[IV-61] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 251. Brasseur has no difficulty in interpreting this tale to indicate an earthquake.

[IV-62] See vol. iii., pp. 245-8.

[IV-63] Vol. iii., p. 247. The other details, like the interview with the Tlalocs, are from the Codex Chimalpopoca.

[IV-64] Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 207-8, 329-30; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 280, et seq. Dates, 1097, et seq. Veytia. 984, et seq. Ixtlilxochitl. There is no agreement about the duration of the plagues. They seem, however, to have been continuous for at least five years.

[IV-65] Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 207, 329, 393, 460. This author's dates are 937 and 882. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 271-4. Date 1091. Date according to Clavigero, 1031. Codex Chimalpopoca, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 370-5; Maxtlatzin is called the prince of Xochimilco. According to the Mem. de Culhuacan, in Id., Huemac died at this time.

[IV-66] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 254.

[IV-67] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 282-7; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 329-31; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 376-85.

[IV-68] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 385-93. Veytia and Ixtlilxochitl are occasionally referred to on these events, but the chapters referred to contain absolutely nothing on the subject.

[IV-69] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 37-8.

[IV-70] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 400-2.

[IV-71] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 402-5.

[IV-72] Such is the account given by Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia. Brasseur's version, although founded on the same authorities, differs widely. According to this version, Topiltzin Acxitl remained in Tollan; Quauhtli and Maxtlatzin with the aged Huemac marched to meet the foe. After a fierce conflict near Tultitlan, lasting several days, the army was driven back to Tollan. The king resolved to burn the city and leave the country. For the burning of Tollan, Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 255, is referred to, where he says, 'hizo quemar todas las casas que tenia hechas de plata y de concha,' etc., referring to the departure of Quetzalcoatl for Tlapallan. The Quetzalcoatl alluded to may be either Acxitl or Ceacatl. Retreating to Xaltocan and then towards Teotihuacan, a final stand was made by Huemac, Xochitl, Maxtlatzin, and Huehuemaxal (Huehuetenuxcatl?) against the Chichimecs. The Toltecs were utterly defeated, and of the leaders Xochitl and Quauhtli fell, Acxitl concealing himself for several weeks in the caves of the island of Xico. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 405-9.

[IV-73] Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 208, 331-3, 393, 450, 460. This author estimates the total loss of the Toltecs in the final war at 3,200,000, and that of the enemy at 2,400,000. He states that Topiltzin, before his departure, visited Allapan, a province on the South Sea, and notified his few remaining subjects that after many centuries he would return to punish his foes. He reached Tlapallan in safety and lived to the age of 104 years greatly respected. He records a tradition among the common people that Topiltzin remained in Xico, and many years after was joined by Nezahualcoyotl, the Chichimec emperor, and others. This author dates the final defeat of the Toltecs in 1011, 959, 958, and 1004. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 287-304. This writer gives the date as 1116; states that Topiltzin's youngest son, Xilotzin, was captured and killed; gives 1612 as the number of Toltecs assembled in Culhuacan before the king's departure. Topiltzin reached Oyome, the Chichimec capital, in safety, and was kindly received by the emperor, Acauhtzin, who succeeded to the throne in that year, to whom Topiltzin gave all his rights to the kingdom of Tollan, on condition that he would punish the enemies of the Toltecs. He died in 1155. According to Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 131, the Toltec empire ended with Topiltzin's death in 1052. Most modern writers take the date from Clavigero. Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 410, says, 'Après avoir donné à tous des conseils remplis de sagesse sur la future restauration de la monarchie, il prit congé d'eux. Il traversa, sans être connu, les provinces olmèques et alla prendre la mer à Hueyapan, non loin des lieux où le grand Quetzalcohuatl avait disparu un siècle et demi auparavant. L'histoire ajoute qu'il gagna, avec un grand nombre de Toltèques émigrant comme lui, les contrées mystérieuses de Tlapallan, où après avoir fondé un nouvel empire, il mourut dans une heureuse vieillesse.'

[IV-74] On the Toltec empire, see Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 11-14; Chevalier, Mex. Ancien et Mod., pp. 48-52; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 456, 522-5; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, etc., vol. i., p. 95; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 95-6; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 96-7, 138-40; Rios, Compend. Hist. Mex., pp. 5-6; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. i., pp. 1-3; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. i., p. 287; Müller, Reisen, tom. iii., pp. 32-41; Lacunza, in Museo Mex., tom. iv., p. 445; Granados y Galvez, Tardes Amer., pp. 14-17; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 38-40; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 39-40; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, pp. 341-4; Mayer's Observations, p. 6; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 216-24.

[IV-75] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 18-19; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 333-4, 393-4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 37; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 131. The number of remaining Toltecs is estimated at 16,000, who were divided into five parties, four of them settling on the coasts and islands, and the fifth only remaining in Anáhuac.

[IV-76] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 410-23. I suppose that this information was taken from the Codex Gondra already quoted—see p. 230 of this volume—and applied by the same author in another work, and with apparently better reasons, to the overthrow of the great original Nahua empire in the south.

[V-1] Whether this Amaquemecan was the original home of the Chichimecs or not is uncertain. According to Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 355, it certainly was not, since he states that it was founded in 958 by Xolotl Tochinteuctli. The ancestors of the Xolotl who invaded Anáhuac, he adds, tom. ii., p. 199, 'sortis de Chicomoztoc, avaient conquis le royaume d'Amaquemé, où ils avaient établi leur résidence.' Concerning the location and extent of Amaquemecan the authorities differ greatly. Thus Ixtlilxochitl gives its area as 2000 by 1000 leagues, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 335. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 40, places its frontier 200 leagues north of Jalisco, which Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 132, thinks too near, since no traces of it exist, he says, within 1200 miles. Boturini, Idea, p. 141, places Amaquemecan in Michoacan. Arlegui, Chrón. Zacatecas, p. 7, among the wild tribes north of New Mexico. Cabrera, Teatro, p. 58, in Chiapas.

