MYCENAEAN POTTERY
(British Museum).
Religious ideas, on the other hand, are strangely conspicuous by their absence. Mycenaean mythology is so far almost nonexistent in the art; and although attempts have at times been made to detect traces of early cults, as in the figures of men dressed as animals,[921] or the representations of the double axe,[922] they have not as yet met with universal acceptance. More improbable is the curious idea recently mooted,[923] that the subjects of the vase-paintings indicate an acquaintance with such theories as those of biological evolution.
FIG. 82. MYCENAEAN VASES WITH MARINE SUBJECTS (BRIT. MUS.).
Mycenaean pottery has been found on a very large number of sites throughout the Mediterranean. The most productive have been Mycenae, Crete, and Cyprus, especially the cemetery at Enkomi in the latter island. Other Cypriote centres are Curium, Agia Paraskevi near Nicosia, Maroni, and the neighbourhood of Dali and Larnaka (see p. 66). In Attica the Acropolis of Athens and the beehive tombs of Spata and Menidi have been most fruitful, and finds have been made at Haliki and elsewhere. In the Peloponnese the chief site is Tiryns, and many fragments have also been found at Nauplia; in Central Greece several sites in Boeotia, such as Orchomenos, may be mentioned. Of the Aegean islands, Rhodes and Melos are most conspicuous, especially the sites of Ialysos in the former island, Phylakopi in the latter. In Asia Minor, Mycenaean remains are rare, except at Troy, but in Egypt there is ample evidence of a close commercial relation, as in the finds at Tell-el-Amarna, in the Fayûm, and elsewhere. In the Western Mediterranean, Syracuse has yielded numerous fragments, and occasional finds have been made in Italy.[924]
Having reviewed the extent of Mycenaean influence, the next question we must consider is which, if any, was the centre whence this pottery was exported. It had been for some time observed that the early varieties of Thera, and those of Crete and Cyprus (v. supra), showed strong indications of local origin; but on the whole the Mycenaean pottery proper is remarkably uniform and homogeneous. It is perhaps possible to detect technical differences between the pottery, e.g., of Athens and Rhodes, but they may be only differences of date rather than fabric. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke regarded Argolis as the centre of manufacture, at least for the later lustrous varieties[925]; Pottier, on the other hand, writing before the recent discoveries, thought that Crete was, after Thera, the original centre, and Argolis only subsequently, the pottery of Rhodes lying midway between. In the light of the Cretan discoveries it is now possible largely to disregard previous theories. We have seen that Mycenaean pottery found in Crete has a pedigree which no other region can claim, and that it can only have a local origin. We have also seen that the Cretan supremacy came to an end about 1500 B.C., and that, though the pottery may have continued to be made in the island, it ceased to be an exclusive centre, and for the remainder of the Mycenaean Age the art, learned in Crete, spread to other Aegean centres—Mycenae, Rhodes, and Cyprus.
A far more difficult question to decide is the ethnographical one, together with the consideration of the relation of the Mycenaean civilisation to others in which the same decoration appears (as in the case of the spiral). One point seems to be abundantly clear, viz. that Mycenaean decoration owes nothing to Oriental influences. That there was a close relation with the East has already been indicated, and is much more apparent in other forms of Mycenaean art; but no student of this art in general can doubt that it is, as has been pointed out, purely spontaneous and unique, the art of a people of genuine artistic genius. Among the art of ancient races it stands alone in this respect, that of Egypt and Assyria, its only prominent rivals, being always essentially conventional; and herein lies its special distinction.
That the Mycenaeans were a maritime people admits of no doubt. It is shown by the position of their chief centres, by the evidence of their extensive commercial relations, and, as far as concerns their pottery, pre-eminently by the subjects which form the staple decoration. Hence of late years an attempt has been made to substitute for “Mycenaean” the more comprehensive term “Aegean,” and there is much to be said in its favour. As regards the actual ethnographical position of the race, Quot homines, tot sententiae, may almost be said. They have been identified with the Achaeans, the Pelasgians, the Phoenicians, the Carians, and as combinations of Phrygians with Cretans, of Phoenicians with Greeks of Asia Minor.[926] But few of these terms have real historical value, and such identifications do not really advance the solution of the question.
