FIG. 73. VASE-PAINTER VARNISHING CUP ON WHEEL.

The instruments which were employed for the painting of the vases were not, as formerly supposed, limited to a metal or reed pen, and a camel’s-hair brush. It has been recently pointed out in a most illuminating article by Dr. Hartwig[800] that the lines of black bordering the figures on red-figured vases are usually double, the space in between being filled in with varnish thus: . Practical experiments have shown that this can be obtained with a feather brush or pen, drawing the lines separately, not concurrently, as might be done with a metal pen.[801] The feathers of the snipe were specially suitable for this purpose, as were also those of the swallow. It is probable that we see the use of the ordinary brush on the Ruvo vase-painting already mentioned, but this was no doubt used for filling in the ground and all parts where the colour was laid on in large masses. Again, on a fragment from the Athenian Acropolis (Fig. 73)[802] a man is seen covering the inside of a B.F. kylix with black varnish while he turns it on the wheel; this is also done with an ordinary brush. But there is a R.F. kylix,[803] on the interior of which we see the undoubted use of the feather-brush or pen (Fig. 74). In his left hand the painter seems to hold the sharp tool for engraving the outlines of the figures, and with his right he manipulates the feather-pen which is seen to consist of a small feather inserted in a wooden holder.

FIG. 74. VASE-PAINTER USING FEATHER-BRUSH.

It is not likely that this instrument was generally used before the introduction of the R.F. style; it would hardly have been required either for the silhouette figures of the B.F. vases or the outlines on the white ground. According to Hartwig, Andokides, one of the earliest R.F. artists (about 520 B.C.) was making experiments in the use of the feather-pen, and in the course of twenty years, in the vases of Epiktetos and his school, its use had become general. It is not indeed unknown on B.F. vases, and can be traced in the ornamentation where fine lines were required, as on the Amasis vase in the Bibliothèque Nationale.[804] It was probably first used in the more developed Ionic pottery, but as we have seen had no chance of becoming generally used until the essentially linear R.F. style came into vogue. The artists who reached the height of skill in its use were Meidias and the painters of the delicate little vases of the latter half of the fifth century, this instrument being also admirably adapted for making the fine inner lines in which the painters of that period achieved such success.

Besides the painting-brush and the feather-pen, the other instruments used in the decoration of vases include the pointed graving-tools employed for incised lines, modelling-tools for the parts in relief, a stick for steadying the hand while at work, and a pair of compasses. The latter were employed for marking circles, as may be clearly seen on shields on the B.F. vases, where the mark left by the central point of the compasses is often visible.

The difficulties in the painting of Greek vases must have been numerous. In the first place, it was necessary for the artist to finish his sketch with great rapidity, since the clay rapidly absorbed the colouring matter, and the outlines were required to be bold and continuous, any joins producing a bad effect. Again, the vases were often painted while in an upright position, and the artist was obliged to stoop, rise, and execute his work in these difficult attitudes; nor could he remove the pencil from any figure which he had once begun. The eye must have been his only guide. Then, as he was obliged to draw his outline upon a damp surface, the black colour which he used was instantly confounded with the tint of the clay. The lines grew broad at first, and afterwards contracted themselves, leaving but a light trace, so that the artist could with difficulty discern what he had been doing. Moreover, the lines, once begun, could not be left off except where they met other lines which cut or terminated them. Thus, for example, the profile of a head must have been executed with a single continuous line, which could not be interrupted till it met the neck; and in drawing a thigh or leg, the whole outline must have been finished without taking off the pencil: proceeding from the top downwards, making use of the point to mark the horizontal lines, and afterwards rising upwards to finish the opposite side. The drawing was done entirely by the hand and no pattern used.

The outlines round the figures on R.F. vases were drawn strongly, in the manner described above, to prevent the background encroaching on the figure. That this was done while the clay was moist appears by the outlines uniting, which could not have taken place if the clay had been dry. It was so difficult to fill in the outlines without alteration, that they were frequently changed, and sometimes the ground was not reached, while at others it exceeded the line.

