Chalcidian Vase: Herakles and Geryon; Quadriga (Bibliothèque Nationale).
There are a few vases which, on account of various peculiarities, can only be described as “imitation Corinthian.” Among these may be mentioned one with an inscription in the Sicyonian alphabet (Berlin 1147), and a krater in the British Museum (B 42 on Plate XXI.) with designs on a white ground, which from the similarity of its style to the Berlin vase may be linked therewith.[1063] The late F. Dümmler was of opinion that these two vases were made at Sikyon. There is also the group of vases from Caere in the Campana collection of the Louvre, which have usually been regarded as imitations of Corinthian ware made in Italy; but M. Pottier in his catalogue makes no distinction between these and the genuine Corinthian fabrics.
A very puzzling class of vases, about which little is at present known, is that formed by the so-called Chalcidian group. They are so named from the fact of their bearing inscriptions which may undoubtedly be referred to the alphabet of Chalkis in Eretria; but there is no evidence that they were actually made there. We know, however, that Chalkis was a great art-centre and rival of Corinth in the seventh and sixth centuries, and was especially famous for work in metal. As, therefore, more than one of these vases bears evident indications, in the shape of the handles, the ornamentation, and other details, of an imitation of metallic originals, there may be some ground for the attribution. Only a dozen or so of these vases with Chalcidian inscriptions are known, and several of them are in character almost to be ranked with the developed B.F. Attic wares; their date cannot therefore be earlier than the middle of the sixth century, probably about 560–540 B.C. On the other hand, they often present a close parallel, especially in the ornamental patterns, to the later Corinthian wares,[1064] whence it seems probable that they form, like the so-called Tyrrhenian amphorae (see below), a connecting-link between Corinth and Athens. While as yet it is impossible to obtain a definite idea of the characteristics of “Chalcidian” vases, the attempt to classify other uninscribed vases with them can only be very tentative, although there is more than one in the British Museum, in the Louvre, and elsewhere, which presents some feature especially typical of the inscribed examples.[1065]
The prevailing shape is the amphora, all but one of the inscribed group coming under this heading, in which the outline of the body approaches nearer to a pure ellipse than is usual in this form; the typical ornaments are rows of oblique zigzags and a peculiar variety of the lotos-pattern. An occasional rosette in the field preserves a trace of Corinthian influence. The subjects are mainly mythological, such as the combat of Herakles and Geryon, battle-scenes from the Trojan legends, etc.; and two points are worth noting as apparently characteristic of the group: (1) the tendency to represent fallen figures in full face, which is very rare in archaic vase-painting; (2) the type of Geryon, who is winged, and not, as in the Attic vases, “three men joined together,” as Pausanias describes the figure on the chest of Kypselos, but a triple-headed, six-armed monster.
The most typical example of the class is the amphora in the Hope collection at Deepdene,[1066] with scenes from the Trojan War. Ajax stands over the body of Achilles, defending it from the attacks of Glaukos, whom he has wounded, and of Paris, who has just discharged his bow; behind the latter advance Aeneas and two other Trojans with spears, while a fourth falls back wounded. Achilles and the two wounded men are all shown in full face.[1067] The combat is watched by a stiff archaic figure of Athena, with serpent-fringed aegis, and behind her, standing apart, is Diomede, having his wounded hand bound up by Sthenelos. The drawing on the whole is accurate, and the style more vigorous and less conventional than that of the Attic vases.
Two of the group represent Herakles encountering Geryon: an amphora in the British Museum (B 155) and one in the Bibliothèque at Paris (202). In the latter the figure of Athena is almost exactly repeated from the Deepdene vase, and behind her is a group of cattle. The reverse of this vase represents a quadriga seen from the front (a typical Chalcidian subject). Both sides of the vase are illustrated in Plate XXII.
Until the whole series of Chalcidian vases is properly studied and estimated,[1068] it is difficult to give an adequate account of this important group; we append, however, a list of those bearing inscriptions in the alphabet, and a few others for various reasons associated with them.[1069]
There is a large and important class of vases, not differing in technique from the Attic B.F. vases proper, yet clearly of earlier date, and while not exclusively Attic in all their characteristics, yet sufficiently so to suggest that they are closely connected therewith. The problem which these vases have for a long time presented is whether they merely represent an early stage of the Attic B.F. fabrics, linking them to the “Proto-Attic,” or whether they owe their origin to foreign, e.g. Corinthian, sources.
