Styrians two, the Keïans two ships 2 and two fifty-oared galleys, while the Locrians of Opus came also to the assistance of the rest with seven fifty-oared galleys.
2. These were those who joined in the expedition to Artemision, and I have mentioned them according to the number 3 of the ships which they severally supplied: so the number of the ships which were assembled at Artemision was (apart from the fifty-oared galleys) two hundred and seventy-one: and the commander who had the supreme power was furnished by the Spartans, namely Eurybiades son of Eurycleides, since the allies said that they would not follow the lead of the Athenians, but unless a Lacedemonian were leader they would break up the expedition which was to be made:
3, for it had come to be said at first, even before they sent to Sicily to obtain allies, that the fleet ought to be placed in the charge of the Athenians. So as the allies opposed this, the Athenians yielded, having it much at heart that Hellas should be saved, and perceiving that if they should have disagreement with one another about the leadership, Hellas would perish: and herein they judged rightly, for disagreement between those of the same race is worse than war undertaken with one consent by as much as war is worse than peace. Being assured then of this truth, they did not contend, but gave way for so long time as they were urgently in need of the allies; and that this was so their conduct proved; for when, after repelling the Persian from themselves, they were now contending for his land and no longer for their own, they alleged the insolence of Pausanias as a pretext and took away the leadership from the Lacedemonians. This however took place afterwards.
4. But at this time these Hellenes also who had come to Artemision, 4 when they saw that a great number of ships had put in to Aphetai and that everything was filled with their armament, were struck with fear, because the fortunes of the Barbarians had different issue from that which they expected, and they deliberated about retreating from Artemision to the inner parts of Hellas. And the Euboeans perceiving that they were so deliberating, asked Eurybiades to stay there by them for a short time, until they should have removed out of their land their children, and their households; and as they did not persuade him, they went elsewhere and persuaded Themistocles the commander of the Athenians by a payment of thirty talents, the condition being that the fleet should stay and fight the sea-battle in front of Euboea.
5. Themistocles then caused the Hellenes to stay in the following manner:—to Eurybiades he imparted five talents of the sum with the pretence that he was giving it from himself; and when Eurybiades had been persuaded by him to change his resolution, Adeimantos son of Okytos, the Corinthian commander, was the only one of all the others who still made a struggle, saying that he would sail away from Artemision and would not stay with the others: to him therefore Themistocles said with an oath: "Thou at least shalt not leave us, for I will give thee greater gifts than the king of the Medes would send to thee, if thou shouldest desert thy allies." Thus he spoke, and at the same time he sent to the ship of Adeimantos three talents of silver. So these all 5 had been persuaded by gifts to change their resolution, and at the same time the request of the Euboeans had been gratified and Themistocles himself gained money; and it was not known that he had the rest of the money, but those who received a share of this money were fully persuaded that it had come from the Athenian State for this purpose.
6. Thus they remained in Euboea and fought a sea-battle; and it came to pass as follows:—when the Barbarians had arrived at Aphetai about the beginning of the afternoon, having been informed even before they came that a few ships of the Hellenes were stationed about Artemision and now seeing them for themselves, they were eager to attack them, to see if they could capture them. Now they did not think it good yet to sail against them directly for this reason,—for fear namely that the Hellenes, when they saw them sailing against them, should set forth to take flight and darkness should come upon them in their flight; and so they were likely (thought the Persians) 6 to get away; whereas it was right, according to their calculation, that not even the fire-bearer 7 should escape and save his life.
7. With a view to this then they contrived as follows:—of the whole number of their ships they parted off two hundred and sent them round to sail by Caphereus and round Geriastos to the Euripos, going outside Skiathos so that they might not be sighted by the enemy as they sailed round Euboea: and their purpose was that with these coming up by that way, and blocking the enemies' retreat, and themselves advancing against them directly, they might surround them on all sides. Having formed this plan they proceeded to send off the ships which were appointed for this, and they themselves had no design of attacking the Hellenes on that day nor until the signal agreed upon should be displayed to them by those who were sailing round, to show that they had arrived. These ships, I say, they were sending round, and meanwhile they were numbering the rest at Aphetai.
