Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney was not a man calculated to inspire confidence as to his military abilities. He had a habit of riding around, often alone, to give verbal orders for all sorts of petty things, and to find fault with trifles. As to perfecting the organization of what troops he had, or establishing any system out of the chaos that existed, there seems to be but one verdict from those on duty under him. He did nothing. No one knew what the position of other bodies of troops would be in case of an attack; no one knew what was expected or required to be done in case the enemy appeared. No one knew where to expect support in case of need, or to whom or how to render such support if wanted. Lieutenant Tinkham reports that there did not seem to be a head to anything. First-Sergeant Ballou reports that most of his time was occupied in finding food for the detachment, and that it appeared to him as though the Forty-Second were visitors who had remained too long, but did not leave because there was no one to tell them to go. The testimony of all the observing men is of a like nature.

All the various detachments on duty had no knowledge of each other, were acting without concert, had never before co-operated, were entirely destitute of esprit de corps, while a half-regiment on duty would have had all of these essentials, so requisite to a body of men expected to defend an important post in daily danger of an attack. It would be safe to say, not in a boastful spirit, had the four or six companies of the Forty-Second Regiment, in camp at Bayou Gentilly and at the posts on Lake Ponchartrain, been at Brashear, that place would not have been lost without a fight of some duration. Under their own officers, the companies well acquainted with each other and of excellent material, cohesion and confidence would have existed, that made a gallant stand not only possible but almost certain. When Sir John Moore organized and disciplined the British army at Shorncliffe, it was on the basis of the regimental system. The object of this system was to make each regiment a living unit, by making officers and men thoroughly acquainted with each other. This engenders a feeling of close comradeship which is exemplified even now in the many regimental reunions that annually take place, where old times are revived and talked over without regard to present station in life.

The Forty-Second Regiment, since the days of Readville Camp, had shown on several occasions this feeling of comradeship. The men knew their officers (some of those officers better than they knew themselves), and with the companies at Gentilly Bayou were officers who had only to say what they wanted done, when the men would have done it without hesitation or fear.

Under the circumstances, as they existed, the congregation of troops at Brashear could not be expected to have done any better than they did.

June 14th Captain Cook obtained sick leave, and returned to the regiment at Bayou Gentilly. The men said, “his boots hurt him.” This hit can be appreciated by those who remember the elaborate high-top boots the captain was wont to wear. June 18th Lieutenant Clifford and a few enlisted men did the same thing. Lieutenant Clifford suggested to Lieutenant Tinkham how easily he could obtain sick leave also, if he desired; but Tinkham refused to entertain such an idea, preferring to stand by his men, and remained, the only commissioned officer with the detachment. The same day Clifford left, Sergeant Albert L. Clark, Company B, then at Gentilly, was ordered to his company at Brashear. In view of what subsequently happened, it seems a pity that two officers from the regiment of sound judgment and undoubted courage were not ordered to Brashear also.

The most extended scout in which any part of the detachment participated was on June 17th, when the steamer Kepper and gunboat Hollyhock, three guns, which had arrived on the sixteenth, carried a company One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, a few cavalry, and a detachment Forty-Second Massachusetts, under Lieutenant Clifford, the entire force in command of a captain, One Hundred Seventy-Sixth New York, for a trip up the Bayou Teche to Pattersonville, on a foraging expedition. This expedition started at four o’clock in the morning. On landing, a skirmish line was formed and marched inland from the bayou. The line was then swung around in half-circle form, driving in all live stock that was found, aggregating some one hundred head of horses, mules, and cattle of all kinds. The day was, as usual, extremely hot, and when they arrived on the bayou the cattle were allowed a rest previous to attempting to make them take the water and be swum across. When a large bull had been caught, and by aid of boat and rope pulled into the water, with an encouraging prospect that the rest would follow, word was given by a lookout on the Hollyhock, “the enemy’s cavalry are coming!” The usual exaggerated stories were afloat at once. The report gained credence that their force was five thousand strong. A cool head would have known better. As a matter of fact the enemy was not over one hundred strong, probably nearer fifty men, while the Federals numbered about one hundred and fifty men.

Ordered to cease work, the troops hastened on board the Kepper, leaving the cattle to roam back to their homes and be picked up by the planters, who had followed the troops, protesting against taking their stock, for they were good Union men; at the same time they undoubtedly conveyed word to the enemy of what was going on. On arrival at Brashear, about five o’clock in the afternoon, it was found that quite a number of men were missing. The Kepper took aboard two guns, as an addition to her small armament, and volunteers were called for, to go back as a guard and assist in finding the stragglers. Tired and hungry as they were, without food all day (rations had not been carried in haversacks), volunteers were numerous. Going back a few miles, an exchange of shots with the enemy’s cavalry took place. The infantry upon the Kepper fired away most of their ammunition without doing any execution, because the Confederate cavalry kept at a respectful distance. A hail from the right bank of the river disclosed all of the stragglers, about twenty and mostly New York men, who were taken on board.

