CHAPTER VII.

The Advanced-guard cross the Sutlej—Burial of Sir Robert Dick—Bridge of Boats—Kussoor—Surrender of the Sikhs—Dhuleep Singh—Lulleanee—Lahore—Runjeet Singh's Monument—The Summer Palace—The Governor-General's Address.

On the night of the victory of Sobraon, some of our advanced brigades crossed the Sutlej, opposite Ferozepore: they met with no resistance on landing, the whole place was abandoned, and not an enemy was visible. They hastened on to Kussoor, where they took possession of the fort.

Early on the morning of the 11th of February, we were once more on the move. The Commander-in-Chief appointed one division to remain behind and take charge of the sick and wounded, with orders to bring them on to Ferozepore; together with all the guns, etc., which we had taken from the enemy. These amounted to sixty-seven cannon, and 200 camel-swivels, or, as they are generally called, "zumbooruks;" together with immense quantities of ammunition and stores, and many of the Sikh standards.

The 9th Lancers accordingly started for Attaree, a distance of fourteen miles. On the 12th, we left our old encamping ground at Attaree at four o'clock A.M., and at eight o'clock A.M., we reached our new halting-place at Khoonda Ghât, about two miles distant from Ferozepore.

Soon after eight o'clock this morning, we heard the discharge of eleven guns, in the direction of Ferozepore, which we were informed were being fired over the grave of the late lamented Major-General Sir Robert Dick.

Not a month before the battle of Sobraon, I had called upon poor Sir Robert in his tent. He was then all life and animation, highly pleased with the Division to which he was about to be appointed, and which he asserted was the finest in the army. Not having had the opportunity of seeing a hostile shot fired in India, this noble soldier was in ecstasy at the thoughts of meeting the Sikhs in actual warfare. Conspicuous for his gallantry, when commanding the 42nd during the Peninsular War, Sir Robert was determined not to be out-shone; and placing himself at the head of his Division, the 3rd Infantry, he fell gloriously whilst mounting the enemy's entrenchments, in the very moment of victory. Never fell a General more regretted by his troops, nor one who in life was more beloved. The coolness of his temper in the battle-field, was only surpassed by the warmth of his hospitality in quarters; thus adding one more proof to the many on record, that the noblest and bravest heart is ever united with the gentlest and kindliest spirit.

To testify the estimation in which Sir Robert was held by his brother officers, a subscription was immediately set on foot among the officers throughout the army, and a large sum was collected for the purpose of erecting a monument to his memory, in the church of his native village of Tullymet, in Perthshire. The officers and men who have had the honour of serving under him, will not forget him; and the only consolation we could feel was, that he died, as I really believed he wished to die, fighting for his country, exegit monumentum ære perennius.[34]

Our bridge of boats having been completed, the Commander-in-Chief, with the whole of the army, crossed the Sutlej on the 13th. We passed over in single file; and after a tedious march of about eleven miles, arrived at Kussoor.

In the immediate vicinity of the Sutlej, the country is in a high state of cultivation, the valley being covered with a rich, soft verdure, but scarcely a tree is visible till within three miles from the banks; then the scene changes completely, and for miles and miles the eye rests upon nothing but immense tracts of jungle, interspersed with bushes, low tamarisks and tamarinds, with here and there the picturesque view of some ancient mosque or tomb. Close to Kussoor, lie the ruins of a large city scattered about in wild confusion; here mosques, domes, minarets and columns, tell of the departed glory of the Mahomedan era, when the arts and civilization were in their prime. The road runs through the town, which stands on a lofty eminence, and completely commands the place, and the ancient citadel of Kussoor. The town was formerly divided into twelve parts, each surrounded by a wall; and tradition says, that the founder gave one of these divisions to each of his twelve sons. Major Hough states that an army might make a good stand here, because there are not only heights, but each division of the town could be converted into a fortified position. But I am of opinion, that in the event of a hostile attack, it would not be capable of standing either a lengthened siege or a vigourous defence; it consists of a low wall, surrounded by narrow moats and projecting bulwarks. The town itself is surrounded by a very high wall, flanked with towers, and is densely built of brick. We encamped under the walls of the ancient town. The Governor-General joined the army early on the morning of the 14th. Kussoor is situated about sixteen miles from Ferozepore, and thirty-two from Lahore.

