141. Thus spoke Alexander; and the Lacedemonians having been informed that Alexander had come to Athens to bring the Athenians to make a treaty with the Barbarians, and remembering the oracles, who it was destined that they together with the other Dorians should be driven forth out of the Peloponnese by the Medes and the Athenians combined, had been very greatly afraid lest the Athenians should make a treaty with the Persians; and forthwith they had resolved to send envoys. It happened moreover that they were introduced at the same time with Alexander; 112 for the Athenians had waited for them, protracting the time, because they were well assured that the Lacedemonians would hear that an envoy had come from the Barbarians to make a treaty, and that having heard it they would themselves send envoys with all speed. They acted therefore of set purpose, so as to let the Lacedemonians see their inclination.
142. So when Alexander had ceased speaking, the envoys from Sparta followed him forthwith and said: "As for us, the Lacedemonians sent us to ask of you not to make any change in that which concerns Hellas, nor to accept proposals from the Barbarian; since this is not just in any way nor honourable for any of the Hellenes to do, but least of all for you, and that for many reasons. Ye were they who stirred up this war, when we by no means willed it; and the contest came about for your dominion, but now it extends even to the whole of Hellas. Besides this it is by no means to be endured that ye Athenians, who are the authors of all this, should prove to be the cause of slavery to the Hellenes, seeing that ye ever from ancient time also have been known as the liberators of many. We feel sympathy however with you for your sufferings and because ye were deprived of your crops twice and have had your substance ruined now for a long time. In compensation for this the Lacedemonians and their allies make offer to support your wives and all those of your households who are unfitted for war, so long as this war shall last: but let not Alexander the Macedonian persuade you, making smooth the speech of Mardonios; for these things are fitting for him to do, since being himself a despot he is working in league with a despot: for you however they are not fitting to do, if ye chance to be rightly minded; for ye know that in Barbarians there is neither faith nor truth at all."
Thus spoke the envoys:
143, and to Alexander the Athenians made answer thus: "Even of ourselves we know so much, that the Mede has a power many times as numerous as ours; so that there is no need for thee to cast this up against us. Nevertheless because we long for liberty we shall defend ourselves as we may be able: and do not thou endeavour to persuade us to make a treaty with the Barbarian, for we on our part shall not be persuaded. And now report to Mardonios that the Athenians say thus:—So long as the Sun goes on the same course by which he goes now, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes; but we will go forth to defend ourselves 113 against him, trusting in the gods and the heroes as allies, for whom he had no respect when he set fire to their houses and to their sacred images. And in the future do not thou appear before the Athenians with any such proposals as these, nor think that thou art rendering them good service in advising them to do that which is not lawful; for we do not desire that thou shouldest suffer anything unpleasant at the hands of the Athenians, who art their public guest and friend."
144. To Alexander they thus made answer, but to the envoys from Sparta as follows: "That the Lacedemonians should be afraid lest we should make a treaty with the Barbarian was natural no doubt; 114 but it seems to be an unworthy fear for men who know so well the spirit of the Athenians, namely that there is neither so great quantity of gold anywhere upon the earth, nor any land so much excelling in beauty and goodness, that we should be willing to accept it and enslave Hellas by taking the side of the Medes. For many and great are the reasons which hinder us from doing this, even though we should desire it; first and greatest the images and houses of the gods set on fire or reduced to ruin, which we must necessarily avenge to the very utmost rather than make an agreement with him who did these deeds; then secondly there is the bond of Hellenic race, by which we are of one blood and of one speech, the common temples of the gods and the common sacrifices, the manners of life which are the same for all; to these it would not be well that the Athenians should become traitors. And be assured of this, if by any chance ye were not assured of it before, that so long as one of the Athenians remains alive, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes. We admire however the forethought which ye had with regard to us, in that ye took thought for us who have had our substance destroyed, and are willing to support the members of our households; and so far as ye are concerned, the kindness has been fully performed: but we shall continue to endure as we may, and not be a trouble in any way to you. Now therefore, with full conviction this is so, send out an army as speedily as ye may: for, as we conjecture, the Barbarian will be here invading our land at no far distant time but so soon as he shall be informed of the message sent, namely that we shall do none of those things which he desired of us. Therefore before he arrives here in Attica, it is fitting that ye come to our rescue quickly in Boeotia." Thus the Athenians made answer, and upon that the envoys went away back to Sparta.