[V-2] Spelled also Achcauhtzin, and Axcauhtzin.

[V-3] 'L'étymologie du nom de Xolotl offre de grandes difficultés. Dans son acceptation ordinaire, il signifie esclave, valet, servant, et cependant on le voit appliqué à plusieurs princes comme un titre très-élevé. Lorenzana, dans ses annotations aux Lettres de Fernand Cortès, le traduit par Ojo, œil, et on le lui donna, dit-il, à cause de sa vigilance. Mais dans quelle langue a-t-il cette signification?' Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 199.

[V-4] So says Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 39; but according to Boturini, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., p. 231, Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 337, and Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 200, Acauhtzin reigned alone. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 133, affirms that the old king divided the kingdom equally between his two sons.

[V-5] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 40-1, gives in full Xolotl's speech to his lords. Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 337, relates that he appointed Oyome as the rendezvous. Brasseur de Bourbourg, as before stated, does not suppose Xolotl to have shared the Chichimec throne with his brother Acauhtzin; he therefore tells the story as if Xolotl induced the great nobles to favor his project of invasion by his eloquence and argument, but used no kingly authority in the matter.

Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 302-3, tom. ii., pp. 3-4, 13, assigns an altogether different cause for the Chichimec invasion of Anáhuac. He affirms that when Topiltzin (Acxitl), the Toltec monarch, fled from Tollan, he went to Acauhtzin, the Chichimec sovereign, to whom he was distantly related, told him his sorrows, and ceded in his favor all rights to a land which he refused to revisit; whereupon Acauhtzin invested his brother Xolotl with the sovereignty of Tollan.

The date of the events recorded above is very uncertain. Veytia states that the Chichimecs left their country for Anáhuac in 1117, one year after the fall of the Toltec dynasty. Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 7. Ixtlilxochitl allows a period of four to six years to elapse before their arrival at Tollan; as usual, this writer is not consistent with himself in different parts of his work, and places the arrival in various years between 962 and 1015. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 208, 337, 395, 451. Torquemada, always avoiding exact dates, gives on one page an interval of five years between the destruction of the Toltec empire and the arrival of the Chichimecs, and on another page an interval of nine years between the former event and the departure from Amaquemecan. Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 45-6. Clavigero places the Chichimec arrival at Anáhuac in 1170. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 132, tom. iv., pp. 40-51. Boturini, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., p. 233, allows a lapse of nine years between the Toltec fall and the Chichimec arrival.

[V-6] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 44; Boturini, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., pp. 231-2; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 337, 375; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 4, 8-9. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 134, expresses his disbelief in the numbers given. 'Rien ne justifie les millions que lui assignent les auteurs; ils ont compris évidement sous ce chiffre exagéré les diverses émigrations qui se succédèrent depuis lors sans interruption dans la vallée jusqu'à la fondation du royaume d'Acolhuacan.' Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 202.

[V-7] Brasseur gives the names of these six chiefs, as: Acatomatl, Quautlapal, Cozcaquauh, Mitliztac, Tecpan, and Itzaquauh, giving Ixtlilxochitl and Torquemada as his authorities; the latter writer, however, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 44, distinctly affirms that only one chief, Acatomatl, was sent in advance.

[V-8] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 134, states that they reached Tollan in eighteen months from the time of their departure from Amaquemecan. Ixtlilxochitl gives the date as 5 Tecpatl. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 395.

[V-9] 'Les auteurs sont généralement d'accord pour placer la date de cet établissement de l'an 1070 à 1080. Quelques-uns le portent exactement à l'an 1068. Xoloc, aujourd'hui Xoloque, village de fort peu d'importance, à 12 l. environ au nord de Mexico, et à 3 l. du lac de San-Cristoval. Une autre explication met cette localité au pied d'une colline, à une lieue environ vers le nord de Xaltocan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.; tom. ii., p. 214. See also, Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 8-10.

[V-10] Cempoala was twelve leagues north of Mexico; Tepepulco was four leagues farther east. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 42.

[V-11] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 43, writes Tlatzalan and Coyohuacan.

[V-12] Founded 1120, Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 12. Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 338-9; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 42-4.

[V-13] 'Le Codex Xolotl, qui fait partie de la coll. de M. Aubin, donne positivement Amacui pour père et pour prédécesseur de Nopaltzin.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 224.

[V-14] 'Xolotl étant le titre du chef principal des Chichimèques, il convenait à l'un aussi bien qu'à l'autre. Tout concourt, d'ailleurs, à prouver que, dans le Xolotl des auteurs, il y a eu divers personnages; c'est le seul moyen d'expliquer cette longue vie de près de deux cents ans qu'ils lui accordent.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 224.

[V-15] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 46-7; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 339-40; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 28; Boturini, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., p. 232; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 14.

[V-16] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 224-6.

[V-17] 'Porque fué una de las que ménos padecieron en el estrago pasado.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 18.

[V-18] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 44, spells this ruler's name Ecitin, which, says Brasseur, 'signifie les trois lièvres, de Citli, qui est le singulier, au pluriel Citin. S'agit-il ici d'un seul individu ou de trois du nom de Citin, cité ailleurs comme celui d'une famille célèbre de laquelle prétendaient descendre les Alcohuas?' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 209.

[V-19] 'Descendants du grand Nauhyotl.' Id.

[V-20] Spelled Acxopal by Brasseur.

[V-21] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 17-19; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 333-4, 339; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 226-8.