A more real ground of battle is that afforded by the question of date, though on this point scholars now show a greater tendency to fall into line, and a period culminating in the years 1400 to 1100 or 1000 B.C. is now very generally accepted.[927] The question necessarily turns largely on the evidence afforded by Crete and Egypt, and so far as this is trustworthy it all points in the same direction. But it would be beyond the scope of a work of this kind to do more than briefly summarise the general results of archaeological criticism.
An interesting study of Mycenaean ornamentation has been made by Dr. Riegl,[928] who deals generally with the principles underlying its vegetable motives, and points out that here we first meet with scrolls or continuous bands of foliage applied to a decorative purpose. These motives are peculiar to Greek art, and in Mycenaean design their origin is to be sought. In this way we may regard it as the immediate forerunner of Hellenic art, although its development was temporarily arrested by the Dorian invasion, just as the people who produced it formed the basis of the Hellenic race. The naturalism of Mycenaean ornament, which is seen both in continuous and in isolated patterns, is in marked contrast to the convention of Egypt, where the same motives may be in use. It is not, in short, the motive, but its treatment, which shows the independence of Mycenaean art. There are, again, other patterns, such as the spiral, which cannot be traced in Oriental art, and seem to be purely original, at least as far as concerns the Eastern Mediterranean.
Another recent writer, Dr. S. Wide, has noticed that where Mycenaean influence was originally strongest, as in Crete and Rhodes, there its characteristics were most strongly impressed upon the art of the succeeding period, and he is inclined to place the centre of the fabric in these islands or on the coast of the adjoining continent of Asia. At all events the Mycenaean influence shows itself more in the pottery of the islands than it does in Attica; and, in Crete and Rhodes in particular, instances have been found of undoubted survivals of typical Mycenaean ornaments in later pottery.[929]
820. See Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 14.
821. Cf. Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. figs. 487–93.
822. Cf. Perrot, op. cit. iii. figs. 498–503.
823. See Hall, Oldest Civilisation of Greece, p. 72.
824. See Athen. Mitth. xi. p. 249 ff., and Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vi. p. 648. A fragment of late Bronze-Age Cypriote pottery was found at Hissarlik (Dörpfeld, Troja und Ilion, i. p. 286, fig. 182).
825. See Meursius, Cyprus, i. chap. 20; Heuzey, Cat. des Fig. ant. du Louvre, p. 115.
826. Strabo, xiv. 6, p. 683.
827. Archaeologia, xlv. p. 127 ff.
828. Similar red polished wares were found in the New-Race tombs of Egypt (seventh to tenth dynasty), but in spite of the likeness it cannot be said that one is borrowed from the other (Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 16).
829. See Hall, Oldest Greek Civilisation, p. 69; Journ. Hell. Stud. xi. pl. 14; Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 38.
831. E.g. A 66 in B.M.
832. Hall, Oldest Civilisation, pp. 72, 98.
833. E.g. B.M. A 67–8.
834. Cf. Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 34 ff., 72.
835. Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 39.
836. Myres, ibid.
837. Cf. for instance the jug given in Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 408, fig. 29.
838. E.g. B.M. A 134: cf. Cyprus Mus. Cat. 401–2.
839. Cat. des Vases du Louvre, i. p. 250: see below, pp. 284, 315.
840. The Trojan legends were familiar in Cyprus, as the Κυπριακά of the local Cyclic poet Stasinos shows.
841. Cf. Perrot, Hist, de l’Art, iii. pp. 714–15, figs. 525–26.
842. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 73.
843. Recent discoveries by Mr. Arthur Evans at Knossos (Brit. Sch. Annual, 1901–2, p. 15) seem to suggest that these panels may be meant for windows or storeys of houses. Cf. also the bronze from Enkomi (Excavations, p. 10).
844. Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 59.
845. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 74.
846. See Athen. Mitth. xi. (1886), p. 248; cf. also Meursius, Cyprus, i. chap. 10; Heuzey, Cat. des Fig. ant. du Louvre, pp. 116–17.
847. Cypriote pottery with concentric circles has been found at Nebesheh in the Delta. It was brought by the Cypriote mercenaries, enrolled by Psammetichus, in the seventh century (Eg. Expl. Fund, 4th Mem. pl. 3, p. 20).
848. Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. p. 769 ff.
849. M. Pottier (Louvre Cat. i. p. 92) thinks that Greek influence may explain all the stages of Cypriote pottery from the Mycenaean period onwards. See also on this subject Dümmler, in Ath. Mitth. xi. p. 284.
850. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 8, fig. 14.