1 (return)
[ See v. 77.]
2 (return)
[ i.e. triremes.]
3 (return)
[ {os to plethos ekastoi ton
neon pareikhonto}: some read by conjecture {oson to plethos k.t.l.}]
4 (return)
[ Perhaps "also" refers to
the case of those who had come to Thermopylai, cp. vii. 207: Others
translate, "these Hellenes who had come after all to Artemision,"
i.e. after all the doubt and delay.]
5 (return)
[ {pantes}: some MSS. have
{plegentes}, which is adopted by most Editors, "smitten by bribes."]
6 (return)
[ {dethen}, with ironical
sense.]
7 (return)
[ {mede purphoron}: the
{purphoros} had charge of the fire brought for sacrifices from the altar
of Zeus Agetor at Sparta, and ordinarily his person would be regarded as
sacred; hence the proverb {oude purphoros esothe}, used of an utter
defeat.]
8 (return)
[ {tou diekploou}.]
9 (return)
[ {kata stoma}.]
10 (return)
[ {sklerai brontai}: the
adjective means "harsh-sounding."]
11 (return)
[ {akhari}.]
12 (return)
[ {ta Koila tes Euboies}.]
13 (return)
[ "having been roughly
handled."]
14 (return)
[ {epi ten thalassan
tauten}: some MSS. read {taute} for {tauten}, which is to be taken with
{sullexas}, "he assembled the generals there."]
15 (return)
[ {peripetea epoiesanto
sphisi autoisi ta pregmata}.]
16 (return)
[ {paleseie}, a word which
does not occur elsewhere, and is explained by Hesychius as equivalent to
{diaphtharein}. Various emendations have been proposed, and Valla seems to
have had the reading {apelaseie}, for he says discessisset. Stein
explains {paleseie} (as from {pale}) "should contend."]
17 (return)
[ Some suppose the number
"four thousand" is interpolated by misunderstanding of the inscription in
vii. 228; and it seems hardly possible that the dead were so many as four
thousand, unless at least half were Helots.]
18 (return)
[ Some MSS. have
"Tritantaichmes," which is adopted by many Editors.]
19 (return)
[ {neou}.]
20 (return)
[ {os anarpasomenoi tous
Phokeas}: cp. ix. 60.]
21 (return)
[ {podeon steinos}, like
the neck of a wineskin; cp. ii. 121, note [Footnote 102.]
22 (return)
[ {tou propheten}, the
interpreter of the utterances of the {promantis}.]
23 (return)
[ {neou}.]
24 (return)
[ {megarou}.]
25 (return)
[ i.e. of Athene Polias,
the Erechtheion; so throughout this account.]
26 (return)
[ {sunerree}, "kept
flowing together."]
2601 (return)
[ Or, "Hermione."]
27 (return)
[ See i. 56.]
28 (return)
[ See ch. 31.]
29 (return)
[ {pros pantas tous
allous}, "in comparison with all the rest," cp. iii. 94.]
30 (return)
[ {stratarkheo}: a vague
expression, because being introduced after Kecrops he could not have the
title of king.]
31 (return)
[ The number obtained by
adding up the separate contingents is 366. Many Editors suppose that the
ships with which the Eginetans were guarding their own coast (ch. 46) are
counted here, and quote the authority of Pausanias for the statement that
the Eginetans supplied more ships than any others except the Athenians.
Stein suggests the insertion of the number twelve in ch. 46.]
3101 (return)
[ Or, "Thespeia."]
32 (return)
[ i.e. "Areopagus."]
33 (return)
[ i.e. the North side.]
34 (return)
[ {megaron}.]
35 (return)
[ {neos}.]
36 (return)
[ {pollos en en tois
logois}: cp. ix. 91.]
37 (return)
[ See vii. 141-143.]
38 (return)
[ {autothen ik
Salaminos}.]
39 (return)
[ {te Metri kai te Koure},
Demeter and Persephone.]
40 (return)
[ {te anakrisi}: cp.
{anakrinomenous}, ix. 56: Some Editors, following inferior MSS., read {te
krisi}, "at the judgment expressed."]
41 (return)
[ {muriadon}, "ten
thousands."]
42 (return)
[ Or, "Hermione."]