[V-22] 'Repartióla por las sinosidades, cuevas, y rincones de las serranias, proporcionándola á la caza.' Granados y Galvez, Tardes Amer., p. 18; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 232-3.

[V-23] For names of places peopled by the Chichimecs see Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 460, 209. See also Id., pp. 339, 395, 451; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 45; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 134; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 14-5; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., pp. 12-13.

[V-24] To which his descendants added Huactlatohuani, 'lord of the world.' Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 451.

[V-25] The inhabitants of this province were known as Culhuas, and are not to be confounded with the Acolhuas, notwithstanding many of the old writers make no distinction between the two peoples.

[V-26] Veytia writes the names of those who governed at Culhuacan; Xiuhtemoc, with his wife Ozolaxochitl, and son Nauhyotl; and Catauhtlix with his wife Ixmixuch and son Acxocuauh. Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 18. Torquemada writes them respectively: Xiuhthemal, Oceloxroch, Coyol; Cocauhtli, Yhuixoch, Acxoquauh. Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 45. Boturini writes: Xiuchtimatl, Oceloxochitl, Coyotl; Cocoahtli, Yhyozochtl, Acxoquauhtli. Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., p. 232; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 333.

[V-27] Brasseur states that according to the Codex Chimalpopoca, Acxoquauh was a younger brother of Nauhyotl; we have already seen this prince spoken of, however, as the son of Cocauhtli, Xiuhtemoc's associate; see note 26. Nonohualcatl, says Brasseur, was, without doubt, Nauhyotl's eldest son. 'C'est ce qui parait d'après la manière dont ce prince succéda au trône après Huetzin, avant Achitometl ou Ameyal.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 222.

[V-28] Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 222, objecting to the term usurpation in this connection, writes: 'La loi toltèque excluait du sang suprême tout prince qui se montrait d'avance incapable de l'occuper. C'était probablement le cas où se trouvait Pochotl. Ixtlilxochitl et Veytia, qui accusent Nauhyotl d'usurpation, avaient oublié ou ignoraient la loi de succession toltèque.' It is not probable, however, that Topiltzin either forgot or was ignorant of the Toltec law of succession, when he directed that his son should be associated with Xiuhtemoc when he came of suitable age.

[V-29] Also called Texochipantzin. Torquemada gives the name of Pochotl's wife Huitzitzilin, though whether he refers to the same lady is not certain. Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 56.

[V-30] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 18-23; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 340; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 220-3.

[V-31] The reader will recollect that Veytia affirms that Topiltzin Acxitl fled to his relative Acauhtzin, brother of Xolotl I., and ceded to him his right to Anáhuac.

[V-32] According to Brasseur, these or similar overtures occurred in the reign of Xolotl I. Xolotl's ambassadors, he says, 'avaient plus d'une fois pressenti Xiuhtemal à ce sujet, mais celui-ci, trop prudent et trop ami de sa patrie, appréhendant, sans doute, de rendre les Chichimèques trop puissants, avait constamment éludé ses propositions en faisant valoir les droits de Pochotl, à qui seul il appartiendrait de prendre une décision dans cette matière délicate, une fois qu'il aurait été mis en possession du trône.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 221.

[V-33] Year 1141. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 30-5. 984 to 1190. Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 209, 342-3, 396, 452.

[V-34] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 45-6. According to Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 238, this lady was the eldest daughter of Pochotl. Tzontecoma was one of the Acolhua chiefs, as will be seen hereafter.

[V-35] The meaning of this request is not clear. It was probably Xolotl's design to get Huetzin into Culhuacan under pretense of learning the art of government—though it would seem he might have done this at his father's court—and then by some strategem place him upon the throne.

[V-36] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 57-8. Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia give a different version of this affair of Huetzin's. Itzmitl, or Ixmitl, (known also as Tlacoxin, or Tlacoxinqui) proceeded to Tezcuco, where Xolotl was superintending the construction of a palace and garden, and reminded him of a promise of extra favors made to Tzontecoma, by way of compensation for the inferior bride which he had been compelled to accept; whereupon Xolotl gave the lordship of Tepetlaoztoc to his son Huetzin. This occurred, says Veytia, in 1207, more than 60 years after the Culhuacan war. Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 46-7; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 341-2.

[V-37] See note 34.

[V-38] Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 237-51.

[V-39] Aztlan 'était située au nord-ouest de la Californie.... C'est l'opinion d'un grand nombre d'écrivains. M. Aubin croit qu'ils habitaient la péninsule appelée aujourd'hui la basse Californie, et que là était Aztlan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 292. Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., p. 179, and Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 53, followed by Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. iii., pp. 6-7, 19, place Aztlan north of 42° N. lat.; Foster, Pre-Hist. Races, pp. 340-1, Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 20, refer to the account of Oñate's explorations in New Mexico, Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., pp. 32, 47-8, 111-12, 625, and point to the golden Copalla, with its rumored Aztec-speaking people. See also, Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 454; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 68; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 40-9. Fontaine, How the World was Peopled, pp. 149-50, reminds us that the Aztec tl sound is found in the N.W., and considers the mounds in the N.E. to be evidences of Aztec wanderings. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 41; Chevalier, Mexique, pp. 54-5. Prichard, Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., pp. 514-16, regards the Moquis in Arizona as the most northern Aztec remnants. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 156-9, places Aztlan north of the Colorado River, in accordance with some maps of the 16th century, and regards this stream as the water said to have been crossed on the migration, whilst Boturini, Idea, pp. 126-8, holds this to be the Gulf of California. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 298, 301; Rios, Compend. Hist. Mex., p. 11. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 79-82, 134-5, traces Nahuatlaca routes north of Mexico. Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 1, looks to Florida for the ancient home. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 144, identifies Aztlan with the later Chicomoztoc, like Acosta and Duran, but locates it in the Jalisco region. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 283. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 91, ventures a little farther north, to Sonora; see also, Möllhausen, Reisen, tom. ii., pp. 143-55. Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 128, considers Aztlan to have been near Culiacan, but on p. 205, and in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 281, he seems to favor the more direct north. Cabrera, Teatro, pp. 94-6, advances some argument for its location in Chiapas. See also, Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 532-3. Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 45, remarks that the palm-tree on the migration-map indicates a southern origin, but Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. iii., p. 7, considers that this may be a thoughtless insertion of the painter. See remarks on pp. 216-18 of this volume, and pp. 681-4, 788-9 of vol. iv. For further remarks on position of Aztlan, and origin of Nahuatlacas, see: Norman's Rambles in Yuc., pp. 266-7; Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 54, et seq., Brasseur de Bourbourg, Esquisses, pp. 27-8; Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 191-7; Id., Popol Vuh, pp. clxxxiii.-cxcvi.; Bradford's Amer. Antiq., pp. 203-5; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., pp. 192-4; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 89-90; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 284; Smith's Human Species, pp. 252-3; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 323.