851. B.M. C 244.
852. B.M. C 121 = Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. pp. 716–17, figs. 527–8.
853. B.M. C 120 = Rev. Arch. ix. (1887), p. 77 ff.
854. Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 26.
855. Ibid. p. 21.
856. See Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. figs. 510–13; ibid. figs. 520–23 (human figures); Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 55, pls. 44–6; Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 75, 104 ff.; J.H.S. v. p. 103.
857. See above, p. 249. Cf. Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, pl. 10 = Nimroud Gallery of B.M., slab 4a.
858. Perrot, op. cit. iii. p. 711, fig. 523.
859. E.g. Perrot, op. cit. iii. figs. 507, 523, pp. 699, 711; Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 104–5, figs. 151–52.
860. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 105, fig. 152.
861. B.M. C 268 = J.H.S. ii. p. 304.
862. Cyprus, pl. 29.
863. See O.-Richter, Kypros, the Bible, and Homer, p. 497, and frontispiece to text volume; also B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 105, fig. 152.
864. B.M. E 34; Branteghem Cat. 30; Klein, Meistersig.2 p. 221.
865. Louvre A 258.
866. E.g. J.H.S. xii. pl. 14; Jahrbuch, 1887, pl. 11.
867. See Hermann, Gräberfeld von Marion, p. 46 ff.; B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 78, 109.
869. Troja 1893, p. 86; Troja u. Ilion, i. p. 18. On the pottery generally see the latter, p. 243 ff.
870. Its evolution is well illustrated by the Canopic vases described in Chapter XVIII.
871. Céramiques, i. p. 6: see for examples ibid. pp. 7, 11.
872. A jug with beak-shaped mouth, called by the Germans a Schnabelkanne. The base-ring to which he alludes is not apparent. Cf. for the type Fig. 81 below, from Thera.
873. See Schliemann, Ilios, pp. 340, 372, 375, 384.
874. Cf. Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 18.
875. ibid., p. 118; ibid., i. p. 310; B.M. B 83 ff.; and see p. 339.
876. See Fouqué, Santorin, passim; Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 28; Hiller von Gaertringen, Thera, i. p. 36 ff.
877. iv. 147–48.
878. One is given by Dumont-Pottier, pl. 2, fig. 13.
879. See Dumont-Pottier, p. 21, figs. 32–3, pls. 1, 2.
880. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vasen, pl. 12, No. 80.
881. Fouqué, op. cit. p. 127, note.
882. On the later pottery from Thera see generally Hiller von Gaertringen, Thera, ii. p. 127 ff.; Ath. Mitth. 1903, p. 1 ff.
883. Dümmler (Ath. Mitth. 1886, p. 45) calls them “Leleges”; but he places Minos in the Geometrical period.
884. Cf. Hdt. i. 171, and Thuc. i. 4–8.
885. Ath. Mitth. 1886, p. 15; Ross, Reisen durch die Inseln, passim; Athens Mus. Nos. 23–9, 136, 142–43; J.H.S. v. p. 53 ff.
886. J.H.S. Suppl. Papers, vol. iv. (1904).
887. Od. xix. 172 ff.
888. Hdt. i. 171.
889. Mon. Antichi, vi. p. 342, pl. 12, figs. 50, 52.
890. Ibid. pl. 11, figs. 44–5.
891. Ibid. pl. 10, fig. 23; pl. 12, figs. 57, 59.
892. Mon. Antichi, vi. p. 333 ff., pls. 9–11; Proc. Soc. Antiqs. 2nd Ser. xv. p. 351 ff.
893. J.H.S. xxiii. p. 157 ff.
894. Ibid. pl. 4, figs. 6–14.
895. See, for instance, Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vasen, p. vi.
896. J.H.S. xxi. p. 97, fig. 31, will serve as an example.
897. Ibid. xxiii. p. 171.
898. Ibid. xi. pl. 14, figs. 5–10, p. 275.
899. Cf. Mon. Antichi, vi. pl. 9, fig. 8; pl. 10, fig. 14.
900. From Brit. School Annual, ix. p. 308.
901. J.H.S. xxi. pls. 6, 7, p. 84 ff.
902. Mon. Antichi, vi. pl. 9, figs. 2, 6; pl. 10, fig. 14.
903. Ibid. pl. 9, fig. 10.
904. Ibid. p. 339.
905. Brit. School Annual, vi. p. 85. On the Kefti, see ibid. viii. p. 157 ff.
906. See for examplesJ.H.S. xxiii. p. 192 ff.
907. Brit. School Annual, vi. p. 88.
908. J.H.S. xxi. p. 99 ff. See the larnax published by Mr. Bosanquet in Brit. School Annual, viii. pls. 18–9: cf. ibid. vii. p. 52.