The ancient artists, notwithstanding these difficulties, observed all the laws of balance and proportion, especially ἰσομετρία, or the law of equal height of all figures; conveyed expression by means of attitude; and, by the use of profile, and the introduction of accessories, or small objects, into the background, contrived to compensate for the want of perspective.

This latter deficiency was due to the use of flat colours, which did not allow of shades, and the figures were consequently not seen in masses distinguished by light and shade, but isolated in the air. Hence, in order to make the figures distinct, and to express by attitude all the actions and sentiments required, the artist was compelled to use profile. The black colour, the choice of which may at first appear singular, is, after all, the most harmonious, and the best suited for showing the elegance and purity of the outline; whilst by its aptness to reveal any defects of shape, it compelled the artist to be very careful in his drawing.

The colours employed[805] were, as we have seen, remarkably few in number. Of the black varnish which plays such an important part, and of its composition we have already spoken. Of the opaque accessory colours, the white is said by Brongniart[806] to be a carbonate of lime or fine clay. It is evidently an earth of some kind, and gives no trace of lead under analysis. The creamy slip of the white-ground vases is of similar character, and appears to be a kind of pipeclay. It was probably of the same character as the earth of Melos used by Polygnotos.[807] The deep purple or crimson, so largely employed on the Corinthian and early Attic B.F. vases, is known to be an oxide of iron, an element which entered largely into the red glaze. The yellow found on the white vases and those of Apulia as an accessory to white is of an ochrous nature. The red used for outlines on the white lekythi is probably not vermilion (minium), but red ochre (μίλτος, rubrica). Blue and green, which are rarely found, and only on vases of the later styles, were produced from a basis of copper. On vases from the time of Euphronios and Brygos (about 480 B.C.) onwards, gilding was occasionally employed, the process being one which we have already described (see above, p. 210). Good instances of this process are to be seen in the fourth-century vases from Capua, which are glazed black throughout and ornamented solely with gilding.[808] But the gold leaf has often perished. Besides Capua, these vases are found chiefly in Athens and the Cyrenaica.

5. Status of Potters

It now remains to say something respecting the makers of Greek vases—the potters of antiquity. Unfortunately, however, little is known of their condition, except that they formed a guild, or fraternity, and that they amassed considerable fortunes by exporting their products to the principal emporia of the ancient world. The existence of two Kerameikoi, or pottery districts, at Athens shows the great commercial importance of the manufacture. In later times there seems to have been a considerable tendency to division of labour among the potters, and each man “specialised” in some particular shape; hence we find them characterised as χυτρεύς and χυτροπλάθος,[809] ληκυθοποιός,[810] καδοποιός,[811] or κωθωνοποιός.[812] It is assumed that the word ἐποίησεν, “made,” when found on a vase, indicates the potter, and not the artist, although it is reasonable to suppose that when no artist’s name accompanies the formula the potter was at the same time the painter. On one vase the names of two potters, Glaukytes and Archikles, are found[813]; one has been supposed to be the artist’s, but it is more probable they were partners.