On the following morning, after some previous negotiation, the Maharannee of Lahore, who had appointed the Rajah Goolab Singh and some of the council to confer with the British army, sent her embassy to our head-quarters. They were intrusted by the queen mother with full powers, upon the condition that the treaty should embrace the continuance of the Sikh government at Lahore. The Governor-General surrounded by a brilliant staff of officers, received the Lahore embassy in his own tent. The deputation was then referred to Major Lawrence, now Sir Henry Lawrence, K.C.B., and since President of the Board of Administration for the affairs of the Punjaub, and Mr. Currie, now Sir Frederick Currie, Bart., and late Member of the Supreme Council of India, with whom they had a conference which lasted several hours. The Sikh chiefs being at first extremely reluctant to enter into the terms proposed by the English, their negotiations were prolonged far into the night. The following are the terms which were proposed by the English, and finally agreed to by the Sikhs.

The complete surrender of the whole of the territorial possessions of the Sikhs, lying between the Sutlej and the Beas: the payment of a million and a half sterling, as a partial indemnity for the expenses of the war; the disbandment of the Sikh army, and its reorganization on the footing established by Runjeet Singh; the surrender of all the guns used against the British, and the assumption of full powers by the Governor-General to settle the frontiers and to fix the internal government of Lahore. The youthful Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, the son of the Maharannee, being still regarded as an Ally, was required to meet the British army on its entering Lahore, and tender his submission. It was further stipulated, that the Sikhs should not have the power of raising any armed force, without the consent of the British government.

On the 18th of February, the 9th Lancers reached the little mud-walled village of Lulleanee, a distance of ten miles, during which I was on baggage guard. It stands in the midst of corn fields and jungle. It is about thirty-four miles from Ferozepore, and about midway between that place and Lahore.

This evening, agreeably to the stipulation, the infant Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, came into the camp of the Governor-General. His council sought forgiveness for the late act of aggression on the part of the army. The Maharajah did not receive any military honours from the Governor-General until he had made his submission; but after having done so, he was treated with the style becoming the rank of a prince, and remained in camp till the entry of the army into Lahore.

While we were at Lulleanee, we suffered much from scarcity of water. On the 19th, we reached the village of Kankuch, a distance of ten miles. Both yesterday and to-day the 9th Lancers were on the advanced guard of the army. On the 20th of February, we marched to Lahore, a distance of ten miles, and encamped on the celebrated Meanmeer, three miles from the city—the ground where the Sikh troops used to be drilled. Through the kindness of Major Lawrence I obtained a pass out of camp, and an escort of two Sikh horsemen, for the purpose of visiting Lahore, the renowned Sikh capital.

The appearance of the city is very imposing at a distance, from its numerous mosques, with their azure domes and sparkling minarets rising majestically above the palaces, houses and gardens, the far distance being bounded by the bold out-line of the snow-capped Himalayas. To the south, lies the ancient city of Lahore, completely in ruins, interspersed with the remains of caravansaries, sepulchral monuments, towers and domes, overshadowed here and there by the lofty crowns of the graceful date-palm.

These splendid buildings carry the mind back to a bye-gone age, when wealth and grandeur reigned in Lahore, under the first Mahomedan conquerors of Hindoostan, before they succeeded in establishing themselves in the central Provinces of India. Lahore was the residence of Humayoon, the father of Akbar, who greatly enlarged and improved the city, which during his reign is said to have been three leagues in length; even to this day it is of considerable extent.

The modern city of Lahore lies close to the R[=a]vee, and contains about 80,000 inhabitants. It is surrounded by a massive brick wall, twenty-five feet in height, and fortified at regular distances with bastions and towers. Runjeet Singh greatly improved and strengthened the fortifications; and, like a good general, carried a moat completely round the outer side of the wall, and circumvallated this moat with a line of strong ramparts, fortified by out-works and heavy artillery, running in a circumference of seven or eight miles round the city. It gives the impression of a once impregnable place, and even now presents an appearance of considerable strength, though many of the bastions and works are going to decay.

The bright illusions which have previously filled the imagination of the stranger with visions of grandeur and magnificence, vanish like a dream the moment he enters the city gate. The principal street is very narrow, and extremely dirty, with a kennel running through the middle of it, into which is thrown the refuse from the neighbouring houses. Here, too, the streets are unpaved, and in such a wretched condition, that they are almost inpassable in wet weather. The houses are chiefly of brick, and though lofty, present a mean appearance. Like most of the Oriental houses, they have flat roofs, where the inhabitants pass the cool of the day. They are surrounded by dead walls, and present nothing of architectural interest; the only redeeming feature being an elegant arabesque carving, which runs along the wooden balconies and windows.