On the way back to Brashear a sad accident happened to a private of the New York company, who was leaning upon his rifle, when it was by some accident discharged; the ball entered his head, causing instant death. There were no other casualties during the day, unless what happened to Corporal Lowery, of Company B, can be so called. The corporal was out with a forage party when they came to a high board fence, and instead of lending a hand to break it down he chose to jump over at a place that was rather low, to land on the other side in a bee-hive. The bees stung him badly before he could get away from them. It was sport for lookers-on, but no fun for the corporal.

On the morning of the twentieth, shortly after midnight, Sergeant Ballou with twenty men was sent upon the gunboat Hollyhock to assist in obtaining and removing three heavy cannon that were in battery upon an island in the river, some few miles below Brashear City, where an earthwork had been constructed named Fort Chene, garrisoned by a detachment of the Twenty-First Indiana Artillery, under Lieutenant Sherfy, and one company, about thirty men, of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, under Lieutenant Kerby. It was understood that, by orders of Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney, the fort was to be evacuated and destroyed, and the garrison, with the cannon, was to proceed to Bayou Bœuff.

Lieutenant Tinkham, with all the business on his hands that one man would care to undertake, had not been able to obtain any sleep for many hours, and had just lain down to take some needed rest, immediately after the detail of men for the gunboat had started, when a train of cars was run into the depot. Thinking it strange, with his curiosity aroused to learn what was taking place, caused him to remain wide awake while the rest of his men slumbered. Very soon after detachments of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York and Twenty-Third Connecticut Infantry, without music, quietly filed into the depot in light marching order. Still watching what was going on, Stickney approached and wanted to know why the men of the Forty-Second were not ready to board the train. No orders had been received to that effect from any source, and so Tinkham informed him. Stickney disputed this, and curtly gave the detachment a limited number of minutes to get ready. The time was extremely short, and without rations the lieutenant with about fifty men, all there was with him at the time, took the train and left Brashear City for La-Fourche. Orders were left with the sentries on duty for Sergeant Ballou to follow as soon as possible with the balance of the detachment. General Emory had telegraphed from New Orleans for Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney, with all of his available force, to proceed to La-Fourche, as the enemy might attempt to sever communications.

The departure of Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney left Major Anthony, Second Rhode Island Cavalry, in command of the post. It seems that Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney, for some trivial matter, had placed Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne, commanding One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, under arrest on the sixteenth, but had released him from arrest on the evening of the eighteenth, with an understanding that Duganne would report for duty in a few days, that officer pleading illness as a reason for not returning to duty immediately. Abruptly ordered away at midnight, before Duganne was on duty, caused Stickney to place the post in command of Major Anthony, the next senior officer fit for duty in Brashear. This should not have prevented Duganne, by virtue of his senior rank, assuming command the next day, twentieth, when he returned to duty. Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne was in command of troops in the garrison; Major Anthony was not. Even if Duganne had done so, that any prompt measures for defence, backed up by pluck and determination, would have been attempted is very doubtful. The defence of Bayou Bœuff by this officer answers the doubt.

Major Anthony did not possess the qualities to make a successful soldier. There were line officers in the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, on duty under him, more competent to assume command. A good idea of the kind of soldier Major Anthony was is afforded by an incident that occurred on a scout made on the Berwick side. Some of the Forty-Second detachment on this scout, under Captain Cook, inclined to have some fun out of it, on the sly would dig the pigs in their vicinity, that were running around loose, with the points of their bayonets, causing them to give an occasional squeal. To this amusement the major took exceptions, and because Captain Cook could not detect men in the act, or cause them to stop, he was threatened with arrest by the gallant major.

What did it matter if a few pigs were touched up with bayonets? there was work to do of more importance than to fret and fume over a thing so insignificant; but so it was with the post-commanders at Brashear in June, 1863. Instead of bending their energies and giving their time and thought to the critical situation of affairs, they preferred and did do nothing but put on airs about trifles.

Sergeant Ballou, with his men, arrived at the depot from Fort Chene about daylight with the guns. The guard, about twenty men under Sergeant Turner, that had been sent out early on the morning of the nineteenth for twenty-four hours duty at the water tank, situated nearly a mile from the depot upon the railroad line, came in about the same time. The men were mustered and found to number forty-five.

Everything had the appearance that morning of an intention to vacate Brashear. The remaining cars, about fifty, mostly box cars, were made up into a train, with half of them loaded with stores of all kinds, the other half occupied by all of the men who could go. With the locomotive La-Fourche attached, it was about four o’clock in the afternoon when a start was made. Upon stopping at Bayou Bœuff, seven miles out, the rumor was current there, among the troops and people, that the force which left Brashear early that morning had been taken prisoners at La-Fourche, the track torn up, and the enemy waiting for the next train to come along. The train was run some thirteen miles further and then stopped near Chucahoula by some whites and blacks, who signalled the engineer.

As previously instructed, on coming to a stop, one-half of the troops formed upon each side of the train and awaited orders. No reconnoissance was made. A Captain Bailey, deputy provost-marshal at Houma, had arrived at Brashear during the day and reported “rebs” upon the road between Houma and Tigerville. This report was undoubtedly true, for the enemy scouted continually upon all of the roads in La-Fourche Parish; still an armed reconnoissance by the troops might have developed a fighting chance to get through by a bold dash. As it was, no enemy was seen, although they may have been in ambush. Most of the soldiers were chagrined at going back without an attempt to push through to La-Fourche Crossing, eight miles further on. Telegraphic communication had been severed between Brashear and La-Fourche during the day, and the report that a rebel battery and cavalry commanded the track was accepted as gospel truth by some of the officers, and in a short time the train was ran back slowly to Brashear, arriving about ten o’clock the same evening. The Forty-Second detachment again occupied the depot building, without orders from any source.