[V-40] Gallatin, Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 205, thinks they may have had a share in the dismemberment of the Toltec empire, or may have seized the opportunity offered by the Toltec emigration to enter into the deserted lands. Cabrera states that they were driven from Aztlan. Teatro, p. 94.

[V-41] Duran gives the description of Aztlan given by Cueuhcoatl to Montezuma the elder: 'Nuestros Padres moraron en equel felice y dichoso Lugar que llamáron Aztlán, que quiere decir "Blancura." En este Lugar hay un gran Cerro en medio del agua, que llamaban Culhuacan, por que tiene la punta algo retuerta hácia abajo, y à esta causa se llama Culhuacan, que quiere decir "Cerro tuerto." En este Cerro habia unas bocas ó cuebas ó concavidados donde habitáron nuestros Padres y Abuelos por muchos años: alli tubiéron mucho descanso debajo de este Nombre Mexitin y Azteca: alli gozaban de mucho cantidad de Patos, de todo género de gazzas; de cuerbos marinos, y Gallinas de agua, y de Gallaretas; gozaban del canto y melodia de los Pájaros de las cabezas coloradas y amarillas; gozáron de muchas diferencias de grandes y hermosos Pescados; gozáron de gran frescura de arboledas, que habia por aquellas riberas, y de Fuentes cercadas de sauces y de Sabinas y de Alisos grandes y hermosos; andaban en canoas, y hacian camellones en que sembraban maiz, chile, tomates, huauhtli, frisoles, y de todo genero de semillas de las que comemos,' &c. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 27.

[V-42] Ramirez, in García y Cubas, Atlas; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom., i., p. 78; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 157-8; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 17; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. i., p. 3; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 399-300. The date of the departure is shown by the maps to be Ce Tecpatl, which is calculated by Chimalpain, Gallatin, Gama, and Veytia to be 1064, based on the hypothesis that the adjustment of the calendar in the year Ce Tochtli, which took place during the journey, corresponds to 1090. Brasseur would probably assign a later date, since he writes: 'Les annales mexicaines nous montrent généralement les premières tribus de cette nation à Aztlan en l'an 1 Tecpatl, 1064.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 292.

[V-43] Chicomoztoc is placed by Clavigero about twenty miles south of Zacatecas, but is regarded by Duran, Acosta, and others, as identical with, or within the region of Aztlan. According to Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 293, they arrived here 1116. Hellwald, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 339, agrees with this date, by making them arrive at Chicomoztoc 26 years after their departure from Aztlan, which, he says, took place in 1090. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 92, states that they arrived 104 years after their departure. On the Gemelli map Oztotlan, 'place of grottoes,' is given as a place where they halted for a long time, from 160 to 200 years after leaving Aztlan, and may be the same as Chicomoztoc. Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 145, says that the Tlascaltecs, who according to most authors were one of the Nahuatlaca tribes, arrived at Chicomoztoc in the year 5 Tochtli.

[V-44] See Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 455-6; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x.; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 2; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 228, 247; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 151; Hellwald, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 339; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 78; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 17; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 7-9; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 154; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 864; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 482; Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., pp. 168-71; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 145. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives as the tribes that left Aztlan: the Huexotzincas, Chalcas, Xochimilcas, Quitlahuacas, Malinalcas, Chichimecas, Tépanecas, and Matlaltzincas. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 292.

[V-45] Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 78-9; Hist. de las Ynd., p. 454; Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 2. On Boturini's map the hieroglyphs of the eight tribes are seen at Chicomoztoc for the last time; the priests or leaders of the Aztecs alone pursue the remainder of the course. As the Aztec hieroglyph does not appear to be included among these eight, it might be assumed that the Aztecs were composed of certain families belonging to one or more of the eight tribes, but this does not appear to be the view taken by the authorities. Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. iii., pp. 25-6, remarks that the map indicates a consultation of six of the families with their god, and the departure of two. The non-recurrence of the tribal hieroglyphs he explains by saying that the families are henceforth designated only by the chiefs who lead them. This map cannot, however, be expected to be more accurate than the sources from which Torquemada, Acosta, and others, derived their information.

[V-46] Quetzalin according to Brasseur, who adds: 'Dans le texte, il y a Huetzalin, ce qui est probablement une faute du copiste.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 263. This chief may possibly be the same as Huitziton.

[V-47] Veytia names this chief Xochimilco, which Brasseur says 'ne peut être qu'une erreur.' Id., p. 264.

