On the eve of Tuesday, the 20th of Jumādā-l-awwal, A.H. 1032 (March 10, 1623), the sun that lights the world entered his house of honour in Aries, and the eighteenth year from the beginning of my reign commenced auspiciously and happily. On this day I heard that Bī-daulat, having gone to the neighbourhood of Mathura, had encamped the army tainted with ruin in the pargana of S͟hāhpūr, and reviewed 27,000 cavalry. It is hoped that they will soon be subdued and miserable. Rāja Jay Singh, grandson1 of Rāja Mān Singh, came from his native country, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. I dignified Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, than whom in the Rajput caste there is no greater Amir, with the title of Maharaja, and promoted his son Jogrāj to the mansab of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. Sayyid Bahwa was presented with an elephant. As it was reported to me that Bī-daulat was coming by the bank of the Jumna, the march of the victorious army in that direction was also decided on. The array of the army that resembled the waves of the sea was divided into the van, the right and left wings, the altmis͟h, the t̤araḥ (reserve), the chandāwul (rear), etc., and arranged in a manner suitable to the circumstances and according to the locality. Close upon this came the news that Bī-daulat, with the wretch K͟hān-k͟hānān, had turned his reins from the right road and gone towards the pargana Kotila, 20 koss towards the left, along with the brahman Sundar, who was his guide to the desert of error, with Dārāb, s. K͟hān-k͟hānān, and many of the Amirs who had accompanied him on the road of rebellion and rascality, such as Himmat K., Sar-buland K., S͟harza K. ʿĀbid K., Jādo Rāy, Ūday Rām, Ātas͟h K., Manṣūr K., and other mansabdars, who were attached to the Deccan, Gujarat, and Malwa, the recital of whom would take too long, and all his own servants, such as Rāja Bhīm, s. Rānā, Rustam K., Bairam Beg, the Afghan Daryā, Taqī, and others whom he had left to confront the royal army. There were five2 armies (corps?). Although nominally the command was in the hands of the wretch (bar-gas͟hta-i-rūzgār) Dārāb, yet in reality the leader and centre of the whole affair was Sundar, of evil deeds. These men of darkened fortune pitched in the neighbourhood of Balūchpūr to their ruin. On the 8th I pitched at Qabūlpūr. On this day the turn to take the rear fell upon Bāqir K. We had left him behind all the rest. A body of the rebels attacked him on the march, and stretched out the hand of plunder. Bāqir planted firmly the foot of courage, and succeeded in beating them back. K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan got news of this, and turned his reins to support him. Before the arrival of the K͟hwāja the rebels (mardūdān), not being able to stand, had taken to flight. On Wednesday, the 9th of the month, having separated 25,000 horse under the leadership of Āṣaf K., K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan, and ʿAbdu-llah K., I sent them to attack the rebels who did not look to the end of things. Qāsim K., Las͟hkar K., Irādat K., Fidāʾī K., and other servants, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to Āṣaf K.’s force. Bāqir K., Nūru-d-dīn Qulī, Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Kās͟hg͟harī, and others, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to support Abū-l-Ḥasan. Nawāzis͟h K., ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K., ʿAzīzu-llah, and many of the Bārha and Amroha Sayyids, were ordered to accompany ʿAbdu-llah. In this army 10,000 horse were enrolled. Sundar had arranged the army of ruin and put forward the foot of shamelessness. At this time I sent my special quiver by Zabar-dast K., Master of Ceremonies, to ʿAbdu-llah K., that it might be the means of animating his zeal. When the encounter of the two sides took place, that black-faced one to all eternity, in whom the tendency to rebellion and ingratitude was innate, taking to flight, joined the rebels. ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K., the son of the K͟hān Daurān, God knows whether knowingly or not, went off with him. Nawāzis͟h K., Zabar-dast K., and S͟hīr-ḥamla, who were in the corps of that shameless one (ʿAbdu-llah K.), planted firmly the foot of courage, and were not disturbed at his going. As the aid of Almighty God is ever near this suppliant, at this crisis, when a leader of the army such as ʿAbdu-llah K. threw 10,000 cavalry into confusion and joined the enemy, and there was nearly a great disaster, a shot from a mysterious hand reached Sundar. At his fall the pillars of the courage of the rebels shook. K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan also drove before him the army in front of him and defeated it. Āṣaf K., when Bāqir K. arrived, showing great activity, finished the affair, and a victory which might be the t̤ug͟hrā (sign manual) of the victories of the age showed its face of purpose from the hidden world. Zabar-dast K., S͟hīr-ḥamla, S͟hīr-bacha, his son, and the son of Asad K., the architect, and Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of K͟hwāja Jahān, and a number of the Sayyids of Bārha who were in the corps of the black-faced ʿAbdu-llah, having tasted the sweet-flavoured wine of martyrdom, obtained everlasting life. ʿAzīzu-llah, grandson of Ḥusain K. (Tukrīya), being wounded by a gun-shot, got off safely. Although at this time the desertion of that rejected hypocrite was a secret help, yet it is probable that if he had not performed this detestable action in the crisis of the battle, many of the rebel leaders would have been killed or captured. It chanced that he was known to the common people by the title of Laʿnatu-llah (God’s curse), and as he had received this name from the hidden world I also called him by it. Hereafter, wherever the expression Laʿnatu-llah is used it refers to him. Briefly, after the rebels, whose end was evil, took to flight from the field of battle, and turned their faces towards the valley of ruin and could not reassemble, Laʿnatu-llah, with all the rebels, did not turn his rein till he reached Bī-daulat, who was at a distance of 20 koss.