909. See Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vasen, pls. 13–4; Ath. Mitth. 1886, pl. 3 and pl. 4 (a large pithos with reliefs, for which compare p. 152 above); Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1880, p. 125, 1892, p. 295; Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vi. p. 451 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 176.
910. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 74, fig. 128. cf. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, op. cit. pl. 14, No. 88; Brit. School Annual, vi. p. 91.
911. Myken. Vasen, p. vi. ff. The evidence from Crete, however, appears to upset this chronology, the vases with lustrous painting being there found on a level with the matt paintings on dark ground.
912. For examples see Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Thongef. pls. 1; 4, 13; 5, 20; 7, 40; 11, 52.
913. Myken. Thongef. pl. 1, fig. 6; Myken. Vasen, pls. 23–4.
914. Myken. Thongef. pl. 8; pl. 11, 52; Myken. Vasen, pl. 23.
915. Myken. Thongef. pl. 6, 32, 34.
916. Myken. Thongef. pl. 12; Myken. Vasen, pls. 7, 25.
917. Schliemann, Tiryns, pl. 22, p. 99, fig. 20; Myken. Thongef. pls. 2, 4; Myken. Vasen, pls. 26–34, 39–41.
918. Myken. Vasen, pls. 37–41.
919. Mon. Antichi, i. p. 201 ff., pls. 1–2.
920. See J.H.S. xvii. pp. 75, 76.
921. Cook in J.H.S. xiv. p. 81 ff.
922. Evans in J.H.S. xxi. p. 99 ff. Recent discoveries seem to leave little room for doubt as to the correctness of Mr. Evans' theories.
923. Rev. Arch. xxvi. (1895), p. 1 ff.; xxx. (1897), p. 81 ff.: cf. ibid. xxviii. (1896), p. 24 ff.
924. See J.H.S. xxiv. p. 125.
925. Myken. Vasen, p. ix. ff.
926. See for a summary of the theories, Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 200 ff.
927. See Hall, Oldest Civilisation, chap. iii.; Pottier, op. cit. i. p. 209; and Arch. Anzeiger, 1892, p. 11 ff.
928. Stilfragen, p. 112 ff.
929. See Wide, in Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 233; and for some general considerations on Mycenaean pottery and its achievements, Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 247.
Geometrical decoration—Its origin—Distribution of pottery—Shapes and ornamentation of vases—Subjects—Dipylon vases—Boeotian Geometrical wares—Chronology—Proto-Attic fabrics—Phaleron ware—Later Boeotian vases—Melian amphorae—Corinth and its pottery—“Proto-Corinthian” vases—Vases with imbrications and floral decoration—Incised lines and ground-ornaments—Introduction of figure-subjects—Chalcidian vases—“Tyrrhenian Amphorae.”
Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vii. p. 154 ff.; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1872, p. 138 ff.; Jahrbuch, 1886, p. 94 ff.; 1899, pp. 26, 78, 188; Ath. Mitth. 1881, p. 106; 1892, p. 285; 1893, p. 73 ff.; 1896, p. 385 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 212 ff. For Boeotian Geometrical pottery, Böhlau in Jahrbuch, 1888, p. 325 ff.; for early Argive wares, Waldstein, Argive Heraeum, i. p. 49 ff.
The Dorian invasion of Greece, which is generally supposed to have taken place in the twelfth century—the traditional date is about 1100 B.C.—was, like the contemporaneous Etruscan immigration (Chapter XVIII.), only an episode in the general displacement taking place throughout Europe. In Greece it caused a dispersion of the Achaean race, chiefly in the direction of Asia Minor, which, as we have already seen, probably gave rise to the stories of the Trojan War and subsequent adventures of the Achaean leaders. In other words, the Mycenaean civilisation was driven to seek a new home elsewhere, and to lay the foundations of a new artistic development in the cities of Aeolis and Ionia. But its disappearance from Greece was not complete, and Hellenic Greece was from the beginning an amalgam of the old and new elements, the Achaean (or Ionian) and the Dorian, in which one or the other had at different times or in different places the pre-eminence. The Ionian element represents the civilisation of the Mediterranean, succeeding to that of the Mycenaean world; the Dorian, the influence of Central Europe.[930]
It has hitherto been a truism of archaeology that the Dorians brought with them from Central Europe a new form of art, of which the chief characteristic is that of rectilinear and geometrical decoration, forming, it is obvious, a marked contrast to the curvilinear and naturalistic Mycenaean designs. This new principle was thought to be most conspicuously illustrated by the pottery which now replaces the Mycenaean. But certain recent discoveries have given occasion for some scepticism in regard to the acceptance of this idea as conveying the whole truth; and even if they do not radically alter preconceived ideas, they are at least worthy of consideration.