Berwick City was shelled, set on fire, and partially destroyed by the gunboat Hollyhock during the afternoon, after the train left Brashear. The light of burning buildings was visible to those upon the train as they were returning. It is supposed that the gunboat commander considered the evacuation completed when the train started, and that it would run through without any trouble; then shelling Berwick, in retaliation for the annoyance from there by the enemy, and taking on board a few officers and men, had steamed down the river out of the enemy’s range and there remained to watch further Confederate movements.

A heavy rain-storm set in the next day, Sunday, June 21st, in the afternoon, continuing that day and all night. Some of the negroes were armed, equipped, and organized into a company, by a few of the non-commissioned officers of the Forty-Second detachment. Late in the afternoon Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne collected all the men of his regiment he could and proceeded to Bayou Bœuff, in accordance with an understanding with Major Anthony. Captain Hopkins, with a company Twenty-Third Connecticut, was stationed at Bayou Ramos, six miles from Brashear, to guard the railroad bridge. These dispositions appear to have been foolishly made. They were thus strung seven miles out from Brashear, without any food supply except what could be daily sent to them by cars, instead of concentrating at Brashear, where danger existed, and all of the necessary equipment was on hand for defence and to subsist, if properly applied.11

When Stickney left for La-Fourche with all of the troops not on duty as guards, pickets, or were straggling, the force of duty men left behind was quite small. When Duganne went to Bayou Bœuff, this force was so reduced that there were in Brashear, on the morning of the twenty-second, the convalescent soldiers, some colored troops, about one hundred men of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York Infantry and Twenty-First Indiana Artillery Regiments at Fort Buchanan, forty-five men of the Forty-Second Massachusetts at the depot, and various small squads of guards over property. The fort mounted ten heavy siege-guns, for use on the water face only, commanding the rivers Teche and Atchafalaya, from a point above the fort where they make a junction. These guns were of no use whatever to repel a land attack, as they could not be swung around. No attempt was ever made to throw up breastworks to cover the open rear. The only guard against a rear attack was to station pickets in the wooded swamp.

During the twenty-second, the Forty-Second men subsisted as best they could, appropriating provisions found in the depot and vicinity. No orders from any officer were received by Sergeant Ballou, who was in a quandary as to what he should do. The post-commandant had two platform cars arranged with a barricade of railroad sleepers, with two 12 Pr. howitzers mounted upon them. These cars were sent out late in the morning, under command of Lieutenant Stevenson, One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, with a small force of infantry acting as sharpshooters, to reconnoitre upon the railroad. This train returned in about two hours, after proceeding to Terrebonne, three miles from La-Fourche, where the enemy was found tearing up rails, and a few shots exchanged with a battery commanding the track.

About nine o’clock that night, Lieutenant Robens, One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, was sent by Duganne from Bayou Bœuff to report to Major Anthony that a scout had brought in the intelligence of boats seen crossing Lake Pelourde; a movement which threatened both Brashear and the Bœuff, in the rear, but no steps were taken to meet it.12

Near sunrise on the morning of the twenty-third the four-gun Confederate (Valverde) battery opened fire from Berwick upon the depot building, situated upon the river front with a wharf attached. A few solid shot crashed through that structure, and some shells reached the wharf and convalescent camp. The men under Sergeant Ballou turned out promptly, attempting to silence the battery by opening fire from the railroad wharf, but their Springfield smooth-bore guns would not carry bullets across. The gunboat fired a few rounds and then proceeded down the river without further effort to silence the battery. Some Confederate riflemen, in support of the battery, joined in the fun, blazing away lively, sending some shots well across the water (about eight hundred yards), without inflicting any serious loss. Of the Forty-Second, Sergeant Turner, Company B, had a bullet go through his blouse sleeve at the elbow. An old iron 6 Pr. gun, which was mounted upon the wharf, trained upon the Berwick side, was put into use without effect.

About an hour after this amusement commenced a few men of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, under Lieutenant Stevenson, commander of the provost-guard, hauled a 24 Pr. gun, from the river front below, to the depot, and placed it into position, opening a fire with shells, which soon caused the Confederate battery to limber up and get out of the way. At this period there was a mixed assemblage around the depot, composed, in part, of infantry men belonging to the Forty-Second, yet Sergeant Ballou received no orders or instructions. He was ignorant of how matters stood, or the positions of what few troops remained at the post, and as to any knowledge if the post-commandant was in existence an unborn child was as learned.

Not long after this, about six o’clock, Privates Lovell and Redmond, Company A, who were on their regular tour of duty watching the surrounding country from the cupola of the depot building, saw the Confederates dash out from the woods between Fort Buchanan and the convalescent camp. Fort Buchanan was about two miles from the depot, while the camp was about one-quarter of a mile away. Giving the alarm, they joined their comrades below. In not over thirty minutes the enemy was seen coming from the direction of the fort, while some of the convalescent soldiers ran down from their camp at the same moment, shouting: “the rebs are coming!”