43 (return)
[ {oi perioikoi}: some
Editors omit the article and translate "and these are the so-called
Orneates or dwellers round (Argos)," Orneates being a name for the
{perioikoi} of Argos, derived from the conquered city of Orneai.]
44 (return)
[ {elpidi mainomene},
"with a mad hope."]
45 (return)
[ {krateron Koron Ubrios
uion}.]
46 (return)
[ {dokeunt ana panta
tithesthai}: the MSS. have also {pithesthai}. Possibly {tithesthai} might
stand, though {anatithesthai} is not found elsewhere in this sense. Stein
adopts in his last edition the conjecture {piesthai}, "swallow up."]
47 (return)
[ {Kronides}.]
48 (return)
[ {potnia Nike}.]
49 (return)
[ i.e. about rivalry.]
50 (return)
[ {ton epibateon}.]
51 (return)
[ Many Editors reading
{osa de} and {parainesas de}, make the stop after {antitithemena}: "and in
all that is produced in the nature and constitution of man he exhorted
them to choose the better."]
52 (return)
[ {o daimonioi}, "strange
men."]
53 (return)
[ See ch. 22.]
54 (return)
[ {pros de eti kai
proselabeto}: the MSS. have {prosebaleto}. Most Editors translate,
"Moreover Ariamnes... contributed to the fate of the Phenicians, being a
friend (of the Ionians);" but this does not seem possible unless we read
{philos eon Iosi} (or {Ionon}). Valla translates nearly as I have done.
(It does not appear that {prosballesthai} is found elsewhere in the sense
of {sumballesthai}.)]
55 (return)
[ i.e. they who were
commanded to execute them.]
56 (return)
[ See vii. 179, 181.]
57 (return)
[ See vi. 49, etc., and
73.]
58 (return)
[ {keleta}.]
59 (return)
[ {sumballontai}: the
Athenians apparently are spoken of, for they alone believed the story.]
60 (return)
[ {apoplesai}: this is the
reading of the MSS.; but many Editors adopt corrections ({apoplesthai} or
{apoplesthenai}). The subject to {apoplesai} is to be found in the
preceding sentence and the connexion with {ton te allon panta k.t.l.} is a
loose one. This in fact is added as an afterthought, the idea being
originally to call attention simply to the fulfilment of the oracle of
Lysistratos.]
61 (return)
[ {phruxousi}: a
conjectural emendation, adopted by most Editors, of {phrixousi}, "will
shudder (at the sight of oars)."]
62 (return)
[ {kat allon kai allon}:
the MSS. have {kat allon}, but Valla's rendering is "alium atque alium."]
63 (return)
[ {uper megalon
aiorethenta}.]
64 (return)
[ i.e. 300,000.]
65 (return)
[ {os ek kakon}: some
translate, "thinking that he had escaped from his troubles."]
66 (return)
[ {toisi epikletoisi}, cp.
vii. 8 and ix. 42.]
67 (return)
[ i.e. Asia, as opposed to
"these parts."]
68 (return)
[ Stein would take {peri
oikon ton son} with {oudemia sumphore}, but the order of words is against
this.]
69 (return)
[ {pollous pollakis agonas
drameontai peri spheon auton}.]
70 (return)
[ See i. 175: The manner
of the repetition and some points in the diction raise suspicion that the
passage is interpolated here; and so it is held to be by most Editors. In
i. 175 we find {tris} instead of {dis}.]
71 (return)
[ {upegagon}, cp. vi. 72,
with the idea of bringing before a court for punishment, not "by underhand
means," as it is understood by Larcher and Bähr.]
72 (return)
[ "vengeance and
Hermotimos."]
73 (return)
[ {spheis... ergasaiato}:
the MSS. read {sphi} (one {spheas}) and {ergasaito}, and this is retained
by some Editors.]
74 (return)
[ "taken."]
75 (return)
[ {metabalon}: others
translate, "he turned from them to the Athenians"; but cp. vii. 52: The
words {pros tous Athenaious} are resumed by {sphi} with {elege}.]
76 (return)
[ {kai epi spheon auton
balomenoi}, "even at their own venture," cp. iii. 71.]
77 (return)
[ {ta idia}, "things
belonging to private persons."]
78 (return)
[ {sophos}.]
79 (return)
[ {geopeinas}, "poor in
land."]