At Aphidna in Attica a find has been made of very rude pottery, without glaze or varnish, but with decoration of a Geometrical character, sometimes painted.[931] Although earlier than any other pottery in Attica, it need not be pre-Mycenaean in date; it seems more likely to be a contemporary survival. Early wares have also been found in the islands, as in Aegina, with Geometrical ornament in matt-colour; nor must we forget that the Geometrical principle was known in Cyprus and the Cyclades, as also at Hissarlik, at a very remote age. From these data Dr. Wide has ingeniously drawn the conclusion that the Geometrical style was always indigenous in Greece,[932] pointing out that it was more likely and more in accordance with historical precedent that the Dorians, like Rome in later days, accepted the art of the people they conquered[933] than that they introduced their own and forced it upon the subjugated race. This theory has the additional merit of disposing of a difficulty which had always been felt. If the Geometrical pottery was Dorian, how do we account for its reaching its height in Attica, which was never at any time Doric, or influenced by Doric characteristics? But if it can be shown to be indigenous in Attica, the difficulty disappears.
Again, it is necessary to explain the varying character of Geometrical pottery in different parts of Greece, as compared with the homogeneity of the Mycenaean wares. If, as was supposed, the Geometrical style came full-grown into Greece, why should this be? Dr. Wide therefore maintains that there were in Greece concurrently a Bauernstil or domestic art, aboriginal and industrial, which produced the rude geometrical fabrics, and a Herrenstil or art de luxe, exotic and ornamental, which we know as Mycenaean. With the upheaval and dispersion of the Achaean aristocracy this art practically died out, but the humbler industry held its ground, and gradually forged its way to comparative excellence, perhaps learning much from Mycenaean technique.
The real novelty of the developed Geometrical pottery which now manifests itself in Greece consists in its evolution as a style, and the combination of the patterns into an artistic system, with a continuous progress towards symmetry and rhythm. Geometrical patterns are indeed the property of all primitive peoples, and are no less spontaneous and universal in their origin than the folk-lore stories which we find adopting the same or similar forms in all parts of the world. In Greece, no doubt, the cultured traditions of Mycenaean art had in course of time their due effect, and both in technique and in ornament left their impress on the inferior fabrics,[934] as we have seen to have been the case, especially in the Greek islands. It is an influence which is not confined to the pottery, but made itself felt, for instance, in architecture. It can hardly be doubted that in the Lion Gate of Mycenae we find the prototype of the Doric column; and the parallel with the Geometrical pottery can be further followed up when we consider that Doric architecture also became the common property of Continental Greece, and also realised its highest perfection at Athens.
The Geometrical pottery has been found in great numbers in Attica and Boeotia, in the islands of Aegina, Melos, Thera, Rhodes, and Crete,[935] in Argolis and Laconia, in Sicily and Etruria, and also isolated specimens in Cyprus and the Troad.[936] That found in Italy and Cyprus is certainly exported from the mainland. It has been observed that each region has its own peculiar variety of the style, and this is especially conspicuous in the examples from Attica and Boeotia.[937] The first writer who attempted to deal with it scientifically was Conze,[938] but owing to its clearly-defined characteristics it has always been more or less correctly treated by the older schools of archaeologists. But with a more extended outlook over the fabrics of early Hellas, many problems have arisen in connection with it which have called for more recent discussion, and the writings of Kroker, Böhlau, and Wide in particular should be studied.[939]
At Mycenae fragments of Geometrical pottery were found both on the surface and in the palace, among the débris of the huts built on its site; while in the island of Salamis there is a cemetery of distinctly transitional character, containing false amphorae with linear decoration and combinations of the spiral with the maeander.[940] It may be noted that a similar transitional cemetery was found by Mr. Paton at Assarlik in Caria,[941] and that the “sub-Mycenaean” pottery of Cyprus (p. 246) has been shown to exhibit the same combination of features. These facts fall into line with what has already been said as to the survival of Mycenaean art in these fabrics.