Major Sherod Hunter (of Baylor’s Texas Cavalry), with a small force of three hundred and twenty-five Texans (picked men), had got in from the swamps, situated in rear of the tented camps that were between the depot and fort, meeting with a slight resistance. Hunter got through about four o’clock A.M., when, on arrival in view of an imposing display made by the tents of the convalescent camps and those occupied by the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York and Twenty-Third Connecticut, left standing when the men went to La-Fourche and the Bœuff, with all of their baggage in them, including knapsacks, blankets and extra clothing, his men fancied a large army was before them, and fled back to the swamps from whence they came, but Hunter succeeded in rallying them in season to make the attack as stated.13

When the alarm by the lookout was given, Sergeant Ballou did not know what to do. Neither himself or the detachment had been under fire at close quarters. He thought of the train upon the track, loaded and ready, to be moved to Algiers if an opportunity offered, but could not find any matches handy with which to fire it. Then he thought of deploying the men as skirmishers, hold the enemy in check, retreat gradually, and try to escape capture. Not knowing the country, he finally concluded to get his men into line upon the railroad track and do the best he could with them.

What defence was made by other troops seems to have been in the use of artillery by small detachments, and scattered squads of infantry. All of these isolated attempts to fight showed good pluck and courage, a sure sign that if handled properly in a body it would not have been a holiday affair for the enemy. Captain Cutter, One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, on the sick list and in hospital, was killed while rallying men among the tents. The isolated squads of brave fellows were soon put to flight. Major Anthony had been down to the depot when the battery opened fire from Berwick, also Captain Noblett, artillery commander at Fort Buchanan, but both started for the fort when the dash was made from the woods. Major Anthony got there; Captain Noblett had his horse shot, was dismounted, and sought refuge in the hospital. Beyond an endeavor, crowned with success, to get a gun from the fort into position to use upon the land side, and firing a few shots, no defence was made by troops in the fort. Lieutenant Stevenson and his men in charge of the 24 Pr. gun attempted to use it against the enemy, but were shot down and captured.

The Forty-Second detachment, with a number of other soldiers on duty, also some convalescent men, took position in a small ditch alongside the railroad track, behind box cars, while what colored troops were on the right occupied the barricaded platform cars, and a few men were left in the depot building to defend the door.

The enemy skirmished up to within ten paces of the train; a skirmish fire continued for about half an hour. On the Confederate side, their firing was wild for a time, most of their shots going over the cars. From the Federals the firing was also rather wild, but they managed to do some execution, about forty of the enemy being killed and wounded.14 At the end of a half hour the colored troops suddenly stampeded to the woods, the enemy got into the depot and around the head of the train, opening a fire upon the flanks and rear. A few men had fallen previous to this time, and now, under this cross-fire, they commenced to drop quick, most of the casualties among convalescent men.

In the absence of any orders, with no sign or hope of assistance, Sergeant Ballou sang out: “Boys, take care of yourselves!” when the men broke, some for the woods and swamp, a short distance away, a few to fall back, under Sergeant Turner, maintaining a fire from behind trees and buildings until they reached a saw-mill on the river, where a number of unarmed sick and convalescent men had taken refuge to be out of danger. Here an officer of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York with some men of that regiment were found, and a fusillade with the enemy was kept up for some time. Two convalescent men were wounded by this scattered fire, when the officer, who did not stand up to his duty (preferring to lie down), raised a white handkerchief upon his sword-point and surrendered the party about nine o’clock.

Privates Redmond, Company A, and Albee, Company B, in company with a few One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York soldiers, fell back to a breastwork to make a further stand. As there was no possibility of making a successful defence, and no way of escape except by swimming the river, it was decided to surrender, in turn. A handkerchief was raised by Albee, attached to his musket, from which the lock had been shot off without his knowing it, and a surrender was made of this knot of men.

Private Lovell, Company A, and six men of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York escaped in the only boat to be found at this point, landing at Fort Chene, thence going aboard the gunboat. Lovell jumped into the boat just as it was pulled off and nearly capsized the party. Little Franklin Borden, fourteen years old, fifer for Company B, who was on duty with the detachment, managed to get a small skiff and also escaped to the gunboat. He was fired upon by Texans, shot striking the water all around him, their only effect to cause the little fellow to hurry up and get out of range as soon as possible and to yell like an Indian. The eight men who escaped were put on board a steam-transport from New Orleans that was met in the river, bound for Brashear to assist in removing material of war, and were brought to New Orleans.

Before he ordered his men to take care of themselves, Sergeant Ballou was severely wounded by a rifle-ball in the left arm, near the wrist, and Private Cook received his fatal wound. Ballou asked Private George Kingsbury, Company B, to assist him in binding up his arm, and while doing so about twenty Texans made a rush upon them, with a demand for their surrender. A Confederate lieutenant gave orders to shoot them down, because there was a flag of truce displayed while the firing continued. An appeal to Major Hunter was necessary to prevent this barbarity, the sergeant not being aware of any flag of truce having been raised, and informed the major that he did not raise one. This was settled satisfactorily, and the few men left with Ballou were taken prisoners.