My first visit was to the citadel, which lies to the North-West of the town. It contains the barracks, extensive magazines, and military stores, together with the Hazuree Bagh, the noble winter palace of the late Maharajah, which was commenced by Akbar, and completed by others of the Mogul emperors. At an angle of the Maharannee's apartments, close to the gate, is the magnificent tomb of Runjeet Singh, together with those of the other members of his family. I visited this fine marble mausoleum, which is built in the Arabesque style, and was erected by Shore Singh, on the spot where Runjeet Singh, his son, and his grandson, together with their wives and female slaves, were consumed on the funeral pyre. This monument is just outside the lofty gates of the Hazuree Bagh. It was while passing through the ruins of these gates that Nou Nehal Singh was crushed to death, by the sudden dislodgment of a ponderous stone, as he was proceeding to the R[=a]vee to wash away his sins, immediately after the burning of his father's corpse.

The Hazuree Bagh was, in ancient times, the residence of the Mogul emperors. It is an immense pile, built of red granite, and consists of three large quadrangles, surrounded by arched corridors, magazines, and stores. From each of the four angles rises a lofty minaret, 150 feet in height; while the Western-side of the principal quadrangle is occupied by the Mosque, of red sand-stone, built by the emperor, Aurungzebe. This quadrangle, which is 500 paces in length, leads to the garden court or Hazuree Bagh, which is likewise surrounded by vaulted corridors, now in ruins. A pavilion of white marble stands in the centre.

The fort, or citadel, is in the third quadrangle. It is surrounded by numerous buildings, among which is the palace of the late Maharajah. The appearance is striking and unique, as it has a winding staircase rising above the highest platform.

The bazaars, which in all Eastern cities are the most animated parts of the town, presented nothing of interest; and instead of the varied display of costly oriental manufactures, in gold and embroidery, there was little else but sweetmeats and eatables.

There are some fine buildings in the immediate vicinity of Lahore. The principal is the tomb of the emperor, Jehangeer. It is of white marble, and red sand-stone, and rises in the centre of a beautiful garden. The Arabesques, above the arches of the piazza, which surround the tomb, are executed with great skill, and are in a state of perfect preservation, while the rest is going to decay. The tomb occupies a square building, 66 paces each way, the piazza being 1,800 feet square. I must not forget to mention the summer palace, or Shalemar. It was the residence of the emperor, Shah Jehan in 1627, and bears the inscription, "House of joy." It is constructed of white marble, in the same style as the Shalemar, at Cashmere, and stands in the middle of a lovely garden, tastefully laid out, with flowers, fountains, shrubberies, magnificent trees, and orange groves.

On my visit to the house of the Maharannee's German physician, I was introduced to Colonel Van Cortland, late of the Sikh service. In my rambles, I went over the house of General Ventura, since the residence of the Chief Commissioner, Sir Henry Lawrence. It is a spacious building, and presents a more European character than any in the city. In the gun-sheds, I saw only seven guns. The Infantry barracks were tenantless. The few soldiers, too, whom I saw in the place, had a mortified and disconsolate look.

Great alarm naturally prevailed in Lahore, in consequence of the defeat of the Sikh army, the arrival of our victorious troops, and the occupation of the citadel by an English garrison. The Governor-General, anxious to allay the ferment, issued a proclamation, which had the desired effect.[35]

On the 9th of March, the Governor-General signed the important treaty between the British and Lahore governments.[36]

I was on duty at the Governor-General's tent, with a troop of my regiment as a guard of honour, for the reception of the young Maharajah of Lahore, who had arrived from the capital attended by his principal Sirdars, and a numerous retinue, for the purpose of signing the treaty between the Government of the Company and that of the Lahore Durbar. Three royal salutes were fired from our 12-pounders, namely, one salute on the arrival of the prince, another at the signing of the treaty, and the third on his Highness' departure.

After the treaty was ratified and signed, the Governor-General made the following speech:—

"For forty years it was the policy of Runjeet Singh to cultivate friendly relations between the two Governments; and during the whole of that period, the Sikh nation was independent and happy. Let the policy of that able man towards the British Government, be the model for your future imitation. The British Government in no respect provoked the late war. It had no objects of aggrandizement to obtain by hostilities. The proof of its sincerity is to be found in its moderation in the hour of victory. A just quarrel, followed by a successful war, has not changed the policy of the British Government. The British Government does not desire to interfere in your internal affairs. I am ready and anxious to withdraw every British soldier from Lahore. At the earnest solicitation of the Sikh government, I have reluctantly consented to leave a British force in garrison at Lahore, until time shall have been afforded for the reorganization of the Sikh army, by whose assistance the stipulations of the treaty may be more easily carried into effect. In no case can I consent that the British troops shall remain in garrison for a longer period than the end of this year. I state this publicly, that all the world may know the truth, and the motives by which I am actuated in this matter."