80 (return)
[ It seems necessary to
insert {an} with {einai}. For the sentiment cp. vii. 172.]
81 (return)
[ {khreomenos toisi kai
pros basilea ekhresato}. This is the reading of the best MSS.: the rest
have {khreomenos logoisi toisi kai pros Andrious ekhresato}, "using the
same language as he had before used to the Andrians."]
82 (return)
[ {kai ten allen ippon}:
some MSS. omit {allen}.]
83 (return)
[ {ola}, i.e. not the
whole number of them, but great masses without individual selection.]
84 (return)
[ {ouden meros os
eipein}.]
85 (return)
[ {anemon Strumonien},
"the wind called Strymonias."]
86 (return)
[ {ta akrothinia}, i.e.
the tithe.]
87 (return)
[ i.e. the corner of the
entrance-hall, {epi tou proneiou tes gonies}, i. 51.]
88 (return)
[ {dienemon}: some
understand this to mean "distributed the voting tablets," and some MSS.
read {dienemonto}, "distributed among themselves," which is adopted by
many Editors.]
89 (return)
[ {sophotatos}.]
90 (return)
[ See i. 67.]
91 (return)
[ A small island near
Attica, taken here as the type of insignificance. To suppose that
Timodemos was connected with it is quite unnecessary. The story in
Plutarch about the Seriphian is different.]
92 (return)
[ i.e. 60,000.]
93 (return)
[ {katesphaxe}, "cut their
throats."]
94 (return)
[ {para tas gluphidas}:
some Editors read {peri tas gluphidas} on the authority of Æneas Tacticus.
The {gluphides} are probably notches which give a hold for the fingers as
they draw back the string.]
95 (return)
[ {kataplexai}, "strike
down" by the charge.]
96 (return)
[ The way was shut against
them ordinarily by the town of Potidaia, which occupied the isthmus.]
97 (return)
[ i.e. most of those who
before served as {epibatai} (vii. 96) continued to serve still. The
sentence is usually translated, "of those who served as fighting-men in
them the greater number were Persians or Medes," and this may be right.]
98 (return)
[ The MSS. have "Charilos"
or "Charillos."]
99 (return)
[ Some Editors read
"Eurypon," which is the form found elsewhere.]
100 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 204.]
101 (return)
[ {duon}. It seems
certain that the number required here is seven and not two, and the
emendation {epta} for {duon} ({z} for {b}) is approved by several
Editors.]
102 (return)
[ {khresomenon}: the
best MSS. read {khresamenon}, which is retained by Stein, with the meaning
"charging him to consult the Oracles everywhere... and then return."]
103 (return)
[ i.e. Mardonios and the
Persians.]
104 (return)
[ i.e. Theban citizens.]
105 (return)
[ {promantin}: he is
afterwards called {prophetes}.]
106 (return)
[ Cp. v. 21.]
107 (return)
[ Some Editors would
read "Alabastra." Alabanda was a Carian town.]
108 (return)
[ Counting Alexander
himself as one.]
109 (return)
[ {esan gar}: this is
the reading of the best MSS.: others have {esan de}. Stein (reading {esan
gar}) places this clause after the next, "The wife of the king herself
baked their bread, for in ancient times, etc." This transposition is
unnecessary; for it would be easy to understand it as a comment on the
statement that three members of the royal house of Argos became
farm-servants.]
110 (return)
[ {ai turannides ton
anthropon}.]
111 (return)
[ {exaireton metaikhmion
te ten gun ektemenon}: there are variations of reading and punctuation in
the MSS.]
112 (return)
[ {sunepipte oste omou
spheon ginesthai ten katastasin}, i.e. their introduction before the
assembly, cp. iii. 46.]
113 (return)
[ {epeximen amunomenoi},
which possibly might be translated, "we will continue to defend
ourselves."]
114 (return)
[ {karta anthropeion}.]
1. Mardonios, when Alexander had returned back and had signified to him that which was said by the Athenians, set forth from Thessaly and began to lead his army with all diligence towards Athens: and to whatever land he came, he took up with him the people of that land. The leaders of Thessaly meanwhile did not repent of all that which had been done already, but on the contrary they urged on the Persian yet much more; and Thorax of Larissa had joined in escorting Xerxes in his flight and at this time he openly offered Mardonios passage to invade Hellas..