About eighty vases, nearly all amphorae, have been recognised as presenting the characteristics of this class, and all have been found in Italy, chiefly at Cervetri and Vulci; hence they have been known for many years. As long ago as 1830 the name “Tyrrhenian amphorae” was applied to them by Gerhard, meaning thereby a sort of cross between Greek vases proper and those of obviously Italian origin. The name has adhered to them, and was also used generally to describe the characteristic form of amphora, with its cylindrical neck and egg-shaped body[1070]; but it was not long before it began to be realised that the vases bore inscriptions in the Attic dialect, and, further, that the subjects on them had much in common with the later Corinthian fabrics. Thereupon sprang up the idea, fostered by Loeschcke,[1071] that the vases were made by Athenian potters, but that they were largely indebted to Corinthian—or, as Loeschcke called them, Peloponnesian—prototypes.[1072] For the last ten years or so they have been generally known as “Corintho-Attic,” but Thiersch, the most recent writer on the subject,[1073] reverts to the old name of Tyrrhenian, using it of course in a purely conventional sense. His conclusion is that the class is to be regarded as “old Attic,” rather than imitative of Corinthian, and he shows clearly that it must be regarded as a development of the Vourva vases (p. 299), as will be seen from an examination of the vase given in Fig. 89, p. 299; but that it is entirely free from Corinthian influence can hardly be maintained. We have seen that the Vourva class borrowed from Corinth the friezes of animals which are also characteristic of this group, and it is possible that this influence continued to make itself felt. At all events, this ware belongs to the first half of the sixth century B.C., and stands in close relation to the François vase, and others which represent the earliest school of Attic B.F. artists. Its specially Attic characteristic are, according to Holwerda, (1) the inscriptions, (2) the clay, (3) the types of the lotos and other ornaments, (4) the importance given to one subject, (5) the thin proportions of the figures.[1074]
“Tyrrhenian” Amphora: Death of Polyxena (Brit. Mus.).
The vases are for the most part decorated in the same manner, with an elaborate lotos-and-honeysuckle pattern on either side of the neck, and several friezes of figures, usually three, covering the body, of which all but the principal one are composed of animals or monsters. The principal frieze is always the upper one, covering the body from the neck to the middle. The friezes are more numerous on the earlier examples; they become fewer as Corinthian characteristics give way to Attic. Altogether, these vases are remarkably homogeneous, both in style, in shape, and in technique, and it has even been suggested that the whole series is the work of one man; nor is this an impossibility.
An interesting feature is formed by the inscriptions,[1075] which are of frequent occurrence. They tend, however, to degenerate into meaningless collocations of letters, which some have thought to represent Corinthian inscriptions misunderstood; but the alphabet is pure Attic throughout, except for the double forms on the Berlin amphora (see below), and a Chalcidian Chalcidian Γ for Γ on a vase in the British Museum. The artist is fond of giving his figures surnames, and thus we find Hermes styled Κυλλήνιος, “of Kyllene,” Nestor Πύλιος, “of Pylos,” and Ajax [Ὀ]ιλιάδης, “son of Oileus,” a feature which hardly occurs on any other class of vases. The meaningless inscriptions are not easy to account for; certain groups of letters are repeated over and over again, and it has been suggested by Thiersch that they are analogous to the friezes of animals, with their repetitions and combinations. They also seem to serve a decorative purpose by filling up spaces.
The subjects are mainly mythological, with many features of interest. For several the artist seems to have had a decided preference, such as the combats of Herakles with Amazons and with the Centaur Nessos, that of the Lapiths with the Centaurs, the adventure of Troilos and Polyxena from the Trojan legends. Bacchic scenes are altogether wanting, but on many examples a Corinthian type is adopted in their place, representing grotesque dancing figures in various attitudes.[1076] Of scenes from daily life, combats of armed warriors and young riders galloping prevail above all others; the latter are, as on the Caeretan hydriae (p. 355), little more than decorative. Generally speaking, it is doubtful if Loeschcke’s idea of types borrowed from the Peloponnese can be maintained; it is true that some scenes which occur on the chest of Kypselos may be found, but the treatment is not quite the same; and some subjects seem to be rather from an Ionic source. The animals or monsters which form the subordinate friezes include the Sphinx and Siren; the lion, panther, goat, and deer; the eagle, swan, and cock.[1077]
Some of the vases call for more than passing mention, especially the remarkable Berlin vase (Cat. 1704) with the Birth of Athena, and the richly decorated specimen recently acquired by the British Museum, with the Death of Polyxena. The former seems to be the earliest example of its subject, and in the number and arrangement of the figures it resembles the fine early Attic amphora in the British Museum (B 147). Its chief interest is epigraphical, in the use of the double forms (Corinthian and Attic) in the same word of the letters E (Corinthian E) and Κ (Ϙ).[1078] Over the figure of Hermes is written Ἑρμῆς εἰμὶ Κϙυέλνιος (sc. Κυλλήνιος), as already noted above. This vase may be regarded as having established the “type” for the subject so long popular on Attic vases, until Pheidias created a new and more ideal version.[1079] The Museum vase (Plate XXIII.) has a very remarkable representation of a subject rare in Greek art, with several unique features.[1080] The body of Polyxena is carried in a rigid horizontal position by Ajax Iliades (sc. son of Oïleus) and two others, to the tomb of Achilles, over which Neoptolemos stands to perform the fatal deed. Phoenix, Diomede, and Nestor “of Pylos” are spectators of the act.