[V-48] Id. Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia place the arrival of the Xochimilcas in Tlotzin's reign. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 458; Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 88. Duran says they were the first to leave Chicomoztoc, and the third to arrive in Anáhuac. This writer gives a number of places founded by them besides Xochimilco. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 2., 13. Acosta says they were the first to arrive. Hist. de las Ynd., p. 488.

[V-49] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 88-9; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 458; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 263-4.

[V-50] Now Cuernavaca.

[V-51] Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 92-3, 141-3.

[V-52] Many writers who do not directly connect the Acolhuas with the Nahuatlacas, assert that they came from the same region, and were of the same race. Clavigero places the ancient home in Teoacolhuacan, near Amaquemecan. Veytia considers them to be the descendants of Toltec colonists who were settled along the Pacific coast. Ixtlilxochitl affirms that they were neighbors of the Huehue Tlapallan Toltecs and of Chichimec stock.

[V-53] 'Citin, pluriel de Citli, lièvre, nom apparemment d'une tribu du Nord, comme les Pied-Noir, les Serpents, etc.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 232. Rios, Compend. Hist. Mex., p. 7, says they derived their origin from the family of Citin or Ulcua. Motolinia says of the Acolhuas: 'Este nombre los quedó de un valiente capitan que tuvieron ... Acoli, que así se llama aquel hueso que vá desde el codo hasta el hombro, y del mismo hueso llaman al hombro Acoli.' He was very brave, and taller than other men. Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 11. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 301, says that they claimed descent from a valiant chief named Chichimecatlh, who once tied a strap round the arm of Quetzalcoatl, near the shoulder. This was regarded as a great feat, for it was said that he that could bind a god could bind all men.

[V-54] Brasseur de Bourbourg says nothing about the Otomís coming in with the Acolhuas and Tepanecs at this time.

[V-55] This, according to Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 51-4, who is followed by Brasseur, was Coatetl, daughter of Chalchiuhtlatonac, or Chalchiuhtlanetzin, lord of Chalco, who, says Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 231, 'paraît avoir été l'un des frères ou des fils de Nauhyotl II.' According to other authors, Tzontecoma's bride was named Cihuatetzin, and her father was a Toltec, lord of Tlalmanalco. Each of these names is spelled in a great variety of ways. See Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 341, 395, 452; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 39-43; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 136-7; Granados y Galvez, Tardes Amer., pp. 19, 142-3; Müller, Reisen, tom. iii., p. 45; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 526; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. i., p. 3; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 92.

[V-56] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 233-4.

[V-57] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 236-7.

[V-58] See note 27.

[V-59] Named also Huetzin, says Brasseur.

[V-60] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 47, writes the names Tlotzin Pocothl, Toxtequihuatzin, and Atencatzin. Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 210, Tlotzinpochotl, Huixaquentochintecuhtli, Coxanatzin Atencatl; on p. 342 he differs in the following: Toltzin, Toxtequihuatzin, Atencatzin Apotzoetzin; on p. 395, Tloxtequihuatzin; on p. 461, Tlotzinpochotl, Atzotgocoltzin, Totzin. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 62, Tlotzin, Quauhtequihua, or Tochintecuhtli, Popozoc. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 141, Apopozoc. Nopaltzin had also another son, named Tenancacaltzin, who in later years gave much trouble to the emperor Quinantzin, and who, according to the Spanish authorities, was a bastard. Brasseur, however, finds reason to believe that this prince was Nopaltzin's legitimate son by a former marriage. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 254.

[V-61] Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 342, 395, 452; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 47-9; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 63; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 141.

[V-62] Commenting upon the statement of Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 211, that Xolotl abandoned to Tlotzin not only the revenues of the province of Chalco, but also of several other provinces as far as Mizteca, Brasseur writes: 'Il y a évidemment exagération; jamais les armes de Xolotl n'allèrent aussi loin, et il est douteux même que les provinces renfermées dans la vallée lui fussent toutes tributaires.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 258.

[V-63] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 262.

[V-64] See Id., tom. ii., pp. 266-71.

[V-65] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 59-60; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 343; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 138-9.

[V-66] See Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 265. This writer and Torquemada are the only authorities who use the name Ameyal at any time.

[V-67] See note 27.

[V-68] Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 272, writes: 'C'était probablement sur la promesse de recevoir la main de sa (Achitometl's) fille que Huetzin avait renoncé au trône de Culhuacan.'

[V-69] Spelt also Yanex, Yacazozolotl, Yacatzotzoloc, and Ixcazozolot.

[V-70] Among these were Ocotox, or Acotoch, and Coacuech, who, according to Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 212, were disaffected towards the empire because agriculture had been forced upon them and tribute exacted in field produce; Quauhtla, lord of Oztoticpac, and Tochin Tecuhtli, lord of Coyuhuacan, who had fallen into disgrace in the following manner: Chiconquauhtli, Xolotl's son-in-law, died suddenly, and was buried without notice being sent to the emperor. Xolotl thereupon dispatched Tochin Tecuhtli, to offer condolence to the widow, his daughter, and to appoint Omicxipan, a noted noble of that province, governor. Tochin Tecuhtli did as he was ordered, but instead of returning to Xolotl with a report of his mission, he went to Huetzin of Coatlichan. To punish this disrespect, or treason, as Torquemada calls it, Xolotl deprived Tochin Tecuhtli of his lordship of Coyuhuacan and exiled him to Tepetlaoztoc. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 58, 65; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 142; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 15; Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 267-9.

[V-71] This is the account given by Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 274. Most writers do not mention this expedition to Culhuacan.

[V-72] See note 70.

[V-73] Ixtlilxochitl, p. 212, says he fled toward Pánuco, and afterwards, p. 343, states that he was pardoned and re-instated. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 65, affirms that the rebel chief was slain in battle, and that his allies fled to Huexotzinco, where they died in misery. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 142-3, follows Torquemada. We must accept the former version, however, as Yacanex subsequently re-appears upon the scene.