When the news of the victory of the servants of the State reached this suppliant to God, he prostrated himself in thankfulness for this gift, which was from the renewed favour of Allah, and summoned the loyal ones into his presence. On the next day they brought before me the head of Sundar. It appeared that when the ball struck him he gave up his soul to the lords of hell, and they took his body to a neighbouring village to be burnt. When they were about to light the fire, an army appeared in the distance, and for fear lest they should be taken prisoners, everyone took to flight. The Muqaddam (head man) of the village cut off his head, and for his own acquittal took it to K͟hān Aʿz̤am, as it occurred in his jagir. He was brought to me (with the head): the head was quite recognizable and had as yet undergone no change, but they had cut off the ears for the sake of the pearls in them. No one knew by whose hand he had been shot. In consequence of his destruction, Bī-daulat did not gird his loins again. One might say his good fortune and courage and understanding lay in that dog of a Hindu. When, with a father like me, who in truth am his ostensible creator, and in my own lifetime have raised him to the great dignity of Sultanship, and denied him nothing, he acts in this manner, I appeal to the justice of Allah that He may never again regard him with favour. Those servants who in this disturbance had done fitting service were honoured with more and more favours, each according to his degree. K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan was raised to the mansab of 5,000, original and increased, Nawāzis͟h K. to that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse, Bāqir K. to that of 3,000 and 500 horse, with drums, Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Kās͟hg͟harī to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, ʿAzīzu-llah to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Nūru-d-dīn Qulī to that of 2,000 and 700 horse, Rāja Rām Dās to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Lut̤fu-llah to that of 1,000 and 500 horse, Parwaris͟h K. to that of 1,000 and 500 horse. If all the servants were to be written in detail it would take too long. Briefly I remained at that place one day and marched on the next. K͟hān ʿĀlam, having marched from Allahabad, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 12th of the month I encamped at the village of Jhānsa (?).

On this day Sar-buland Rāy came from the Deccan and waited on me, and was honoured with a special jewelled dagger, with a phūl katāra. ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K. and some of those who had gone with Laʿnatu-llah released themselves from the hand of Bī-daulat, and paid their respects, and represented that when Laʿnatu-llah charged, they thought it was for a cavalry encounter. When they found themselves in the midst of the rebels they saw nothing for it but to submit and pay their respects, but now they had found an opportunity and had obtained the good fortune of kissing the threshold. Though they had taken 2,000 muhrs from Bī-daulat for their expenses, as the times were critical I made no inquiry, but accepted3 their statement.

On the 19th the Feast of the culmination was held, and many of the servants of the State were raised in mansab, and had suitable favours conferred on them.

Mīr ʿAẓudu-d-daulah, having come from Agra, waited on me. He brought a vocabulary4 of words that he had prepared. In truth he had taken much pains, and collected together all the words from the writings of ancient poets. There is no book like this in the science.

Rāja Jay Singh was raised to the mansab of 3,000 with 1,400 horse, and a special elephant was presented to my son S͟hahriyār. The post of ʿArẓ-mukarrir (examiner of petitions) was conferred on Mūsawī K. Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K., was given the title of K͟hān-zād K͟hān, was favoured with a mansab of 4,000 personal and horse, and was honoured with a flag and drums.

On the 1st of the Divine month of Urdībihis͟ht I pitched on the bank of the lake at Fatḥpūr. Iʿtibār K. came from Agra and waited on me, and was graciously received. Muz̤affar K., Mukarram K., and his brother also came from Agra, and had the good fortune to wait on me. As Iʿtibār K. had done approved service in the charge of the Agra fort he was dignified with the title of Mumtāz K., and I gave him the mansab of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and having bestowed on him a dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse, and a special elephant, I sent him back to his duty. Sayyid Bahwa was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse, Mukarram K. to that of 3,000 and 2,000 horse, and K͟hwāja Qāsim to that of 1,000 with 400 horse. On the 4th Manṣūr K. Farangī, whose circumstances have been recorded5 in the preceding pages (?), with his brother6 and Naubat7 K. Dakhanī, by the guidance of good fortune separated themselves from Bī-daulat, and came into my service. I sent K͟hawāṣṣ K. to my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz. Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān, having come from Multan, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. A special sword was given to Mahābat K. On the 10th the camp was pitched in the pargana of Hindaun. Manṣūr K. (the Farangī) was raised to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and that of Naubat8 K. to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse. On the 11th was a halt. As on this day a meeting with my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz had been arranged, I ordered that the powerful princes and the illustrious Amirs and all the devoted servants should go out to meet him, and bring him to wait on me in a fitting manner. After midday had passed, at an auspicious chosen hour he kissed the ground and illuminated the forehead of his sincerity. After the usual salutations had been performed and the customary ceremonies gone through I embraced my fortunate son with the greatest pleasure and affection, and loaded him with more and more favours. At this time news came that Bī-daulat, when he was passing through the township (ḥawālī) of the pargana of Amber, which was the hereditary abode of Rāja Mān Singh, had sent a band of scoundrels and plundered that cultivated spot.