At the conclusion of this address, the young Maharajah, who had thus been virtually recognised as the Sovereign of Lahore, under the protection of the English, was re-conducted to his palace by British regiments, under a royal salute.

CHAPTER VIII.

Review of the Army—Eastern Mode of Adoption—Cashmere assigned to Goolab Singh—Defeat of Affghan Cavalry—Major John Cameron Campbell—Security of the North-west Frontier—Fertility of the Punjaub—Infantry introduced into the East—Hyder Ali's Notion of English Power—Runjeet's Craftiness—Improvement in the Punjaub—Dhuleep Singh professes Christianity—Dr. Login—Dhuleep baptized by the Rev. W.J. Jay—Dhuleep Singh's Sincerity.

On the 10th of March, the whole army was reviewed by the Governor-General, the Commander-in-Chief, the Governor of Scinde (the late Lieutenant-General Sir Charles J. Napier, G.C.B.), the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, Goolab Singh, and many of the Sikh Sirdars. The troops formed line in masses of brigades; the second Brigade of Cavalry, being on the extreme left in open column of squadrons, at quarter distance: there were about 22,000 men on the ground. The conqueror of Scinde, having left behind his 16,500 men and fifty guns, had joined the head-quarters of the army, and was present at this review. The Sikh chiefs also were present, more humble than in former days. They, poor men, with few exceptions, were only the forced actors in the late drama. The Punts and Punchees[37] having decided upon fighting, the chiefs and Sirdars were constrained to gird up their loins for action.

The Governor-General, Sir Henry (now Viscount Hardinge, G.C.B.), was well aware that there were 20,000 Khalsa troops under arms in another part of the Punjaub. Conversing with a field officer, and looking at our European troops, the Governor-General remarked, "See those men, there are only 3,200 fit for duty;" which observation was at the time interpreted somewhat thus: "Out of 7,000 or 8,000 Europeans at first employed in this army, see the reduced remnant; had I not made the treaty, I could not at this season have continued the war."

The young and handsome Maharajah gazed upon the magnificent spectacle before him, with a kind of childish indifference, little concerned about the slice carved out by our swords from the dominions of his putative father; he is ignorant of his paternity, neither does he know whether he can legally call the Maharannee his mother. The Eastern mode of adoption is a very easy mode of providing a successor, for if a Rannee has no sons, others have, who may supply the place. Child-stealing, moreover, is very common in the Punjaub. Report assigns Jummoo as the place of his Highness' birth. The Rajah had a brother. I must leave the unravelling of the mystery, however, to those of my readers who feel an interest in tracing genealogies, with as much likelihood of success, at least, as the Sikh chiefs who tried the puzzle.

On the 10th of March I was on escort duty with my regiment, from half-past two to six in the afternoon, accompanying the Governor-General to and from a visit to the Maharajah, in the palace at Lahore.

On the 12th of March, the army of the Sutlej was broken up, and our kind-hearted Commander-in-chief bade it farewell.

Let us consider our position at the present time, with respect to our late enemy. A treaty has been concluded: we garrison Lahore with our troops, and form a government of Sikh chiefs, superintended by a British officer, namely, Sir Henry Lawrence. We declare that we must withdraw our force from Lahore by the end of the year. The Sikh chiefs entreat us to remain, which we at last agree to, and enter into another treaty to govern until Dhuleep Singh shall be of age, which will be in September, 1854.[38] This period was fixed, because as the Company's charter expires on the 30th of April, 1854, an act of indemnity would otherwise have been required from Parliament.

We first of all take possession of the Jullundur Doab; assign to Goolab Singh the rich and fertile valley of Cashmere,[39] whose productions are those of the temperate zone. The Sikhs are to disband their present army and organize a new one, which is not to exceed 32,000 men, 20,000 of which shall be infantry; and furthermore, we compel them to pay to the British government 22 lakhs of rupees, or £220,000 sterling per annum. Next, a deep conspiracy is discovered at Lahore, and two British officers are murdered at Mooltan. The Sikhs, under Moolraj, Chutter Singh and Shere Singh, raise large armies. The Maharannee is at the bottom of this conspiracy. We send troops in December, 1848, and take Mooltan in February, 1849. We fight at Ramnuggur, and fall into a trap. At Chillianwallah, we take the bull by the horns, but at Goojerat, on the 21st of February, 1849, with eighty-four guns against the enemy's fifty-nine, we gain a victory complete in every point, the Sikhs being battered by our overwhelming force of artillery for three hours. The Affghan Horse, under the command of a son of Dost Mahomed Khan, of Cabool, are routed after a noble charge, by a squadron of the 9th Lancers, and a party of the Scinde Irregular Horse, under the command of Captain J.C. Campbell,[40] of the Lancers, in which he was ably supported by Lieutenant F.J. M'Farlane, of the same corps, a stalwarth and powerful officer; and the whole army of the enemy having been put to flight and pursued for many miles, we finally annex the Punjaub to the British dominions.[41]