[V-74] Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., p. 277.

[V-75] 'Para que en ella y su contorno mandase en calidad de soberano.' Veytia, tom. ii., p. 56. He could scarcely have been sole lord of Tezcuco, for Veytia himself says that Tlotzin reigned there.

[V-76] Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 212, 396-7; Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 50-8; Torquemada, tom. i., p. 65; Sahagun, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 278; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 271-7.

[V-77] Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., p. 277.

[V-78] The exact year in which Xolotl II. died is uncertain. Brasseur, whose chronology I have followed, does not give the date, though he says it occurred some years after the death of Huetzin, which occurred in 1154. Xolotl, says this author, at his death, 'ne pouvait guère avoir plus de cent ou cent dix ans, et, en calculant les années de son règne, à commencer de son arrivée dans l'Anahuac, il aurait pu durer tout au plus de soixante à soixante-cinq ans.' Hist., tom. ii., pp. 277-8. Veytia, tom. ii., p. 69, writes that Xolotl died in 1232. Torquemada, tom. i., p. 60, says that he was nearly 200 years of age when he died. Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 212, 343, 397, 452, says, 117 years after his departure from Amaquemecan, in the 112th year of his reign in Anahuac, and gives, as usual, several dates for Xolotl's death, namely: 1075, 1127, 1074, and 1121. Rios, Compend. Hist. Mex., p. 7, says that he died at the age of 160, after a reign of 99 years.

[V-79] Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 61-2, gives the speeches delivered on the occasion.

[V-80] Torquemada, tom. i., p. 66; Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 212-13; Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 140-2; Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 71-3, 78; Rios, Compend. Hist. Mex., p. 8; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 281-8.

[V-81] We have seen that according to the account given by Veytia, and others, of the events which led to the first trouble between the Chichimecs and the people of Culhuacan, Achitometl succeeded to the throne immediately after the death of Nauhyotl, no mention being made of the reigns of Huetzin or Nonohualcatl. See pp. 303-4.

[VI-1] 1194, Codex Chimalpopoca; 1140 or 1189, Ixtlilxochitl; 1245, Clavigero; 1331, Gondra; 1298, Veytia, Gama, and Gallatin.