On the 12th I pitched outside the village of Sārwalī. I had previously sent Ḥabas͟h K. (Abyssinian) to repair the buildings at Ajmir. I promoted my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz to the high mansab of 40,000 and 30,000 horse. As it was reported that Bī-daulat had sent off Jagat Singh, s. Rāja Bāso, to his own country to raise disturbances in the hills of the Panjab, I promoted Ṣādiq K., chief Bakhshi, to the governorship of that province, and ordered him to punish him, giving him a dress of honour, with a sword and an elephant, and making up his mansab, original and increased, to 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. I also honoured him with a standard (tūgh) and drums.

At this time it was reported to me that the younger brothers of Mīrzā Badīʿu-z-zamān, s. Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, who was known as Fatḥpūrī, had attacked him unawares and killed him. About this time his brothers came to Court and paid their respects. His own mother also waited on me, but did not make a claim, as was proper, for her son’s blood, and (so) proceedings9 could not be taken according to law. Although his disposition was so bad that his murder was not to be regretted, but on the contrary was opportune and advantageous, yet, as these wretches had shown such audacity with regard to their elder brother, who was to them in the position of a father, I ordered them to be put in gaol, and afterwards what was deemed proper should be done to them. On the 21st Rāja Gaj Singh and Rāy Sūraj Singh arrived from their jagirs, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. Muʿizzu-l-mulk, whom I had sent to Multan to summon my son K͟hān Jahān, came and waited on me, and presented me with a letter about his severe illness and weakness. He had sent his son Aṣālat K. with 1,000 horse to wait on me, and expressed great regret at being deprived of the honour of meeting me. As his apology was evidently sincere, I accepted it. On the 25th my fortunate son Prince Parwīz, with the victorious army, was sent in pursuit to overthrow Bī-daulat. The reins of authority over the powerful Prince, and the centre of the ordering of the victorious army, were given into the hand of Muʾtaminu-d-daula Mahābat K. Of the illustrious Amīrs and life-sacrificing brave men who were in attendance on the Prince of lofty fortune, this is the detail.

K͟hān ʿĀlam, Mahārāja10 Gaj Singh, Fāẓil K., Ras͟hīd K., Rāja Girdhar, Rāja Rām Dās Kachhwāha, K͟hwāja Mīr ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz, ʿAzīzu-llah, Asad K., Parwaris͟h K., Ikrām K., Sayyid Hizbar K., Lut̤fu-llah, Rāy Narāyan Dās, and others to the number of 40,000 horse, with much artillery. Rs. 20,00,000 (twenty lakhs) of treasure were sent with them. At a propitious hour they were started with my son, and bridle to bridle with victory. Fāẓil K. was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter to the victorious army. A special dress of honour was bestowed on the Prince, with a nādirī of gold brocade, and pearls on the collar and skirt worth Rs. 41,000, prepared in the royal establishment, and a private elephant of the name Ratan Gaj, ten11 female elephants, a private horse, and a jewelled sword, the value of the whole of which was Rs. 77,000. These were all given to the Prince. Nūr Jahān Begam also gave him a dress of honour, a horse, and an elephant, as is the custom. To Mahābat K. and the other Amirs, according to their standing, horses, elephants, and dresses of honour were presented. The immediate attendants of the prince were also honoured with favours. On this day Muz̤affar K. received a dress of honour on appointment to the post of chief Bakhshi. On the first of the Divine month of K͟hurdād Prince Dāwar-bak͟hs͟h, s. K͟husrau, was appointed to Gujarat, and K͟hān Aʿz̤am to the high dignity of tutor to him. I conferred on the prince a horse, an elephant, a dress of honour, a private jewelled dagger, a standard (tūgh), and drums. K͟hān Aʿz̤am, Nawāzis͟h K. and other servants were honoured with presents according to their standing. Irādat K. was appointed Bakhshi in place of Fāẓil K. Ruknu-s-salt̤ana Āṣaf K. exalted his head with the dignity of the Subadarship of Bengal and Orissa. A special dress of honour, with a jewelled sword, were conferred on him. Abū T̤ālib (i.e., S͟haista K.), his son, was appointed to accompany him, and promoted to the mansab of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. On Saturday, the 9th, corresponding with the 19th Rajab, A.H. 1032 (May 9, 1623), the camp was pitched at the Anā-Sāgar lake outside Ajmir. Prince Dāwar-bak͟hs͟h, being honoured with the mansab of 8,000, and 3,000 horse, was granted Rs. 2,00,000 of treasure for the expenses of the army which accompanied him. Rs. 1,00,000 I also gave as an advance to K͟hān Aʿz̤am. Allah-yār, s. Iftik͟hār Beg, who was in the service of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, was at his request granted a standard. Tātār K. took leave on his appointment to the charge of Fort Gwalior. Rāja Gaj Singh was appointed to the mansab of 5,000, with 4,000 horse.