Corporal Fales, Company B, had noticed the flag of truce when it was raised near the railroad wharf, by whom nobody knew, either at that time or after. If it was not a trick of the enemy, famous at such games in small actions, then it must have been done by some of the other men on duty, or from convalescents who wished to surrender. In either case it had no reference to or binding force upon the men who had the courage to make a fight. Each knot of men act for themselves in an action of this character. Fales spoke to Private Young, Company B, saying: “It is foolish to stand where we are and be shot down or to surrender with the flag of truce,” and both fell back behind a house near by, from there ran into the woods and swamp, and were joined by Privates Nathaniel Ide, David Robinson, George S. Rice, a private of the Twenty-First Indiana, and a sergeant of the Twenty-Third Connecticut. They endeavored to travel southward in the swamp, with an idea of reaching Shell Island, expecting to be able to escape from there towards Algiers. Their food gave out, and finally, after trying to live upon uncooked green corn with salt pork, not daring to make a fire, they surrendered to Colonel Baylor at Bayou Bœuff, on Sunday, the twenty-eighth, after five days’ life in the swamp. About eleven men escaped by the railroad track to Bayou Bœuff, and reported for duty to Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne, commanding post.

The casualties to the detachment were:

Private Lawson Comey, Company H, twenty-five years old, shot in the head and killed before the detachment scattered.

Private William E. Cook, Company B, twenty years old, wounded in abdomen, dying the same day.

First-Sergeant George W. Ballou, Company B, severely wounded in left arm just before the detachment scattered.

Private George E. Clark, Company B, severely wounded in calf of left leg.

Several men had narrow escapes from wounds or death, for bullets grazed clothing, muskets, and accoutrements.

At Bayou Bœuff, on the morning of the twenty-fourth, Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne found he had only seventy-two infantry and forty artillery men for duty, instead of two hundred and fifty men with him the day before. This does not speak well for the officers on duty, that over one hundred men should have disappeared during the night. Everything was entangled. When an engineer ran two locomotives into the Bœuff the morning before, bringing news of the capture of Brashear City, and men who had escaped capture came straggling in and corroborated the engineer’s story, the post-commander made some preparatory measures for a proper defence. He had three siege-guns and one brass howitzer. Slight earthworks were thrown up. Captain Hopkins burned the bridge at Bayou Ramos early on the evening of the twenty-third, and joined Duganne with his men. The situation of the post was bad, with an enemy in front and rear. An officer of experience and courage who, when his determination was fixed to defend the post, had decision of character sufficient to make the attempt, could possibly so arrange his plans of defence as to enable him to have kept the enemy at bay for a few days at least. The men were reliable, if under an officer in whom they had confidence. The food supply was one day’s rations to each man, but this could have been eked out to last two or three days, if any skill had been applied. The ammunition was plenty for a proper defence. Many times in the history of wars have small bodies of soldiers been placed in worse positions, yet, by a heroic defence, saved themselves and prevented the intentions of an enemy from being carried out. There was no defence of Bayou Bœuff. The fact that relief was likely to come from New Orleans was ignored. On the very day Lieutenant-Colonel Duganne surrendered, a force of five companies Ninth Connecticut Infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzgibbons, advanced to Chucahoula in the afternoon, within nine miles of the Bœuff, before a Confederate force was met. Had Duganne kept them at bay for one day, letting his guns tell the story, their reverberation along the narrow, densely-wooded railroad line would have brought down upon them the whole Federal force then at La-Fourche.

Early on the morning of the twenty-fourth a council of officers was held and decided to surrender. A sugar-house with outlying sheds, filled with army supplies, officers’ baggage, arms, and military appurtenances of all kinds, stored by some of the brigades of the army, was burned during the evening of the twenty-third. The two locomotives were rendered unfit for immediate use, but not destroyed. What negroes had been armed to assist in the defence were disarmed, that the enemy might have no reason to maltreat them. Some of these negroes were excellent shots, anxious and ready to fight.

Shortly after dawn the Confederates appeared from Brashear and opened a parley. While debating whether to accept the terms of unconditional surrender demanded, Colonel Major and his men appeared on the other side; a parley was opened, Colonel Major crossing the railroad bridge with a flag of truce, and while discussing the preliminaries of surrender, before the truce was withdrawn, Major’s men got into the post without a gun being fired, and the Federal troops were prisoners before they knew it. The enemy appropriated everything, as usual, and the prisoners were marched to Brashear the same day, joining their comrades at Fort Buchanan the same night. To use an expression frequently made by the enlisted men, it was a “sell out,” and they expected it from the method adopted to organize and prepare for defence.

About two hundred and fifty enlisted men were taken prisoners at Bayou Bœuff, and the following officers:

After a full list of the prisoners was made up for parole, there was found to be between twelve and thirteen hundred, including officers, enlisted men on duty, sick and convalescent men, some few citizens, and about one hundred railroad laborers.

The following men of the Forty-Second Regiment detachment were paroled:

And Private Joseph P. Snow, Company K, sick in hospital.