The style of the vases as a whole is coarse and clumsy, though it often rises to a greater standard of merit; the lines are often mechanically drawn and lifeless, which may be to some extent the result of imitation. Details of drapery are seldom shown, except that the dresses are often richly decorated with incised patterns, but the folds are never indicated.[1081]
930. Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 222–3.
931. Wide, in Ath. Mitth. 1896, p. 385 ff.; see also ibid. 1893, p. 138.
932. Cf. the results from the Argive Heraion (Waldstein, i. p. 49 ff.).
933. Cf. Horace, Ep. ii. 1, 156: Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes intulit agresti Latio.
934. M. Pottier notes the unexpected repetition of curvilinear elements in Geometrical pottery (Louvre Cat. i. p. 223).
935. For Melos, see Jahrbuch, 1886, p. 112; for Thera, H. von Gaertringen, Thera, ii. p. 127 ff.; Ath. Mitth. 1903, p. 1 ff.; for Crete, Brit. School Annual, 1899–1900, p. 91.
936. Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. 29; B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 103, fig. 150; Dörpfeld, Troja und Ilion, i. p. 304.
937. See Wide’s study of the pottery in the Athens Museum, Jahrbuch, xiv. (1899), pp. 26, 78, 188; xv. (1900), p. 49.
938. Zur Geschichte d. Anfänge d. Kunst, p. 1 ff. (Sitzungsber. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. Wien, 1870, lxiv. p. 505 ff.).
939. See Bibliography.
940. Perrot and Chipiez, vii. pp. 51, 208.
941. J.H.S. viii. p. 68 ff.; cf. Ath. Mitth. 1887, p. 223 ff.
942. See p. 35, and Ath. Mitth. 1893, p. 73 ff.
943. E.g. B.M. A 383, 384; Louvre, A 490, 491; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1872, pl. K, fig. 12.
944. Jahrbuch, 1886, p. 95.
945. Hist. de l’Art, vii. p. 165, reproduced in Fig 83. The part bracketed denotes the ornamentation of the neck.
946. See Riegl, Stilfragen, p. 150 ff.
947. E.g. B.M. Cat. of Bronzes, 600.
948. J.H.S. xix. pl. 8.
949. For other instances of ships on Dipylon vases, see Chapter XV. § 7; also Mon. Grecs, xi.–xiii. (1882–4), p. 40 ff.; Rev. Arch. xxv. (1894), p. 14 ff.
950. Cf. Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vii. p. 57.
951. Schliemann, Tiryns, pl. 13; J.H.S. xvii. pl. 3, p. 70.
952. Arch. Zeit. 1885, pl. 8.
953. Jahrbuch, i. (1886), p. 119.
954. The most important of the Dipylon vases have been published in the Monumenti, vol. ix. pl. 39, and Annali, 1872, pl. 1, besides the others already mentioned. See also Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. 29; Louvre Cat. A 516–19, 526, 575; Athens Cat. 196–214, 350, etc.
955. Jahrbuch, 1888, p. 325 ff.
956. Hist. de l’Art, vii. p. 212.
957. Monuments Piot, i. p. 35 ff.
959. See Riegl, Stilfragen, p. 173.
960. Riegl, fig. 81.
961. Cat. 306; Jahrbuch, 1888, p. 357.
962. On these fibulae see B.M. Cat. of Bronzes, p. xxxix, and Nos. 119–21, 3204–5.
963. This would seem to suggest a textile origin for Geometrical patterns, at least on Boeotian vases.
964. E.g. B 57–8 in Brit. Mus.
965. Jahrbuch, i. (1886), p. 99 ff.: see also, for relations with Egypt, p. 114.
966. Dörpfeld, Troja und Ilion, i. p. 304 ff.
967. See Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 232, and Ath. Mitth. 1892, p. 285.
968. Jahrbuch, 1886, p. 106; Pottier, op. cit. p. 229.
969. In the B.F. period, pinakes and prothesis-amphorae (Athens 688–690, 845–847; Berlin 1811–26, 1887–89); in the R.F. period, the white lekythi.