On this day news came from Agra that Her Highness (ḥaẓrat) Maryamu-z-zamānī,12 by the decree of God, had died. I trust that Almighty God will envelop her in the ocean of His mercy. Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan, having come from his native place, had the good fortune to pay his respects. Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang, governor of Bengal, had sent thirty-four elephants by way of offering, and they were submitted to me. Bāqir K. was appointed faujdār of Oudh, and Sādāt K. to the Dū-āb. The Mīr Mus͟hrif was made Dīwān-i-buyūtāt.

On the 12th of the Divine month of Tīr a report came from the officials of Gujarat with the good news of victory and conquest. The particulars of this summary are that I had granted the Subah of Gujarat, the abode of Sultans of high dignity, to Bī-daulat as a reward for his victory over the Rānā, as has been fully related in the preceding pages. Sundar, the brahman, administered and protected the country. When futile ideas entered his ungrateful mind, he sent for that dog of a Hindu, who was always shaking the chain of enmity and perversity, along with Himmat K., S͟harza K., Sar-afrāz K., and many of the royal servants who were fiefholders in the province. Sundar’s brother Kunhar was appointed in his room. When Sundar was killed, and Bī-daulat retreated after his defeat to Māndū, the province of Gujarat was put in the charge of Laʿnatu-llah as his fief, and Kunhar was sent for along with Ṣafī K., the diwan. At the same time the treasure, the jewelled throne on which five lakhs had been expended, and the pardala (belt) on which two lakhs had been spent—and which things had been prepared as a present for myself—were also sent for. Ṣafī K. was the brother’s son (text says “brother”) of Jaʿfar Beg, who received in my father’s service the title of Āṣaf K., and was married to a daughter of Nūr Jahān’s brother, who by my favour had received the title of Āṣaf K. An elder daughter was the wife of Bī-daulat. Both daughters were by one mother, and Bī-daulat expected that on account of this connection Ṣafī K. would be on his side. But an eternal decree had gone forth for Ṣafī K.’s loyalty and prosperity, and that he should attain to high rank! Accordingly, Almighty God made him loyal and the performer of good deeds, as will now be described. In short, the faithless (bī-wafā) Laʿnatu-llah sent his eunuch named Wafā-dār to be governor of that country, and he, with a few ragamuffins (bī-sar-u-pā) entered Ahmadabad, and took possession of the city. As Ṣafī K. had made up his mind to be loyal, he courageously looked after the servants, and collected a force, and won the hearts of the people. Some days before Kunhar came out of the city he (Ṣafī) encamped on the bank of the Kankariyā lake, and thence hastened to Maḥmūdābād, giving out openly that he was going to Bī-daulat. Secretly, he opened communication and made arrangements to be loyal with Nāhir K., Sayyid Dilīr K., Nānū13 K., Afghan, and other devoted servants of the State, who were waiting in their own jagirs. He awaited his opportunity. Ṣāliḥ, a servant of Bī-daulat, who was faujdār of the Sarkar of Pitlād, and had a good force with him, heard rumours that Ṣafī K. entertained other ideas. Kunhar14 had also discovered this, but as Ṣafī K. soothed them and was very cautious and careful in his conduct, they could not move hand or foot. Ṣāliḥ, for fear lest Ṣafī K., abandoning dissimulation, should stretch his hand towards the treasure, exercised foresight, and went farther on with the treasure, taking nearly Rs. 10,00,000 to Bī-daulat at Māndū. Kunhar (or the younger brother?) also, having seized the jewelled pardala, started after him, but could not take the throne on account of its weight. Ṣafī K., knowing this was his opportunity, changed his place from Maḥmūdābād to the pargana of Karang,15 which is to the left of the usual road, where Nānū K. was, and arranged by letter and verbal messages with Nāhir K. and other loyal servants that each of them should ride from his jagir with the force that he had, and at the hour of sunrise, which was the morning of prosperity for people of good fortune, and the evening of ruin to those who practised villainy, enter the city by the gate to which each was opposite. He (Ṣafī) left his women in the aforesaid pargana, and, in company with Nānū (Bābū?) K., came at dawn to the outskirts of the city. He halted for a short time in the S͟haʿbān16 garden until it had become light and friend could be distinguished from enemy. After the world-illuminating sun of good fortune (had risen), when he found the gate of prosperity open, though he could see no trace of Nāhir K. and the other loyalists, yet lest possibly the enemy might obtain information and fasten the gates of the fort he placed his confidence in God who gives victory, and entered the city by the Sārangpūr gate. About this time Nāhir K. also arrived, and, entering by the gate, came into the city. The eunuch of Laʿnatu-llah, having ascertained the unfailing good fortune of (Jahāngīr), took refuge in the house of S͟haik͟h Ḥaidar, grandson of Niz̤ām Wajīhu-d-dīn. The royal servants of approved service, having proclaimed their victory with loud voices, set to work to strengthen the towers and gates. They sent men to the houses of Muḥammad Taqī, Bī-daulat’s diwan, and of Ḥasan Beg, his Bakhshi, and seized them. S͟haik͟h Ḥaidar himself came and informed Ṣafī K. that the eunuch of Laʿnatu-llah was in his house, and they tied his hands to his neck, and brought him. Having imprisoned a number of Bī-daulat’s servants and dependants, they engaged in keeping order in the city. The jewelled throne, the cash of Rs. 2,00,000, and the property and effects of Bī-daulat and his men in the city, came into their possession. When this news reached Bī-daulat, he sent off Laʿnatu-llah with Himmat K., S͟harza K., Sar-afrāz K., Qābil Beg, Rustam Bahādur, Ṣāliḥ Badak͟hs͟hī, and other criminals. What with royal servants and his own men, he had some 5,000 or 6,000 horse. Ṣafī K. and Nāhir K., becoming aware of this, planted firmly the foot of courage, and employed themselves in encouraging their men and collecting forces. Whatever cash and valuables they could obtain, even to the throne, which they broke up, they divided amongst both the old and new troopers as pay. Rāja Kalyān, Zamindar of Īdar (printed wrongly “Andūr”), and the son of Lāl Gopī (?)17, and all the Zamindars from every quarter, were summoned into the city. A good number was thus assembled. Laʿnatu-llah did not wait for auxiliaries, and in the space of eight days came from Māndū to Baroda. The loyal party, by the guidance of their courage, and in