2. Then when the army in its march came to Boeotia, the Thebans endeavoured to detain Mardonios, and counselled him saying that there was no region more convenient for him to have his encampment than that; and they urged him not to advance further, but to sit down there and endeavour to subdue to himself the whole of Hellas without fighting: for to overcome the Hellenes by open force when they were united, as at the former time they were of one accord together, 1 was a difficult task even for the whole world combined, "but," they proceeded, "if thou wilt do that which we advise, with little labour thou wilt have in thy power all their plans of resistance. 2 Send money to the men who have power in their cities, and thus sending thou wilt divide Hellas into two parties: after that thou wilt with ease subdue by the help of thy party those who are not inclined to thy side.".
3. Thus they advised, but he did not follow their counsel; for there had instilled itself into him a great desire to take Athens for the second time, partly from obstinacy 3 and partly because he meant to signify to the king in Sardis that he was in possession of Athens by beacon-fires through the islands. However he did not even at this time find the Athenians there when he came to Attica; but he was informed that the greater number were either in Salamis or in the ships, and he captured the city finding it deserted. Now the capture of the city by the king had taken place ten months before the later expedition of Mardonios against it.
4. When Mardonios had come to Athens, he sent to Salamis Morychides a man of the Hellespont, bearing the same proposals as Alexander the Macedonian had brought over to the Athenians. These he sent for the second time, being aware beforehand that the dispositions of the Athenians were not friendly, but hoping that they would give way and leave their obstinacy, since the Attic land had been captured by the enemy and was in his power..
5. For this reason he sent Morychides to Salamis; and he came before the Council 4 and reported the words of Mardonios. Then one of the Councillors, Lykidas, expressed the opinion that it was better to receive the proposal which Morychides brought before them and refer it to the assembly of the people. 5 He, I say, uttered this opinion, whether because he had received money from Mardonios, or because this was his own inclination: however the Athenians forthwith, both those of the Council and those outside, when they heard of it, were very indignant, and they came about Lykidas and stoned him to death; but the Hellespontian Morychides they dismissed unhurt. Then when there had arisen much uproar in Salamis about Lykidas, the women of the Athenians heard of that which was being done, and one woman passing the word to another and one taking another with her, they went of their own accord to the house of Lykidas and stoned his wife and his children to death.
6. The Athenians had passed over to Salamis as follows:—So long as they were looking that an army should come from the Peloponnese to help them, they remained in Attica; but as those in Peloponnesus acted very slowly and with much delay, while the invader was said to be already in Boeotia, they accordingly removed everything out of danger, and themselves passed over to Salamis; and at the same time they sent envoys to Lacedemon to reproach the Lacedemonians for having permitted the Barbarian to invade Attica and for not having gone to Boeotia to meet him in company with them, and also to remind them how many things the Persian had promised to give the Athenians if they changed sides; bidding the envoys warn them that if they did not help the Athenians, the Athenians would find some shelter 6 for themselves..
7. For the Lacedemonians in fact were keeping a feast during this time, and celebrating the Hyakinthia; and they held it of the greatest consequence to provide for the things which concerned the god, while at the same time their wall which they had been building at the Isthmus was just at this moment being completed with battlements. And when the envoys from the Athenians came to Lacedemon, bringing with them also envoys from Megara and Plataia, they came in before the Ephors and said as follows: "The Athenians sent us saying that the king of the Medes not only offers to give us back our land, but also desires to make us his allies on fair and equal terms without deceit or treachery, 7 and is desirous moreover to give us another land in addition to our own, whichsoever we shall ourselves choose. We however, having respect for Zeus of the Hellenes and disdaining to be traitors to Hellas, did not agree but refused, although we were unjustly dealt with by the other Hellenes and left to destruction, and although we knew that it was more profitable to make a treaty with the Persian than to carry on war: nor shall we make a treaty at any future time, if we have our own will. Thus sincerely is our duty done towards the Hellenes: 8 but as for you, after having come then to great dread lest we should make a treaty with the Persian, so soon as ye learnt certainly what our spirit was, namely that we should never betray Hellas, and because your wall across the Isthmus is all but finished, now ye make no account of the Athenians, but having agreed with us to come to Boeotia to oppose the Persian, ye have now deserted us, and ye permitted the Barbarian moreover to make invasion of Attica. For the present then the Athenians have anger against you, for ye did not do as was fitting to be done: and now they bid 9 you with all speed send out an army together with us, in order that we may receive the Barbarian in the land of Attica; for since we failed of Boeotia, the most suitable place to fight in our land is the Thriasian plain.".