By the Athenians, potters were called Prometheans,[814] from the Titan Prometheus, who made man out of clay—which, according to one myth, was the blood of the Titans, or Giants—and was thus the founder of the fictile art. It was not, however, much esteemed, although without doubt the pursuit of it was a lucrative one, and many of the trade realised large fortunes; in proof of which may be cited the well-known anecdote of Agathokles,[815] who, at a time when the rich used plate, was in the habit of mixing earthenware with it at his table, telling his officers that he formerly made such ware, but that now, owing to his prudence and valour, he was served in gold—an anecdote which also suggests that the profession was not highly esteemed. The guild at Athens was called ἐκ κεραμέων, “of the potters,”[816] and we also hear of a college of κεραμεῖς at Thyateira.[817] However, the competition in the trade was so warm as to pass into a proverb, and the animosity of some of the rival potters is even recorded upon the vases.[818] To this spirit are also probably to be referred many of the tricks of the trade, such as imitations of the names of makers, and the numerous illegible inscriptions. When the potter’s establishment—called an ergasterion—was large, he employed under him a number of persons, some of whom were probably free but poor citizens, whilst others were slaves belonging to him.[819] How the labour was subdivided there are no means of accurately determining, but the following hands were probably employed:—(1) A potter, to make the vase on the wheel; (2) an artist, to trace with a point in outline the subject of the vase; (3) a painter, who executed the whole subject in outline, and who probably returned it to No. 2, when incised lines were required; (4) a modeller, who added such parts of the vase as were moulded; (5) a fireman, who took the vase to the furnace and brought it back; (6) a fireman for the furnace; (7) packers, to prepare the vases for exportation. Hence it may readily be conceived that a large establishment employed a considerable number of hands, and exhibited an animated scene of industrial activity.


739.  Traité, i. p. 548.

740.  Technologie, ii. p. 56.

741.  Die Malerei, p. 176.

742.  See Jahn, Vasens. zu München, p. cxliv; and Brunn-Lau, Griech. Vasen, p. 6.

743.  Suidas, s.v.; Athenaeus, xi. 482 B; Blümner, Technol. ii. p. 36.

744.  De recta audiendi rat. 9, § 42 D.

745.  Suidas, s.v. Κωλιάδος κεραμῆες; cf. Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 152.

746.  For representations of quarrying for clay at Corinth see the pinakes at Berlin, Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, Nos. 7, 23.

747.  Athen. xi. 464 B. C.

748.  Reg. et Imp. Apophth. 174 E.

749.  Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 161.

750.  Myres in Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 16.

751.  Diod. Sic. iv. 76.

752.  See Frazer, Pausanias, note to i. 21, 4.

753.  Pliny, H.N. vii. 198; Schol. ad Pind. Ol. xiii. 27.

754.  Diog. Laert. i. 105; Suidas, s.v. Ἀνάχαρσις.

755.  Athen. i. 28 C.

756.  Il. xviii. 600.

757.  vii. 303.

758.  Seneca, Ep. 90, 31.

759.  Rep. 420 E.

760.  Apud Athenaeum, x. 449 B.

761.  See Blümner, Technologie, ii. p. 38, note 3.

762.  xxxviii. 29: κεραμεὺς καθήμενος ... καὶ συστρέφων ἐν ποσὶν αὐτοῦ τροχόν.

763.  De gen. Socr. 20, p. 588 F.

764.  i. 645 K, quoted by Blümner.

765.  Blümner, ii. p. 39; Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1854, p. 40, note. See also Chapters XXI.-XXII.

766.  Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, figs. 17, 18; cf. Gaz. Arch. 1880, p. 106.

767.  Ath. Mitth. xiv. (1889), p. 157.

768.  Blümner, Technologie, ii. p. 51.

769.  As on the vases of Nikosthenes (see below, p. 385; B.M. B 619, 620; Louvre F 116, 117).

770.  Reinach, Répertoire, i. 11 = Petersburg 525.

771.  Evans, in Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. xi. p. 319 = B.M. Cat. iv. G 121, 122.

772.  See for examples B. M. Cat. iv. G 87–95.

773.  Cf. Aesop, Fab. 166 a, b.

774.  Cat. 2542 = Blümner, Technologie, ii. p. 50.

775.  Brongniart, Traité, i. p. 552.

776.  Legg. iii. 679 A.

777.  H.N. xxix. 34.

778.  E.g. B.M. B 426, E 459.

779.  Cf. Ar. Ach. 933: ψοφεῖ λάλον τι καὶ πυρορραγές. See also Suid. s.v. πυρορραγές; Pollux, vii. 164; Etym. Magn. p. 798, 17; and Schol. in Hom. Il. ii. 219. I cannot but think that in the term φοξός, as applied to Thersites' head, there is some correspondence to our phrase “crack-brained.” Simonides (apud Athen. xi. 480 D) speaks of a φοξίχειλος Ἀργείη κύλιξ, a term of disputed meaning; but a cup of which the brim (χεῖλος) would suggest the shape of a peaked head is hardly conceivable; and here again there must surely be some notion of sound.