reliance on God, came out of the city and encamped on the bank of the Kānkariyā Lake. It occurred to Laʿnatu-llah that if he came on quickly, the rope of order of the loyal might be broken. When he obtained news of the coming out of the loyal servants, drawing in the reins of ruin, he delayed in Baroda till the arrival of help. After the evil-ending criminals collected together at that chief place of mischief, he put forward the foot of error and deviation from the right path, and the loyal party, marching from the Kānkariyā tank, encamped outside the village of Batoh, near the mausoleum of Qut̤b ʿĀlam. Laʿnatu-llah traversed a road of three days in two,18 and arrived at Maḥmūdābād. As Sayyid Dilīr K. had seized the women of S͟harza K. and brought them from Baroda to the city, and the women of Sar-afrāz K. were also in the city, Ṣafī K. sent a secret message to both of them that if by the guidance of good fortune they would rub off the stain of sin (rebellion) from the tablet of their foreheads, and would enrol themselves among the loyal servants, their position in the present and future worlds would approach salvation; otherwise he would subject their wives and children to all kinds of indignities. Hearing this, Laʿnatu-llah sent for Sar-afrāz K. on some excuse to his house, and imprisoned him. As S͟harza K., Himmat K., and Ṣāliḥ Badak͟hs͟hī were in league together, and had alighted at the same place, he could not get S͟harza K. into his hands. Briefly, on the 21st of S͟haʿbān, A.H. 1032, June 10, 1623, Laʿnatu-llah mounted and arrayed the forces tinged with calamity. Those who were loyal also arrayed their forces and prepared for the fight. It occurred to Laʿnatu-llah that if he were to go, their foot of courage would not stand firm, and, without a battle taking place, they would be dispersed in a miserable condition. When he saw the firm attitude of the loyal, he could not screw up his courage (tāb nayāwarda), but turned his rein towards the left, and gave out that they had hidden gunpowder under the ground of that plain, and that his men would be destroyed by it—that it would therefore be better to go into the plain of Sarkhej and deliver battle there. These futile ideas were due to the aid of good fortune, for on the turning back of his rein a rumour of his defeat was spread abroad, and the horsemen of the plain of victory attacked him in flank, and that ill-omened one was unable to reach Sarkhej, and halted in the village of Nāranja. The loyal party arranged their forces in the village of Bālūd, which is nearly three koss off. At dawn on the next day they went to battle after the approved manner, their forces being drawn up in this way. In the vanguard were Nāhir K., Rāja Kalyān, the Zamindar of Īdar, and other valiant men; on the left wing Sayyid Dilīr K., Sayyid Sīdū, and other loyal servants were stationed; and on the right wing Nānū K., Sayyid Yaʿqūb, Sayyid G͟hulām Muḥammad, and the rest of the life-sacrificing devoted ones, whilst in the centre were Ṣafī K., Kifāyat K. Bak͟hs͟hī, and some other servants of approved service. It so happened, fortunately, that in the place where Laʿnatu-llah had halted, the land was undulating, full of thorn brakes and narrow lanes. The forces, accordingly, were not in compact order. He had sent on most of the experienced men with Rustam Bahādur, and Himmat K., and Ṣāliḥ Beg were amongst the foremost in (the ranks of) error. The army doomed to calamity first of all came in contact with Nāhir K. and S͟hams K., and a notable fight took place. By chance Himmat K. fell in the dust of destruction from a gun-shot wound, and a fight ensued between Ṣāliḥ Beg, and Nānū K., Sayyid Yaʿqūb, Sayyid G͟hulām Muḥammad, and other servants. In the height of the battle the elephant of Sayyid G͟hulām Muḥammad came and threw him (Ṣāliḥ) from his horse; he fell severely wounded to the ground, and about a hundred of his men were slain. At this moment an elephant which was in the van of the rebel army turned round at the noise of the rockets and the lightning of the guns, and got into a narrow lane, on both sides of which were thorn brakes, and trod down many of the rebels. By the turning back of the elephant the ranks of the enemy were disordered. At this moment Sayyid Dilīr K. came fighting from the right wing. Laʿnatu-llah did not know of the killing of Himmat K. and Ṣāliḥ, and, with the idea of helping them, urged on the steed of ruin. As the brave ones in the van, having displayed activity, had been mostly wounded, they could not stand the onset of Laʿnatu-llah, and turned back their rein, and it nearly happened that there was a great disaster. At this time the assistance of God displayed itself, and Ṣafī K. hastened from the centre to the support of the van. Just then Laʿnatu-llah heard of the killing of Himmat K. and Ṣāliḥ Beg, and, on the appearance of the centre and the attack of Ṣafī K., his courage failed him, and he became a vagabond in the desert of defeat and disaster. Sayyid Dilīr K. pursued him for a koss, and made many of the defeated the harvest of the sword of vengeance. Qābil Beg, unfaithful to his salt, with a body of rebels, became captives in the claws of retribution. As Laʿnatu-llah was not sure about Sar-afrāz K., he on the day of battle placed him in chains on an elephant and put him in charge of one of his slaves, with orders that if a defeat occurred he should kill him. In like manner he placed in chains on one of the elephants Bahādur, s. Sult̤ān Aḥmad, and gave permission to kill him. When the fight took place the man in charge of Sult̤ān Aḥmad’s son put him to death with a dagger, but Sar-afrāz K. threw himself down off the elephant. The man in charge of him in that confusion aimed a blow at him in his bewilderment, but it was not effectual. Ṣafī K., finding him in the fight, sent him into the city. Laʿnatu-llah did not turn back till he arrived at Baroda. As the women of S͟harza K. were captives of those who were loyal, he was helpless, and came and waited upon Ṣafī K. Briefly, Laʿnatu-llah hastened from Baroda to Broach. The sons of Himmat K. were in the fort there. Although they did not admit him, yet they sent him 5,000 maḥmūdīs by way of maintenance. For three days he remained outside the fort of Broach in a wretched state, and on the fourth went to Surat by sea. For nearly two months he remained there assembling his scattered men. As Surat was in Bī-daulat’s jagir, he took nearly 4 lakhs of maḥmūdīs from his officials there, and took possession of whatever he could by oppression and injustice. He again collected together those whose fortune was reversed and whose stars had been burnt, and betook himself to Bī-daulat at Burhanpur.