From the fact that large quantities of this ware have been obtained from the tombs of the Kerameikos near the Dipylon Gate of Athens, chiefly between 1870 and 1891, it has frequently been styled Dipylon ware; but it is questionable whether this title should not be reserved for varieties peculiar to this site. These Dipylon tombs were in the form of deep quadrangular trenches, and the bodies had been sometimes inhumed, sometimes cremated, the bones being placed in vessels of bronze or clay, containing smaller objects. Above the trenches was a layer of earth mixed with burnt offerings, on the top of which, outside the tombs, were placed the large painted vases (representing the tombstones or stone sepulchral vases of later times) which now form a prominent part of the collections at Athens and in the Louvre.[942]
Turning to treat of their general characteristics, we note that the vases are all wheel-made, of a carefully-prepared red clay covered with a lustrous and impermeable yellow slip, on which the designs are painted in the same lustrous black as the Mycenaean wares. Later, but rarely, white is introduced as an accessory. As regards the shapes, there is less variety than in Mycenaean pottery. They include the typical forms of Dipylon vases, a large wide-mouthed krater on a high stem, and an amphora with cylindrical neck and side-handles; also the lebes, the cylindrical jug or olpe, the wide bowl or skyphos, and the pyxis or covered jar. Open-work stands for vases are often found in the Cyclades.[943] On the covers of the pyxides a group of two or three rudely-modelled horses sometimes forms the handle. In considering the forms generally, it is permissible to say that the potter of the day was in advance of his Mycenaean predecessor, although the painter was not.
The decoration follows a development which permits of the division of Geometrical vases into three periods, in which we follow Kroker[944]: (1) for a long time it is exclusively limited to Geometrical patterns, and (2) even when quadrupeds and birds are introduced they are still only decorative (as in Boeotia); (3) finally, while the animals take a subsidiary place, human figures and large compositions spring into prominence. But this final development is chiefly characteristic of Athens. Wide distinguishes four varieties of the Dipylon ware: (a) amphorae, with black varnished bodies and designs only on the neck; (b) “black Dipylon ware,” mainly varnished, but more decorated than (a); (c) large vases, with linear decoration or figures all over in horizontal friezes (the tomb-amphorae); (d) as the last, but with vertical panels, divided like metopes. His view is that these represent a continuous development, but that the style did not last long in Attica. Returning to Kroker’s classification, it must be borne in mind that the three classes are not successive in point of time, only in artistic development; the plain linear decoration survived throughout, and is often found in tombs contemporaneously with the figure subjects.
The patterns are mainly, though not exclusively, rectilinear, and sometimes extremely elaborate. The favourite are a large bold maeander, chevrons, chequers, and arrangements of hatched lines; also squares, with diagonals and much ground-ornament. Among the simpler motives are lines of dots, triangles, lozenges, and various forms of crosses; but concentric and “tangent” circles occur not infrequently, the latter being clearly derived from the Mycenaean spiral, and one vegetable motive appears in the form of a conventionalised leaf, later developed into a rosette. M. Perrot[945] gives a very instructive diagram of the typical scheme of ornamentation on the neck and body of a vase, including most of the principal varieties. It should also be noted that these patterns occur frequently on the field of the designs as ground-ornaments, to cover the vacant spaces.
In the arrangement of the patterns an architectural instinct is clearly at work, the influence of the Doric metope being especially prominent. They are usually arranged, as the diagram (Fig. 83) shows, in horizontal bands round the neck and body, like the bands of painted ornament on the entablature of a temple. The metopes and triglyphs are represented by large square patterns of ornament, separated by narrow vertical strips of simpler motives (cf. Fig. 84). The introduction of the frieze principle proper is a later development. Generally speaking, there is an invariable tendency towards symmetry and refinement in the arrangement. When figure subjects begin to be introduced, it betokens a great advance in decorative art, especially over the Cypriote and other varieties of the style. In the tendency to a horror vacui, the style is inferior to Mycenaean, as also in the figure-drawing, of which more anon. The absence of any plant-ornament is most characteristic, as showing the great change from the Mycenaean spirit; but it was not long before this element was destined to reappear and virtually usurp the field of decoration.[946]