[VI-2] I give here as compactly as possible the course of the Aztec migration as given by the leading authorities:—Leave Aztlan 1 Tecpatl, 1064 A.D., and travel 104 years to Chicomoztoc, where they remain 9 years; thence to Cohuatlicamac, 3 years, Matlahuacallan, 6, Apanco, 5, Chimalco, 6, Pipiolcomic, 3, Tollan, 6, Cohuactepec (Coatepec), 3, Atlitlalacayan, 2, Atotonilco, 1, Tepexic, 5, Apasco, 3, Tzonpanco, 7, Tizayocan, 1, Ecatepec, 1, Tolpetlac, 3, Chimalpan, 4, Cohuatitlan, 2, Huexachtitlan, 3, Tecpayocan, 3, Tepeyacac (Guadalupe), 3, Pantitlan, 2 years, and thence to Chapultepec, arriving in 1298, after a migration of 185 years, which necessitates an addition of 49 years for their stay in Michoacan. Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 91-8. According to Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 77-82, they reached Huey Culhuacan one year after their start; the time consumed in reaching Chicomoztoc is not given, and no dates are mentioned. Otherwise the account agrees exactly with Veytia's, except that an unnamed station is represented as having occupied 3 of the 6 years' stay at Matlahuacallan; there are also a few slight differences in orthography. Tezozomoc's account is as follows:—Aztlan, Culhuacan, Jalisco, Mechoacan, Malinalco (Lake Patzcuaro), Ocopipilla, Acahualcingo, Coatepec (in Tonalan), Atlitlanquian or Atitalaquia, Tequisquiac, Atengo, Tzompan, Cuachilgo, Xaltocan and Lake Chinamitl, Eycoac, Ecatepc, Aculhuacan, Tultepetlac, Huixachtitlan, Tecpayuca (in 2 Calli), Atepetlac, Coatlayauhcan, Tetepanco, Acolnahuac, Popotla (Tacuba), Chapultepec (Techcatepec and Techcatitlan) in 2 Tochtli. Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 5-8. Following Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 156-63, the Aztecs left Aztlan in 1160, crossed the Colorado River, stayed 3 years at Hueicolhuacan, went east to Chicomoztoc, where they separated from the Nahuatlaca tribes, then to Coatlicamac, and reached Tula in 1196, remaining 9 years; then spent 11 years in different places, reached Zumpanco in 1216, remaining 7 years, then Tizajocan, Tolpetlac, Tepejacac, and Chapultepec in 1245 during Nopaltzin's reign. Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 124-9, merely makes some remarks on Clavigero's account, fixing the departure, however, in 1064, and noting the completion of the first cycle in 1090 at Tlalixco. Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 19-20, makes them leave Aztlan in 1 Tecpatl, 1064, and arrive at Tlalixco, or Acahualtzinco, in 1087, where they completed their first cycle in 1091, and remained 9 years. Acosta, pp. 454-62, says that 6 Nahuatlaca tribes left Aztlan in 820, and were 80 years in reaching Mexico. The Aztecs started in 1122, passed through Michoacan, and halted at Malinalco and Coatepec before reaching Chapultepec. Herrera, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. x-xi, agrees with Acosta. Duran, MS., tom. i., cap. i, ii, iii, says they left Aztlan in Chicomoztoc, giving dates as by Acosta; but he also gives as stations, Patzcuaro, Malinalco, Ocipila, Acahualcingo, Coatepec, Tulla, Atlitlalacpan, Tequixquiac, Tzumpanco, Xaltocan, Ecatepec, Tulpetlac, Tepaneca, and Chapultepec. Sahagun, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 145-6, vaguely states that the Mexicans went westward from the Seven Caves to a province called Culhuacan Mexico, whence they were ordered by their god to return, and passed through Tulla, Ichpuchco, Chiquiuhio near Ecatepec, to Chapultepec. According to Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 290-308, the other Nahuatlaca tribes left Aztlan from 1062 to 1068, but the Aztecs in 1 Tochtli, 1090. They pass through Téo-Culhuacan, Quahuitl-Icacan, 1091, Quinehuayan-Oztotl or Quinehuayan-Chicomoztoc, 1116, stay 11 years, Acahualtzinco or Tlalixco (now S. Juan del Rio), 1st cycle in 1143, stay 9 years, Tonalan, Lake Patzcuaro, Malinalco, Cohuatlycamac or Coatepec, 1174, stay 9 years, Apazco, Tzompanco, Tizayocan, Tepeyacac, Pantitlan, Popotlan, and arrive at Chapultepec in 1194, having been several times broken up into different bands on the way. Humboldt's—Vues, tom. ii., p. 176, et seq.—interpretation of Gemelli Careri's map—see vol. ii., pp. 543-7, of this work—gives the stations in the following order: From Colhuacan, the Mexican Ararat, 15 chiefs or tribes reach Aztlan, 'land of flamingoes,' north of 42°, which they leave in 1038, passing through Tocolco, 'humiliation,' Oztotlan, 'place of grottoes,' Mizquiahuala, Teotzapotlan, 'place of divine fruit,' Ilhuicatepec, Papantla, 'large-leaved grass,' Tzompanco, 'place of human bones,' Apazco, 'clay vessel,' Atlicalaguian, 'crevice in which rivulet escapes,' Quauhtitlan, 'eagle grove,' Atzcapotzalco, 'ant-hill,' Chalco, 'place of precious stones,' Pantitlan, 'spinning-place,' Tolpetlac, 'rush mat,' Quauhtepec, 'eagle mountain,' Tetepanco, 'wall of many small stones,' Chicomoztoc, 'seven caves,' Huitzquilocan, 'place of thistles,' Xaltepozauhcan, 'place where the sand issues,' Cozcaquauhco, 'a vulture', Techcatitlan, 'place of obsidian mirrors,' Azcaxochitl, 'ant flower,' Tepetlapan, 'place of tepetate,' Apan, 'place of water,' Teozomaco, 'place of divine apes,' Chapoltepec, 'grasshopper hill.' Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. iii., pp. 5-7, repeats this interpretation. Ramirez, in García y Cubas, Atlas, justly ridicules the 'Ararat' or deluge theory, and confines the wanderings of the Aztecs to the regions about the lakes; 15 chiefs leave their home in Chalco Lake after tying 1st cycle. The stations are mostly adopted from Humboldt, without any opinion expressed of their accuracy, but there are a few additions and corrections in definitions, as follows:—Aztlan, where 2d and 3d cycle are tied, Cincotlan, 10 years, Tocolco, 4th cycle, Oztotlan, 5 years, Mizquiahuala, 5th cycle, Xalpan, 15 years, Tetepanco, 'wall of many stones,' 5 years, Oxitlipan, 10 years, Teotzapatlan, 4 years, Ilhuicatepec, 4 years, Papantla, meaning doubtful, 2 years, Tzonpanco, 'place of skulls or bones,' 5 years, Apazco, 4 years, Atlicalaquian, 'where water collects,' 2 years, Cauhtitlan, 'near the eagle,' 3 years, Azcapotzalco, 'in the ant-hill,' 6th cycle, 7 years, 1 year to Chalco, Pantitlan, 'place of tiers,' 'place of departure,' neither quite correct; Tolpetlac, 2 years, Epcohuac, 'serpent,' Cuauhtepec, 2 years, Chicomoztoc, 8 years, Huitzquilocal, 3 years, Xaltepozauhcan, doubtful, 4 years, Cozcacuauhco, 4 years, Techcatitlan, 5 years, Azcaxochic, 4 years, Tepetlapa, 5 years, Apan, 'on the water,' Teozomaco, 'in the monkey of stone,' 6 years, Chapoltepec, 4 years. The same author from the Boturini map—see vol. ii., pp. 547-50—derives the following: Left their island home, passed through Coloacan, stayed 5 days in a place not named, thence to Cuextecatlichocayan, Coatlicamac, 28 years, Tollan, 19, Atlicalaquiam, 10, Tlemaco, 5, Atotonilco, 5, Apazco, 12, Tzonpanco, 4, Xaltocan, 4, Acalhuacan, 4, Ehecatepec, 4, Tolpetlac, 8, Coatitlan, 20, Huixachtitlan, 4, Tecpayocan, 4, ——, Amalinalpan, 8, Pantitlan, 4, Acolnahuac, 4, Popotla, 4, ——, Atlacuihuayan or Tacubaya, 4, Chapoltepec, 20 years. Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. iii., pp. 23-30, interprets the Boturini map as follows:—Leave Aztlan 1168, pass through Colhuacan, Cuatlicamaca, 1216-25, Apanco, 1226-9, Tlamaco, 1230-4, Tzompango, 1246, Azcapotzalco, 1250, Jaltocan, 1251-4, Colhuacan, 1258, Tolpetlac, 1262, Ecatepetl, 1270, Cuautitlan, Chalco, Tecpayocan, 1295, Pantitlan, Atotonilco, 1303, Azcapotzalco, 1311, Apan, 1315, Acaxochitl, 1319, Tlacuihuallan, 1327, Chapoltepetl, 1331-51.