In fine, when this approved service performed by Ṣafī K. and other loyal servants in Gujarat became known, each one was exalted with favours and kindnesses. Ṣafī K. held the mansab of 700 personal and 300 horse: having given him that of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, I honoured him with the title of Saif K. Jahāngīr-s͟hāhī, and conferred on him a standard and drums. Nāhir K. had 1,000 with 200 horse; having given him the mansab of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, I bestowed on him the title of S͟hīr K., and raised his head of honour with a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword. He is the (descendant?) grandson of (?)19, the brother of Pūran Mal Lūlū (?), who was governor of Rāysīn and Chanderī. When S͟hīr K., the Afghan (i.e., S͟hīr S͟hāh), besieged the fort of Rāysīn, it is well known that he killed him (Pūran Mal) after promising him quarter, and that his women burnt themselves, committing “Johar,” according to the Hindu custom, in the fire of fame and modesty, so that the hand of no unlawful person should touch the skirt of their chastity. His sons and caste fellows went off to various20 places. The father of Nāhir K., whose title was K͟hān Jahān, having gone to Muḥammad K., governor of Āsīr and Burhanpur, became a Musalman, and when Muḥammad K. died, Ḥasan, his son, when in tender years, succeeded him. Rāja ʿAlī K., brother of Muḥammad K., put the child in confinement, and took possession of the government. After some time news reached Rāja ʿAlī K. that K͟hān Jahān and a body of the servants of Muḥammad K. had leagued together to attack him, and had determined to take Ḥasan K. out of the fort and raise him to power. He was beforehand with them, and sent Ḥayāt K͟hān Ḥabas͟hī, with many brave men, to the house of K͟hān Jahān, either to take him alive or to kill him. He, planting his foot firmly on his good fame, took to fighting, and when things went badly with him committed Johar, and passed from this borrowed life. At that time Nāhir K. was very young. Ḥayāt K͟hān Abyssinian, having asked ʿAlī K.’s permission, adopted him as his son, and made him a Musalman. After his death Rāja ʿAlī K. brought up Nāhir K., and took good care of him. When my revered father conquered Āsīr, Nāhir K. joined his service. He (Akbar) discerned the signs of bravery on his forehead, and raised him to a suitable mansab, and gave him in jagir the pargana of Muḥammadpūr in Malwa. In my service he advanced more and more. Now that the grace of gratitude has been bestowed upon him, he has found the advantage of doing what was right.