8. During this time, while these were numbering their ships, it happened thus:—there was in that camp a man of Skione named Skyllias, as a diver the best of all the men of that time, who also in the shipwreck which took place by Pelion had saved for the Persians many of their goods and many of them also he had acquired for himself: this Skyllias it appears had had an intention even before this of deserting to the side of the Hellenes, but it had not been possible for him to do so then. In what manner after this attempt he did actually come to the Hellenes, I am not able to say with certainty, but I marvel if the tale is true which is reported; for it is said that he dived into the sea at Aphetai and did not come up till he reached Artemision, having traversed here somewhere about eighty furlongs through the sea. Now there are told about this man several other tales which seem likely to be false, but some also which are true: about this matter however let it be stated as my opinion that he came to Artemision in a boat. Then when he had come, he forthwith informed the commanders about the shipwreck, how it had come to pass, and of the ships which had been sent away to go round Euboea.
9. Hearing this the Hellenes considered the matter with one another; and after many things had been spoken, the prevailing opinion was that they should remain there that day and encamp on shore, and then, when midnight was past, they should set forth and go to meet those ships which were sailing round. After this however, as no one sailed out to attack them, they waited for the coming of the late hours of the afternoon and sailed out themselves to attack the Barbarians, desiring to make a trial both of their manner of fighting and of the trick of breaking their line. 8
10. And seeing them sailing thus against them with few ships, not only the others in the army of Xerxes but also their commanders judged them to be moved by mere madness, and they themselves also put out their ships to sea, supposing that they would easily capture them: and their expectation was reasonable enough, since they saw that the ships of the Hellenes were few, while theirs were many times as numerous and sailed better. Setting their mind then on this, they came round and enclosed them in the middle. Then so many of the Ionians as were kindly disposed to the Hellenes and were serving in the expedition against their will, counted it a matter of great grief to themselves when they saw them being surrounded and felt assured that not one of them would return home, so feeble did they think the power of the Hellenes to be; while those to whom that which was happening was a source of pleasure, were vying with one another, each one endeavouring to be the first to take an Athenian ship and receive gifts from the king: for in their camps there was more report of the Athenians than of any others.
11. The Hellenes meanwhile, when the signal was given, first set themselves with prows facing the Barbarians and drew the sterns of their ships together in the middle; and when the signal was given a second time, although shut off in a small space and prow against prow, 9 they set to work vigorously; and they captured thirty ships of the Barbarians and also Philaon the son of Chersis, the brother of Gorgos kind of the Salaminians, who was a man of great repute in the army. Now the first of the Hellenes who captured a ship of the enemy was an Athenian, Lycomedes the son of Aischraios, and he received the prize for valour. So these, as they were contending in this sea-fight with doubtful result, were parted from one another by the coming on of night. The Hellenes accordingly sailed away to Artemision and the Barbarians to Aphetai, the contest having been widely different from their expectation. In this sea-fight Antidoros of Lemnos alone of the Hellenes who were with the king deserted to the side of the Hellenes, and the Athenians on account of this deed gave him a piece of land in Salamis.
12. When the darkness had come on, although the season was the middle of summer, yet there came on very abundant rain, which lasted through the whole of the night, with crashing thunder 10 from Mount Pelion; and the dead bodies and pieces of wreck were cast up at Aphetai and became entangled round the prows of the ships and struck against the blades of the oars: and the men of the army who were there, hearing these things became afraid, expecting that they would certainly perish, to such troubles had they come; for before they had had even breathing space after the shipwreck and the storm which had arisen off Mount Pelion, there had come upon them a hard sea-fight, and after the sea-fight a violent storm of rain and strong streams rushing to the sea and crashing thunder.