[VI-3] Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 292-5, on the authority of the Mem. de Culhuacan and other original documents.

[VI-4] Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 135-6.

[VI-5] Id., pp. 136-8. Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 79-80, followed by Clavigero and Vetancvrt, represents this event as having occurred at a subsequent halting-place.

[VI-6] Veytia conjectures the emerald to typify the nobility of the Tlatelulcas, a useless attribute when compared with Aztec science and industry.

[VI-7] Hist., tom. ii., pp. 293-6; Ixtlilxochitl, vol. ix., p. 214. Veytia, tom. ii., p. 95, makes Chalchiuh Tlatonac another name of Huitziton.

[VI-8] On Huitzilopochtli see vol. iii., pp. 288-324. Some of the authorities imply that Huitzilopochtli died or at least appeared as an idol long before this period, soon after their departure from Aztlan. Boturini, Idea, pp. 60-1, states that Huitziton was taken up to heaven in sight of the people. See also on his death and the abandonment of Malinalxochitl; Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 93-101; Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 78, 80-1; Tezozomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 6-8; Duran, MS., tom. i., cap. ii.-iv.; Acosta, pp. 459-61, 468; Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 160-1; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 299-302; Sigüenza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. i., pp. 39-43; Ramirez, in García y Cubas, Atlas; Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. iii., p. 25.

[VI-9] See vol. ii., p. 130; Tezozomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 6; Duran, MS., tom. i., cap. iii.; Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 103-5; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 272; Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., pp. 131-2.

[VI-10] See vol. ii., pp. 297-9; Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 106-8; Tezozomoc, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 7-8.

[VI-11] See besides references in preceding notes, Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., pp. 18-19; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xi.; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 125-6; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 302-5.

[VI-12] Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 96-7, calls the bride of Ilhuicatl, Tiacapapantzin; and Torquemada, tom. i., p. 82, Tiacapantzin. See also Clavigero, tom. i., p. 163; Duran, MS., tom. i., cap. iii.; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 306-8.

[VI-13] Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 213, 346, 397, gives the dates 1107, 1158, and 1105; the first date is 5 Acatl which agrees with Brasseur's documents, but is interpreted as 1211 or one cycle later than Ixtlilxochitl's interpretation. Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 79-80, gives the date 1263.

[VI-14] Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 323, 378; Torquemada, tom. i., p. 254. This author gives the succession of kings at Culhuacan as Achitometl, Mazatzin, Quetzal, Chalchiuhtona, Quauhtlix, Yohuallatonac, Tziuhtecatl, Xuihtemoctzin, and Coxcotzin. Veytia gives the succession as follows: Achitometl, Xohualatonac, Calquiyauhtzin, and Coxcox. It is impossible to reconcile this matter; but no events of great importance in which the Culhuas were engaged seem to have taken place until the reign of Coxcoxtli.

[VI-15] Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 20, and Codex Chimalpopoca. Gallatin makes the date one cycle later or 1298.

[VI-16] Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 83-4. This author represents the Aztecs as having been driven from Chapultepec at this time. There is but little agreement respecting the order of events in Aztec history previous to the foundation of Mexico.

[VI-17] Codex Chimalpopoca, in Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 319-23.

[VI-18] Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 348, and Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 140-1, mention this application to Quinantzin, but refer it to a much later period after the city of Mexico was founded.

[VI-19] Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 81-8, 110-13, gives the date of Tlotzin's death as 1298. Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 213, 346, 3981, 461, gives as dates, 1141, 1194, and 1140. See also on his reign; Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 68-72; Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 143-4; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 16; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 324-33.

[VI-20] Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 73-4, 85; Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 114-15; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 347-8, 399, 452-3; Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 144-5; Vetancvrt, Teatro, pt ii., p. 16; Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 333-8; Müller, Reisen, tom. iii., p. 48.

[VI-21] Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 215, 347-8, 399, 452-3; Veytia, tom. i., pp. 116-17, 122-25, refers these events to a considerably later period, and states that Huitzilihuitl previously married a niece of Acolnahuacatl. Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 338-44.

[VI-22] Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 143-54, relates this rebellion and defeat of the northern provinces, and the consequent abdication of Acolnahuacatl, attributing these events, however, to a much later period, after the separation of the Tlatelulcas from the Mexicans, giving the date as 1325. Most of the authorities do not definitely fix the date, but Brasseur, Hist., tom. ii., pp. 344-55, gives satisfactory reasons, supported by Camargo and Ixtlilxochitl, for referring both this war and the battle at Poyauhtlan to the time when the Mexicans were yet living under Huitzilihuitl at Chapultepec. Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 162-73, unites the rebellion of the king's sons and the fight against the Teo-Chichimecs, referring this latter war to 1350, and including the provinces of Huastepec, Huehuetlan, and Cuitlahuac in the revolt. He represents the allied forces of Anáhuac, 100,000 strong, as serving in six divisions under the general command of Quinantzin, already emperor. He also states that Quinantzin's queen accompanied her sons in their exile. Of course there is great diversity among the authorities in respect to names of leaders, and details of the battles; but the general account given in my text is the only consistent one that can be formed, since there is much even in Veytia's account to support it. It is probable, in the light of later events, that Quinantzin took no part in the war against the Teo-Chichimecs, and quite possible that Camargo's statement that the Teo-Chichimecs were victorious, though much exhausted, in the battle at Poyauhtlan, results to a great extent from national pride in the record of the Tlascaltecs. Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 84-6, 259-60, seems to be the authority for the second campaign of Quinantzin in the north, which was decided by a great battle at Tlaximalco in the region of Monte Real. Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 215-16, 349-52, 398-400, 461-2, as usual favors in different places nearly all the views of other authorities. See also Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales, tom. xcviii., pp. 142-3; Clavigero, tom. i., pp. 144-5, 154.