After fighting at Brashear City was over the prisoners were collected at Fort Buchanan and wounded sent to the hospital, where appearances indicated that as many of the enemy were wounded as upon the Federal side. The Confederate troops at once commenced to loot the town and camps, and get drunk. The rank and file were a good-natured, motley crowd, apparently without discipline or organization. After General Taylor arrived (twenty-fourth) with the balance of his command, the force was seen to be well mounted and armed, most of the men owning their horses and equipments. The general understanding among them was that each man was entitled to keep what he captured. No attempt was made to maintain uniformity in dress or arms. Privates were seen wearing the uniform of a Federal officer, with sword, belt and sash, while officers were seen dressed in a red shirt and striped trowsers.

Sergeant Turner got Major Hunter to allow him, with a guard for protection, to look around the post and find the missing men of his detachment. Visiting the hospital first, Private Cook was found laid out upon the grass beside a dozen others, having died from his wound. Sergeant Ballou was found back of the hospital, suffering great pain from his wound. His blanket had been stolen, and he was very thirsty and hungry. Turner obtained a blanket and did what he could for his comfort. At the depot, where he expected to find the knapsacks, the enemy’s troops were in force, and had seized everything left there. In the village a few dead New York soldiers were to be seen and one soldier of the Fourth Massachusetts, supposed to have been shot down where they lay. Private George Clark was found at a house, in comfortable condition, receiving good care from two pretty girls. They were told to keep him there, and kept their promise to do so, baffling all attempts made to take him to the hospital.

On the way back to the fort a Confederate officer halted the party. During a conversation that ensued he noticed the figures forty-two on Turner’s cap, and inquired if he belonged to the Forty-Second Massachusetts. Turner answered, “Yes;” the officer then said he was present at the capture of Galveston with the Forty-Second Regiment; that the men were paroled, and he would have to look into his case. It was hard work to make the fool understand that only three companies of the regiment were made prisoners at Galveston, and not the entire regiment.

Sergeant Ballou went to the hospital about ten o’clock in the forenoon to have his arm looked after, and was informed that it was done up so well he could wait better than other wounded men, for an amputation. It was late in the afternoon and dark when the surgeon requested the sergeant to get upon the table and have his arm taken off. A request to save the arm, if possible, caused the surgeon to make another examination, but he gave an opinion that it was impossible to save it. Ballou, however, insisted upon making the attempt, and the surgeon proceeded to its attention. He found about two and one-half inches of the large bone in the wrist was shot away and the small bone broken. With the cavity made by the wound stuffed with lint and bound up, the suffering that night from pain endured by Ballou was terrible. He fortunately found Surgeon Willets, One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York, the next morning, who carefully removed the lint bandage, examined the wound, set the broken small bone, put on a board support, and attended to it assiduously. Sergeant Ballou saved his arm and hand, but the hand has never been of use to him. In refusing to submit to the loss of his arm it is probable that he also saved his life, for with one exception every man died who suffered amputation. Hot weather and no ice to be had, gangrene would set in and the patients die. With the exception of a short allowance of food, the wounded were well treated while in the enemy’s hands.

On Saturday, June 27th, the enlisted men having been paroled, searched, and deprived of everything except what they wore, a haversack and woollen blanket, started at five o’clock in the afternoon to march for the Union lines. A curious feature in regard to prisoners taken at Brashear is that no negro soldiers were among them. As no one saw or heard of any cut-throat actions towards colored Federal soldiers, the supposition would seem to be well founded that they all escaped capture in some way through the wooded swamps. Sergeant Turner, on receiving his parole, was complimented by an officer who represented the United States forces, and thanked for what defence the detachment made. The tenor of his remarks were, that if there had been a few more men like those composing the Forty-Second detachment the shameful surprise, with attendant consequences, would not have occurred.

The following men were left at Brashear, not able to march:

First-Sergeant George W. Ballou, Company B, wounded.

Private George E. Clark, Company B, wounded.

Private George H. Fisher, Company B, sick.

Private Patrick Fitzpatrick, Company E, sick.

Many convalescent and sick soldiers not able to march, but anxious to reach the Federal lines, attempted to do so with their fellow prisoners. They gave out day by day from sickness and fatigue, caused by debility, hot weather, poor drinking-water, and insufficient rations, to be left on the line of march all the way from Brashear to New Orleans. Quite a number died. Many were in a condition to give out any moment, but pluckily kept on and reached the lines. From the Forty-Second detachment Privates Henry Richardson and George Kingsbury, Company B, sickened, and had to be left at Thibodeaux.

At first the Confederate guard was a company of Louisiana infantry, soon relieved by a cavalry company of Colonel Baylor’s Rangers, because the infantry could not keep up with the impatient prisoners. The guard was kind in treatment of their charge, while under strict orders to shoot down any man attempting to straggle or forage without permission. As to rations, they fared no better than their prisoners, making an equal division of what they had so long as it lasted.