8. When the Ephors heard this they deferred their reply to the next day, and then on the next day to the succeeding one; and this they did even for ten days, deferring the matter from day to day, while during this time the whole body of the Peloponnesians were building the wall over the Isthmus with great diligence and were just about to complete it. Now I am not able to say why, when Alexander the Macedonian had come to Athens, they were so very anxious lest the Athenians should take the side of the Medes, whereas now they had no care about it, except indeed that their wall over the Isthmus had now been built, and they thought they had no need of the Athenians any more; whereas when Alexander came to Attica the wall had not yet been completed, but they were working at it in great dread of the Persians..
9. At last however the answer was given and the going forth of the Spartans took place in the following manner:—on the day before that which was appointed for the last hearing of the envoys, Chileos a man of Tegea, who of all strangers had most influence in Lacedemon, heard from the Ephors all that which the Athenians were saying; and he, it seems, said to them these words: "Thus the matter stands, Ephors:—if the Athenians are not friendly with us but are allies of the Barbarian, then though a strong wall may have been built across the Isthmus, yet a wide door has been opened for the Persian into Peloponnesus. Listen to their request, however, before the Athenians resolve upon something else tending to the fall of Hellas.".
10. Thus he counselled them, and they forthwith took his words to heart; and saying nothing to the envoys who had come from the cities, while yet it was night they sent out five thousand Spartans, with no less than seven of the Helots set to attend upon each man of them, 901 appointing Pausanias the son of Cleombrotos to lead them forth. Now the leadership belonged to Pleistarchos the son of Leonidas; but he was yet a boy, and the other was his guardian and cousin: for Cleombrotos, the father of Pausanias and son of Anaxandrides, was no longer alive, but when he had led home from the Isthmus the army which had built the wall, no long time after this he died. Now the reason why Cleombrotos led home the army from the Isthmus was this:—as he was offering sacrifice for fighting against the Persian, the sun was darkened in the heaven. And Pausanias chose as commander in addition to himself Euryanax the son of Dorieos, a man of the same house..
11. So Pausanias with his army had gone forth out of Sparta; and the envoys, when day had come, not knowing anything of this going forth, came in before the Ephors meaning to depart also, each to his own State: and when they had come in before them they said these words: "Ye, O Lacedemonians, are remaining here and celebrating this Hyakinthia and disporting yourselves, having left your allies to destruction; and the Athenians being wronged by you and for want of allies will make peace with the Persians on such terms as they can: and having made peace, evidently we become allies of the king, and therefore we shall join with him in expeditions against any land to which the Persians may lead us; and ye will learn then what shall be the issue for you of this matter." When the envoys spoke these words, the Ephors said and confirmed it with an oath, that they supposed by this time the men were at Orestheion on their way against the strangers: for they used to call the Barbarians "strangers." 10 So they, not knowing of the matter, asked the meaning of these words, and asking they learnt all the truth; so that they were struck with amazement and set forth as quickly as possible in pursuit; and together with them five thousand chosen hoplites of the Lacedemonian "dwellers in the country round" 11 did the same thing also.
12. They then, I say, were hastening towards the Isthmus; and the Argives so soon as they heard that Pausanias with his army had gone forth from Sparta, sent as a herald to Attica the best whom they could find of the long-distance runners, 12 because they had before of their own motion engaged for Mardonios that they would stop the Spartans from going forth: and the herald when he came to Athens spoke as follows: "Mardonios, the Argives sent me to tell thee that the young men have gone forth from Lacedemon, and that the Argives are not able to stop them from going forth: with regard to this therefore may it be thy fortune to take measures well." 13.
13. He having spoken thus departed and went back; and Mardonios was by no means anxious any more to remain in Attica when he heard this message. Before he was informed of this he had been waiting, because he desired to know the news from the Athenians as to what they were about to do; and he had not been injuring or laying waste the land of Attica, because he hoped always that they would make a treaty with him; but as he did not persuade them, being now informed of everything he began to retire out of the country before the force of Pausanias arrived at the Isthmus, having first set fire to Athens and cast down and destroyed whatever was left standing of the walls, houses or temples. Now he marched away for this cause, namely first because Attica was not a land where horsemen could act freely, and also because, if he should be defeated in a battle in Attica, there was no way of retreat except by a narrow pass, so that a few men could stop them. He intended therefore to retreat to Thebes, and engage battle near to a friendly city and to a country where horsemen could act freely.