Sayyid Dilīr K. is of the Sayyids of Bārha; formerly his name was Sayyid ʿAbdu-l-Wahhāb. I raised him from the mansab of 1,000 and 800 horse to 2,000 and 1,200 horse, and presented him with a standard. They call twelve bāra in Hindi. As in the Dū-āb there are twelve villages near each other which are the native country of these Sayyids, they have become known as the Sayyids of Bārha. Some people make remarks about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of their being Sayyids, for there has never been a battle in this reign in which they have not been conspicuous, and in which some have not been killed. Mīrzā ʿAzīz Koka always said the Sayyids of Bārha were the averters of calamity from this dominion, and such is in reality the case.

Nānū K. Afghan held the mansab of 800 personal and horse: it was ordered to be one of 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. In the same manner the other loyal servants, according to their services and sacrifices, were promoted to high mansabs, and obtained the desire of their hearts in lofty employments. At this time Aṣālat K., s. K͟hān Jahān, was deputed to the assistance of my son (grandson) Dāwar-bak͟hs͟h in Gujarat, and I sent Nūru-d-dīn Qulī into the Subah to bring S͟harza K., Sar-afrāz K., and the other leaders of the rebel army who had been made captive in the land of retribution, chained, to the Court.

On this day it was reported to me that Minū-chihr, s. S͟hāh-nawāz K., had separated himself from Bī-daulat under the guidance of good fortune, and had joined the service of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz. Iʿtiqād K., governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse.

As the huntsmen brought news that in this neighbourhood a tiger had made its appearance, I felt disposed to hunt it. After entering the forest three other tigers became visible. Having killed all four, I returned to the palace. I have such a liking for tiger shooting that whilst I can get it I do not go after other sport. Sult̤ān Masʿūd, s. Sult̤ān Maḥmūd (of Ghaznin) (may the lights of Allah be his testimony!), was also much inclined to tiger shooting. With regard to his killing of tigers strange tales have been recorded, especially in the history of Baihaqī,21 who has kept a diary of what he saw with his own eyes. Among these things he writes that one day he (Masʿūd) went to hunt tigers in the borders of Hindustan, and was riding an elephant. A very large tiger came out from the wood, and made for the elephant. He threw a javelin (k͟his͟ht) and struck the tiger’s chest. The tiger, enraged at the pain, came up on the elephant’s back, and the Amir knelt down and struck him such a blow with his sword that he cut off both the tiger’s fore-feet, and the tiger fell backwards and died. It happened to me once when I was prince that I had gone out in the Punjab to hunt tigers. A powerful tiger appeared out of the wood. I fired at him from the elephant and the tiger in great fury rose and came on the elephant’s back, and I had not time to put down my gun and seize my sword. Inverting the gun, I knelt, and with both hands struck him with the stock over the head and face so that he fell on to the ground and died.

One of the strange things that happened was that one day I was on an elephant, and was hunting wolves in Aligarh22 in the Nūh forest. A wolf appeared, and I struck it with a bullet on its face (mana) near the lobe of the ear. The bullet penetrated for about a span. From that bullet it fell and gave up its life. It has often happened in my presence that powerful (jawānān) men, good shots with the bow, have shot twenty or thirty arrows at them, and not killed. As it is not right to write about oneself, I must restrain the tongue of my pen from saying more.

On the 29th of the month I presented a string of pearls to Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan. At this time it was reported to me that Sult̤ān Ḥusain, Zamindar of Paklī, had died. I gave his mansab and jagir to S͟hādmān, his eldest son.