The route of march was upon the railroad road-bed which ran through a swampy, thickly-wooded country a greater part of the way. The atmosphere was stifling. The first night was passed at Bayou Ramos, about six miles out from Brashear; the second night upon a plantation beyond Bayou Bœuff, where Corporal Fales and five men came in and surrendered. Starting at four o’clock on the morning of the twenty-ninth, after a march of eighteen miles, the prisoners reached Terrebonne, remaining over night. On the thirtieth they continued on to Thibodeaux and beyond, to remain over night near the La-Fourche railroad bridge. July 1st, after an early start in the morning, while en-route, the men found the hospital in which was Private Woodman, Company B, wounded in the action of June 21st. A halt for the night was made at Raceland, midway between Brashear and Algiers. Very little progress was made the next day as rations had given out, causing a delay until provisions expected from Brashear should be forwarded; meanwhile the men had to get along with what they could forage. July 3d the Federal pickets were found just before reaching Boutte Station—where the advanced troops were stationed charged with the Defences of New Orleans—and the prisoners delivered over to Federal officers.

The Confederate guard attempted to play a sharp trick that night. After turning over their prisoners, with a Texan yell they departed, but not to go far, for they hung around until night, when they made a raid upon the picket-posts. Their design had been suspected and the posts were on the alert, prepared for them; the consequence was that instead of capturing the posts many of them were made prisoners instead, and sent to New Orleans, where they arrived before the paroled men whom they had under guard from Brashear to Boutte.

The duty performed by this Forty-Second detachment, with all the necessary exposure attending it, told upon the men. On their return, July 4th, to Algiers, where they were quartered in the Iron Works building (a very dirty place), receiving poor treatment, most of them were suffering from diarrhœa, dysentery, or chills and fever, some men having a combination of these complaints. Efforts were at once made to have the Forty-Second Regiment men sent to the paroled camp at Bayou Gentilly, which was not accomplished until July 8th.

Sergeant Ballou, with Privates Clark and Fisher, remained at Brashear City five days after the Confederate troops departed, on July 22d, when two Federal gunboats arrived. These men proceeded to New Orleans by water, going into the University Hospital, and then reported to the regiment at Algiers July 28th.

With one dollar and forty cents in his pocket when made prisoner, the sergeant was fortunately enabled to borrow twenty dollars from a soldier of a Connecticut regiment. With this money he was able to subsist until carried to New Orleans, securing board with a German woman, who furnished him with one meal a day for twenty-five cents. Several of the Texan troops took meals at her house, for which she made them pay one dollar a meal. She claimed to be a good, true Unionist, and was not at all backward in saying so. Unlike many of the so-called Southern Unionists with whom the army often came in contact, this woman was as outspoken before Confederates as she was before Federals. She made no attempt to disguise her sentiments.

At Brashear Sergeant Ballou had excellent opportunities to see what was going on. Taylor and his men came down the river to Brashear in five steamboats, except the artillery, which marched overland. They had several batteries; one called the Valverde Battery they considered the best equipped in the Confederate service. They were five days removing contents of railroad cars and other material found at Brashear, carrying the same across the river to Berwick, thence to their various depots. The cars, when emptied, were ran about half a mile out upon the track and set on fire. After the fire was well under way the locomotive La-Fourche, under a full head of steam, was started from the depot and ran into the burning train, jumping some ten feet in the air when it struck.

The spoils obtained by the enemy consisted of heavy cannon and field-guns (about fifteen), small arms, ammunition, tents, baggage, commissary and quartermaster stores, with large medical supplies of great value to them. The colors of the One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York Regiment were also lost.

The gift of Brashear City to the enemy, with this valuable property, was without an excuse. There is but one explanation of the failure to properly defend the post: incompetency and cowardice of the senior officers. A determined stand by half the number of the raiding force under Major Hunter would have easily driven them back. Had the naval vessel remained in the river to co-operate whenever an opportunity offered Hunter would not have had easy work in forcing his men to make the attack; many of them declared that if the gunboat had not moved down the river they would not have attempted to get in. This may or may not have proved to be the case. The Texans under Colonel Green, when they attacked Donaldsonville upon the twenty-eighth, were not deterred from it even with three gunboats present, but a defeat was given them there, with severe loss to them.

A repulse of the attack made by Hunter’s raiding party would have given time to decide upon a course of action to be adopted before General Taylor made his appearance. Had it been decided to evacuate, then the train with its valuable load and other property in Brashear could have been destroyed, the garrison, with all sick men able to be moved, could have been taken by water to New Orleans, for ample facilities were at Brashear. On Monday the Hollyhock had brought around from Bayou Bœuff a number of flatboats, which were added to those already at Brashear, then there was the gunboat, the small ferry steamers used to ply across from Brashear to Berwick, with the transport-steamer that was coming up river on the morning of surrender. The flatboats were put in use by the enemy to remove captured property.

The entire force of duty men were nine months’ troops. They were what are termed raw troops, with unseasoned officers. The freshness of troops does not matter so much if they can be officered by men of experience. What fresh troops need most, in action, is to be informed of the situation of affairs, the location of other troops, and general instructions as to what they have got to do, or what is expected of them. Old troops soon acquire the art of finding out all this without being told, understanding that the least danger lies in holding together, face to the enemy, and that a stampede is running headlong into danger.