14. Mardonios then was retiring out of the way, and when he was already upon a road a message came to him saying that another body of troops in advance of the rest 14 had come to Megara, consisting of a thousand Lacedemonians. Being thus informed he took counsel with himself, desiring if possible first to capture these. Therefore he turned back and proceeded to lead his army towards Megara, and the cavalry going in advance of the rest overran the Megaran land: this was the furthest land in Europe towards the sun-setting to which this Persian army came..
15. After this a message came to Mardonios that the Hellenes were assembled at the Isthmus; therefore he marched back by Dekeleia, for the chiefs of Boeotia 15 had sent for those of the Asopians who dwelt near the line of march, and these were his guides along the road to Sphendaleis and thence to Tanagra. So having encamped for the night at Tanagra and on the next day having directed his march to Scolos, he was within the land of the Thebans. Then he proceeded to cut down the trees in the lands of the Thebans, although they were on the side of the Medes, moved not at all by enmity to them, but pressed by urgent necessity both to make a defence for his camp, and also he was making it for a refuge, in case that when he engaged battle things should not turn out for him as he desired. Now the encampment of his army extended from Erythrai along by Hysiai and reached the river Asopos: he was not however making the wall to extend so far as this, but with each face measuring somewhere about ten furlongs. 16
16. While the Barbarians were engaged upon this work, Attaginos the son of Phyrnon, a Theban, having made magnificent preparations invited to an entertainment Mardonios himself and fifty of the Persians who were of most account; and these being invited came; and the dinner was given at Thebes. Now this which follows I heard from Thersander, an Orchomenian and a man of very high repute in Orchomenos. This Thersander said that he too was invited by Attaginos to this dinner, and there were invited also fifty men of the Thebans, and their host did not place them to recline 17 separately each nation by themselves, but a Persian and a Theban upon every couch. Then when dinner was over, as they were drinking pledges to one another, 18 the Persian who shared a couch with him speaking in the Hellenic tongue asked him of what place he was, and he answered that he was of Orchomenos. The other said: "Since now thou hast become my table-companion and the sharer of my libation, I desire to leave behind with thee a memorial of my opinion, in order that thou thyself also mayest know beforehand and be able to take such counsels for thyself as may be profitable. Dost thou see these Persians who are feasting here, and the army which we left behind encamped upon the river? Of all these, when a little time has gone by, thou shalt see but very few surviving." While the Persian said these words he shed many tears, as Thersander reported; and he marvelling at his speech said to him: "Surely then it is right to tell Mardonios and to those of the Persians who after him are held in regard." He upon this said: "Friend, that which is destined to come from God, it is impossible for a man to avert; for no man is willing to follow counsel, even when one speaks that which is reasonable. And these things which I say many of us Persians know well; yet we go with the rest being bound in the bonds of necessity: and the most hateful grief of all human griefs is this, to have knowledge of the truth but no power over the event." 19 These things I heard from Thersander of Orchomenos, and in addition to them this also, namely that he told them to various persons forthwith, before the battle took place at Plataia.
17. Mardonios then being encamped in Boeotia, the rest of the Hellenes who lived in these parts and took the side of the Medes were all supplying troops and had joined in the invasion of Attica, but the Phokians alone had not joined in the invasion,—the Phokians, I say, for these too were now actively 20 taking the side of the Medes, not of their own will however, but by compulsion. Not many days however after the arrival of Mardonios at Thebes, there came of them a thousand hoplites, and their leader was Harmokydes, the man who was of most repute among their citizens. When these too came to Thebes, Mardonios sent horsemen and bade the Phokians take up their position by themselves in the plain. After they had so done, forthwith the whole cavalry appeared; and upon this there went a rumour 21 through the army of Hellenes which was with the Medes that the cavalry was about to shoot them down with javelins, and this same report went through the Phokians themselves also. Then their commander Harmokydes exhorted them, speaking as follows: "Phokians, it is manifest that these men are meaning to deliver us to a death which we may plainly foresee, 22 because we have been falsely accused by the Thessalians, as I conjecture: now therefore it is right that every one of you prove himself a good man; for it is better to bring our lives to an end doing deeds of valour and defending ourselves, than to be destroyed by a dishonourable death offering ourselves for the slaughter. Let each man of them learn that they are Barbarians and that we, against whom they contrived murder, are Hellenes.".