On the 7th of the month of Amurdād Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, a servant of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, came from the victorious army, and brought news of the victory of the chiefs of the everlasting State. The report of my son laid before me the particulars of the fight, and the exertions of the brave and distinguished men in it. I performed the dues of thanksgiving for this favour, which was of God’s grace alone. The details of this are as follows: When the royal troops in the army of the prince of high degree crossed the pass of Chānḍā,23 and entered the province of Malwa, Bī-daulat, with 20,000 horse, 300 fighting elephants, and a large force of artillery, left Māndū in order to fight. He dispatched a body of the Bargīs (Mahrattas) of the Deccan with Jādū Rāy and Ūday Rām, Ālas͟h K., and other rebels to make a raid (qazzāqī) on the royal camp. Mahābat K. made proper arrangements. He placed the illustrious prince in the g͟haul (centre), and he himself proceeded with the whole army, and in marching and in halting observed the conditions of caution. The Bargīs kept at a great distance, and did not put forward the foot of bravery. One day it was Manṣūr K. Farangī’s turn to be with the rear-guard. At the time of pitching the camp Mahābat K., by way of caution, was standing with his army drawn up outside the camp, in order that the men might fence it in at their ease. As Manṣūr K. had been drinking on the road, he was coming to the stage drunk with the wine of pride. It happened an army was seen in the distance, and the wine put the idea into his head that he must charge. Without telling his brothers or his men, he mounted and charged, and drove off two or three Bargīs, and came to where Jādū Rāy and Ūday Rām were standing with two or three thousand cavalry drawn up. As was their custom, they attacked him from all sides and surrounded him. He fought as long as there was breath in his body, and gave up his life on the path of loyalty.

During these days Mahābat K. was continually capturing, by messages and letters, the afflicted hearts of a number of men who out of timidity and confusion had accompanied Bī-daulat. When men read the lines of despair on the page of his (S͟hāh Jahān’s) condition, letters also came from that side, asking for agreements (qaul). After Bī-daulat came out of the fort of Māndū, he in the first instance sent forward a body of Bargīs, and after them he sent Rustam K., Taqī, and Barq-andāz K. with a body of musketeers. Then he sent Dārāb K., Bhīm, Bairam Beg, and his other active men. As he could not resolve to give battle in person, he was continually looking backwards. He crossed the war-elephants over the Narbadda with the artillery waggons, and went himself unattended behind Dārāb and Bhīm, turning his face of ruin towards the battle. On the day when the royal camp was pitched at Kāliyādaha, Bī-daulat sent his army against the victorious forces, and stationed himself with K͟hān-k͟hānān and a few men at the distance of a koss in the rear. Barq-andāz K., who had made an agreement with Mahābat K., was lying in wait. When the armies were ranged opposite to each other, he got his opportunity, and attacked with a body of musketeers, and joined the royal army, crying out, “Success to King Jahāngīr!” When he reached Mahābat K., the latter took him to wait on my fortunate son Parwīz, who bestowed royal favours upon him. Previously he bore the name of Bahāʾu-d-dīn, and was a servant of Zain K. After the latter’s death he enlisted among the Turkish gunners. As he was active in the performance of his duty, and had a band of men with him, considering him worthy of patronage, I gave him the title of Barq-andāz K. When I sent Bī-daulat to the Deccan, I put him at the head of the artillery, and sent him with him. Although in the beginning he placed the scar of curse on the forehead of his obedience, yet in the end he turned out well and came at a good time. On the same day Rustam, who was one of his (S͟hāh Jahān’s) chief servants and on whom he had perfect reliance, when he found that Fortune had turned away from him, made a compact with Mahābat K. By the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God, he, with Muḥammad Murād Badak͟hs͟hī and other mansabdars, left the ill-fated army, and joined that of the illustrious prince. Bī-daulat’s hand and heart were paralyzed on hearing this news, and he suspected all his own servants, and still more the royal servants he had with him, of faithlessness and unreliability. During the night he sent for the men who were in front, and decided on flight, and in bewilderment crossed the Narbadda. At this time, again, some of his servants took the opportunity of separating themselves from him, and joined the service of my fortunate son. Each of them received favours according to his condition. On the day that he crossed the river Narbadda, a letter fell into the hand of one of his men, that Mahābat K. had written in answer to Zāhid’s K. letter, making him hopeful of the royal favour, and urging him to come in. This they sent direct to Bī-daulat, and he, becoming suspicious of Zāhid K., imprisoned him with his three sons. Zāhid K. is s. S͟hajāʿat K., who was one of the Amirs and trusted servants of my revered father. I had patronized this wretch in consideration of his claims of service and of his position as a house-born one (khāna-zād), and given him the title of K͟hān and the rank of 1,500, and had sent him with Bī-daulat for the conquest of the Deccan. When I summoned the Amirs of that quarter on account of the business of Qandahar, although a special farman of urgency was sent to him, the wretch did not come to Court, and gave himself out as an adherent and devoted servant of Bī-daulat. After the defeat near Delhi, he turned back. Though24 he had not a family, he had not the good fortune to pay his respects, or to cleanse the dust of shame and the stain of sin from the tablet of his forehead. At last the True Recompenser caught him on this day, and his property, to the extent of one lac and Rs. 30,000, was confiscated by Bī-daulat.