970. See Pottier, op. cit. i. p. 135 ff.
971. See also Ath. Mitth. xiii. (1888), p. 280.
972. Ath. Mitth. 1895, pl. 3.
973. See J.H.S. xxii. p. 35.
974. Ionian influence in the early part of the sixth century is also indicated by the finds of Rhodian and Naucratite pottery on the Acropolis at Athens; and in another way by the style of the vases found at Vourva and others from Eretria: see Böhlau, Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop., p. 116; Nilsson in Jahrbuch, 1903, p. 124 ff.
975. Cf. Athens 464, 469; Jahrbuch, 1897, pl. 7; Notizie degli Scavi, 1895, p. 186, as examples of the transition.
977. Athens 665–66: cf. 469.
978. See Chapter XIV.
979. See Chapter XVII.
980. Ashmolean Vases, No. 189.
981. In the Vatican (Helbig, i. p. 435, No. 641). Reinach, i. 179 = Wiener Vorl. 1888, 1, 8.
982. For the interpretation of the inscription see J.H.S. x. p. 187 (Ramsay); Arch.-epigr. Mitth. aus Oesterr.-Ungarn, 1888, p. 85 (Dümmler); Class. Review, 1900, p. 264 (Richards). The last explanation (Aristonoös) seems the most natural. See Chapter XVII.
983. Schliemann, Mycenae, p. 133: cf. Pottier in Revue Arch. xxviii. (1896), p. 19. The technique of the vase is not strictly Mycenaean, as the use of yellow colour for details implies.
984. Berl. Phil. Woch. 1895, p. 201.
985. See Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 58.
986. That they are an immediate development of the Dipylon style is indicated by various features of the later Attic Geometrical vases (Jahrbuch, 1886, pp. 98, 120).
987. Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 48, fig. 8 = Plate XVII. No. 5.
988. Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 46.
989. See p. 246; and cf. for example Excavations in Cyprus, p. 73, figs. 126–27. For a later Ionic vase of similar type see Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1884, pl. 7 (below, p. 339).
990. Ath. Mitth. 1890, pls. 10–12; 1893, pl. 2.
991. Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 115 ff.
992. Jahrbuch, 1903, p. 124 ff.
993. Ath. Mitth. 1890, p. 10.
995. Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 1, figs. 2 and 7: cf. Berlin 1651 = Bull. de Cor. Hell. 1897, p. 448.
997. Wiener Vorl. 1889, pl. 1, fig. 1.
999. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1897, p. 450: cf. Athens 612 and a Berlin vase = Anzeiger, 1891, p. 116. On this shape see above, p. 187.
1001. Melische Thongefässe. See also Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 213; Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 211.
1002. Athens 477 = Mylonas in Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1894, pls. 12–4, p. 226 (admirably reproduced in colours).
1003. Cf. Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 212.
1004. Athens 475.
1005. Berlin 301 = Reinach, i. 380, 4.
1006. Cf. also J.H.S. viii. pl. 79 and B.M. A 762–64, 790.
1007. Stilfragen, p. 154.
1008. J.H.S. xxii. p. 46 ff.
1009. Cf. J.H.S. xxii. p. 66.
1010. x. 182.
1011. On the relations of Corinthian and Rhodian pottery, see Wilisch, Altkor. Thonindustrie, p. 127. The Corinthian vases found in Rhodes are roughly contemporaneous with the so-called Rhodian fabric.
1012. E.g. Louvre E 460, 467; Berlin 1156 ff. Furtwaengler, Dümmler, and Wilisch call these Italo-Corinthian, but Böhlau regards them as Aeolic, Orsi and Gsell as Sicilian. See Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 422.
1013. Gaz. Arch. 1880, p. 106.
1014. Wilisch, Altkor. Thonindustrie, p. 6 ff., limits these classes to three: Proto-Corinthian, Yellow-ground, and Red-ground; he arrives at this by combining Classes 2, 3, and 4 in one.
1015. Cf. Couve in Rev. Arch. xxxii. (1898), p. 214.
1016. Cf. Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 16, of Aridikes and Telephanes, spargentes linear intus. But it is not certain that this passage refers to the use of incised lines.
1017. Ann. dell’ Inst. 1877, pls. C, D; Mon. Antichi, i. p. 780.
1018. J.H.S. xi. p. 173; Gsell, Fouilles de Vulci, p. 481.
1019. Ann. dell’ Inst. 1877, p. 406; Italiker in der Po-ebene, p. 84.
1020. Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 18; Klein, Euphronios, p. 68; Wilisch, p. 11.
1021. Ath. Mitth. 1897, pp. 262, 265 ff.; and Anzeiger, 1893, p. 17.