780.  See Blümner, op. cit. ii. p. 46.

781.  See Fig. 67 b; Berlin 2294; Furtwaengler, in Jahrbuch, vi. (1891), p. 110, points out that these heads probably represent the Kyklopes or demon-attendants of the fire-god Hephaistos. See above, p. 105, under πύραυνοι; also Daremberg and Saglio, art. Caminus.

782.  Lenormant, La Grande Grèce, i. p. 94.

783.  Berlin 802 = Ant. Denkm. i. 8, 4.

784.  Cat. 731 = Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1854, pl. 1, fig. 1, p. 27.

785.  A Seilenos in this act appears on a vase in Sale Cat. Hôtel Drouot, May 11th, 1903, No. 131 (reproduced in Fig. 68).

786.  Examples are: Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, figs. 12, 19b, 22 (in Berlin); Gaz. Arch. 1880, pp. 105, 106 (in Louvre).

787.  A better drawing has recently been given in Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Gr. Vasenm. p. 159; but the reproduction in Fig. 67 is accurate in all essentials.

788.  Cat. 1114 = Ath. Mitth. xiv. (1889), p. 151.

789.  See Blümner, ii. p. 52.

790.  Ibid.

791.  See above, p. 214.

792.  Blümner (ii. p. 75) gives an account of various chemical experiments made upon it.

793.  See Blümner, ii. p. 76 ff.

794.  Traité, i. p. 550.

795.  This process is well illustrated on certain vases (e.g. B 158 in Brit. Mus.), where the artist has subsequently altered his design, and the lines still remain visible.

796.  See for a fuller consideration of this point p. 368.

797.  Baumeister, iii. p. 1992, fig. 2137 = Reinach, i. 336.

798.  See Pottier, Lecythes blancs, p. 99 ff.

799.  See Chapter XI., and Hartwig, Meisterschalen, p. 499.

800.  Jahrbuch, 1899, p. 147 ff.

801.  See Ath. Mitth. 1891, p. 376.

802.  Jahrbuch, 1899, p. 154.

803.  Jahrbuch, 1899, pl. 4.

804.  Cat. 222.

805.  See Durand-Gréville in Rev. Arch. xviii. (1891), p. 99 ff., xix. (1892), p. 363 ff.

806.  See Blümner, Technol. ii. p. 81.

807.  See for the four colours used by him, Plut. de defect. orac. 47, 436 C; Cic. Brut. 18, 70; and cf. Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 50.

808.  On vases with gilding, see Jahn, Vasen mit Goldschmuck (1865).

809.  Plat. Theaet. 147 A, Rep. iv. 421 D; Pollux, vii. 163.

810.  Strabo, xv. 717; Pollux, vii. 182.

811.  Schol. in Ar. Pac. 1202.

812.  Pollux, vii. 160.

813.  B.M. B 400.

814.  Lucian, Prom. in Verbis, 2; cf. Lactantius, Div. Inst. ii. 11.

815.  Plutarch, Apophth. Reg. et Imp. 176 E.

816.  Cf. B.M. Cat. of Sculpt. i. 599; Ross-Meier, Demen von Attika, p. 122, No. 67. The persons here mentioned were not necessarily potters.

817.  Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 3485.

818.  Hes. Op. et Di. 25: καὶ κεραμεὺς κεραμεῖ κοτέει; quoted by Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 4, 21, and Plat. Lys. 215 C. Euthymides on one of his vases places the boast, “Euphronios never did anything like this.” See for these two artists, Chapter X.

819.  Cf. the vase at Athens described above (p. 218), and the others with representations of potteries.