In consequence of the loss of medical stores in Brashear, the medical purveyor’s stock became too small for army necessities, with men rapidly swelling the sick lists and the hot weather in season. To replenish supplies, the transport-steamer New Brunswick, a light-draft side-wheeler, nine hundred and thirty tons burthen, manned by a fine crew, was loaded with coal and despatched to New York in July or August. Her captain had orders to drive her with all possible speed and spare nothing in order to make a quick passage North, and return. Fortunately good weather prevailed, with the exception of a stiff blow off Hatteras and a short gale on the return trip. This transport made what was then called “the famous passage.” The exact time is now lost, but it was between six and seven days. Everything on board that could be utilized was used for fuel; her chief-engineer, Wesley Allen, to whom the credit is due for her quick passages, although he had as assistants two efficient men, stood by his engines almost the entire time, pushing the wheels to twenty-two revolutions a minute, and so maintained them. They ordinarily made from seventeen to nineteen. Allen is said to have slept not more than twenty hours on each passage. He fully understood that many lives could be saved by each day gained, and was a man, every inch of him.

The New Brunswick arrived at New York early one morning, was loaded with medical and hospital stores the same day, and at night was on her way back to New Orleans, passing a mail steamer at Sandy Hook, bound in, that she parted company with and left at the Passes of the Mississippi River. Coal and stores were rushed on board with a run. Coal was dumped upon the open deck forward, instead of wasting time to fill up her hold. Fires were not drawn from the boilers, and they only had the water blown out while fresh water ran in. No time was lost in fancy oiling of machinery, for it was slapped on without regard to appearances, in order that no part should become heated. Among the firemen life below deck was a hard lot, as her blowers were never turned off from the boiler fires.

The round trip was made in a little less than two weeks, ruining her boilers in so doing.

CHAPTER XII.
Action at La-Fourche Crossing.

About six o’clock Saturday morning, twentieth June, 1863, the train which left Brashear City for La-Fourche a few hours before, arrived at the railroad bridge crossing Bayou La-Fourche, twenty-eight miles from Brashear, fifty-two miles from Algiers, then a suburb of New Orleans, upon the west bank of the Mississippi River.

Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney had under his command on the train: one hundred and fifteen men One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York Infantry, Major Morgans in command; seventy-five men Twenty-Third Connecticut Infantry, Major Miller in command; forty-six men Forty-Second Massachusetts Infantry, Lieutenant Tinkham in command; and two pieces of artillery, a 6 Pr. gun and a 12 Pr. howitzer. This force was in light marching order, having left at Brashear City all knapsacks, extra clothing, and many of them their blankets.

There was posted at Terrebonne and La-Fourche, guarding the railroad bridge, a force of about two hundred and fifty men with one 12 Pr. gun and one 12 Pr. howitzer. This force, joined with the reënforcements from Brashear, made Stickney’s command about five hundred and two men, as follows: — companies, one hundred and ninety-five men, Twenty-Third Connecticut Infantry; — companies, one hundred and fifty-four men, One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York Infantry; one company, forty-six men, Forty-Second Massachusetts Infantry; one company, thirty-seven men, Twenty-Sixth Maine Infantry, under Captain Fletcher; one company, fifty men, First Louisiana Cavalry, under Captain Blober; and about twenty artillery-men, mostly from the Twenty-First Indiana Artillery.

Upon disembarking from the train, the commanding officer of the post appeared to be much surprised at this appearance of additional troops, and asked what was to be done. When informed that the post was threatened by the enemy he laughed heartily, and told Stickney no enemy had been seen around there for six months.

Captain Blober, on his return from a scout made the day before, ordered by Lieutenant-Colonel Stickney by telegraph from Brashear, reported no signs whatever of any force on the Bayou La-Fourche. Blober, ordered to be sure and scout as far as Napoleonville, and beyond if possible, only proceeded a mile or two beyond Labadieville, about twelve miles from La-Fourche and nine miles from Thibodeaux. He reported that people from Napoleonville said no force was in that direction; the reason, probably, why he did not carry out his orders. This company of the First Louisiana Cavalry was composed of raw recruits, without much drill or discipline. In his official report of the action Stickney says: “Had their scouting been properly done, there was no necessity whatever of the infantry force at Thibodeaux being captured.”

Colonel Major15 with three regiments of Confederate Texan mounted men was at that very moment on his way down from Plaquemine—forty miles from Thibodeaux—and could not have been many miles away. On the nineteenth June General “Dick” Taylor was at the Fausse Riviere, an ancient bed of the Mississippi, some miles west of the present channel and opposite Port Hudson, in company with Colonel Major and his men. He had heard from some ladies of his acquaintance there, recently from New Orleans, that the Federal force in that city was not over one thousand men, and with the exception of a small garrison in the fort at Donaldsonville there were no troops on the west bank of the river. This was not true. There was scattered in the Parish towns on the west bank a respectable force of detached Federal troops on guard and provost duty. Taylor ordered Major to proceed at once, for the express purpose of reaching the rear of Brashear City by the twenty-third, and to pass Plaquemine at night to escape observation. Major could not do this. His men, hungry for spoils, raided into that town, capturing some prisoners and burning two steamers. Lieutenant White, of the Forty-Second Massachusetts, with his unarmed colored engineer troops barely escaped capture at the time.