18. While he was thus exhorting them, the horsemen having encompassed them round were riding towards them as if to destroy them; and they were already aiming their missiles as if about to discharge them, nay some perhaps did discharge them: and meanwhile the Phokians stood facing them gathered together and with their ranks closed as much as possible every way. Then the horsemen turned and rode away back. Now I am not able to say for certain whether they came to destroy the Phokians at the request of the Thessalians, and then when they saw them turn to defence they feared lest they also might suffer some loss, and therefore rode away back, for so Mardonios had commanded them; or whether on the other hand he desired to make trial of them and to see if they had in them any warlike spirit. Then, when the horsemen had ridden away back, Mardonios sent a herald and spoke to them as follows: "Be of good courage, Phokians, for ye proved yourselves good men, and not as I was informed. Now therefore carry on this way with zeal, for ye will not surpass in benefits either myself or the king." Thus far it happened as regards the Phokians.
19. When the Lacedemonians came to the Isthmus they encamped upon it, and hearing this the rest of the Peloponnesians who favoured the better cause, and some also because they saw the Spartans going out, did not think it right to be behind the Lacedemonians in their going forth. So from the Isthmus, when the sacrifices had proved favourable, they marched all together and came to Eleusis; and having performed sacrifices there also, when the signs were favourable they marched onwards, and the Athenians together with them, who had passed over from Salamis and had joined them at Eleusis. And then they had come to Erythrai in Boeotia, then they learnt that the Barbarians were encamping on the Asopos, and having perceived this they ranged themselves over against them on the lower slopes of Kithairon..
20. Then Mardonios, as the Hellenes did not descend into the plain, sent towards them all his cavalry, of which the commander was Masistios (by the Hellenes called Makistios), a man of reputation among the Persians, who had a Nesaian horse with a bridle of gold and in other respects finely caparisoned. So when the horsemen had ridden up to the Hellenes they attacked them by squadrons, and attacking 23 they did them much mischief, and moreover in contempt they called them women..
21. Now it happened by chance that the Megarians were posted in the place which was the most assailable of the whole position and to which the cavalry could best approach: so as the cavalry were making their attacks, the Megarians being hard pressed sent a herald to the commanders of the Hellenes, and the herald having come spoke these words: "The Megarians say:—we, O allies, are not able by ourselves to sustain the attacks of the Persian cavalry, keeping this position where we took post at the first; nay, even hitherto by endurance and valour alone have we held out against them, hard pressed as we are: and now unless ye shall send some others to take up our position in succession to us, know that we shall leave the position in which we now are." The herald brought report to them thus; and upon this Pausanias made trial of the Hellenes, whether any others would voluntarily offer to go to this place and post themselves there in succession to the Megarians: and when the rest were not desirous to go, the Athenians undertook the task, and of the Athenians those three hundred picked men of whom Olympidoros the son of Lampon was captain.
22. These they were who undertook the task and were posted at Erythrai in advance of the other Hellenes who ere there present, having chosen to go with them the bow-men also. For some time then they fought, and at last an end was set to the fighting in the following manner:—while the cavalry was attacking by squadrons, the horse of Masistios, going in advance of the rest, was struck in the side by an arrow, and feeling pain he reared upright and threw Masistios off; and when he had fallen, the Athenians forthwith pressed upon him; and his horse they took and himself, as he made resistance, they slew, though at first they could not, for his equipment was of this kind,—he wore a cuirass of gold scales underneath, and over the cuirass he had put on a crimson tunic. So as they struck upon the cuirass they could effect nothing, until some one, perceiving what the matter was, thrust into his eye. Then at length he fell and died; and by some means the other men of the cavalry had not observed this take place, for they neither saw him when he had fallen from his horse nor when he was being slain, and while the retreat and the turn 24 were being made, they did not perceive that which was happening; but when they had stopped their horses, then at once they missed him, since there was no one to command them; and when they perceived what had happened, they passed the word to one another and all rode together, that they might if possible recover the body..