Now how would the leader of the British Anti-War Association have acted? The Sikhs cross the Sutlej and attack us. Would that gentleman have reasoned with them, or would he have attacked them? Whatever he may make of Europe, we cannot at present rule India otherwise than by the sword. India has to look to a possible invasion from the North, but none from the South. It is true, Admiral Suffrien did, in 1783, tell the King of France that the French might invade India from the Burmese territory; and he was right. But in 1826, we secured ourselves against such an event by Treaties. The Queen of England is ruler of the Mauritius, and the Cape is subject to her sway. On our North-West lie Scinde and the Punjaub, which two countries protect us against invasion from Candahar direct; and from an attack by the circuitous route of Cabool, we can always secure the Bolan and Khyber Passes; and those of Dhera Ghazee Khan and Dhera Ismael Khan are in our hands whenever we choose, for Mooltan would cover the operation.

Thus has the last Sikh campaign rendered our North-West frontier as safe as we could desire. Time will make the conquest valuable, and it must be our aim to conciliate a new people. Francklin (p. 66) says: "The Punjaub yields to no part of India in fertility of soil; it produces in the greatest abundance, sugar-cane, wheat, barley, rice, pulse of all sorts, tobacco, and various fruits, and it is also well supplied with cattle. The principal manufactures of this country are swords, matchlocks, cotton-cloths, and silks, both fine and coarse."

This description was written in 1802: it is useful to compare the past with the present. The Punjaub still (1854) supplies all the necessaries of life, and the district between the Indus and the Jelum contains salt-mines. In regard to commerce, as well as to manufactures, such as those of cotton-cloths, various stuffs, curious carpets, etc., the Sikhs are behind the other nations of India; yet, considering they are a military people, they shew less contempt for the occupations and amusements of civil life, and the peaceful cultivation of the soil, than might have been expected.

There can be no doubt that this country will become very flourishing under British rule. European art and science will be applied to the improvement of trade and agriculture, and above all, afford that greatest of incentives to industry, the certainty that, "what a man soweth, that shall he also reap." The Sikhs were more anxious to acquire other lands than to improve those which they already held; besides, in the constant scenes of anarchy and warfare, which have desolated this fine country, no man could ever feel certain that he should gather all his produce. Francklin, speaking of the Sikh army, in 1802, says (p. 67): "It has been remarked, that the Sikhs are able to collect from 50 to 60,000 horse; but to render this number effective, those who do not take the field, or who remain at home to guard their possessions, must be included."

The following is Francklin's statement, which comprehended the districts from the Attock to Sirhind:

The Chief of most consequence was Runjeet Singh. If we suppose that two-thirds of this force might take the field, there would be 42,730 horsemen.

The above writer also says, that the repeated invasion of the Punjaub by small armies, of late years, affords a convincing proof, "that the national force of the Sikhs cannot be so formidable as has been represented." "It was successfully invaded by the Maharatta armies of Ambajee, Bala Row and Nana Furkiah, who drove the Sikhs repeatedly before them." No mention is made of the Sikh artillery.

It is to be remarked of the Sikhs, as of other native states (indeed, it is an old remark, and has been made by some of the best informed natives themselves), that Hyder Ali Khan, and Tippoo Sultan, of Mysore, Sindiah, Holcar, in fact, all the native Chiefs of India, were victorious over their native enemies by means of large masses of horse. Infantry of some description they had; but the regular battalions, drilled by Europeans, were only introduced as a system about 60 years ago, by French, German, and Italian officers.

The principal use of Infantry was to defend their forts. Seeing the advantage of regular and well-disciplined Infantry, under the British and French, the leading princes and chiefs adopted the same plan, and at length resolved to have Brigades of Infantry; as, for example, Sindiah's Brigades, under Duboignie, and the Nizam's, etc., etc.

Before this period and until the chiefs had regular corps, the British marched over the country for hundreds of miles, the enemy flying before them. But, in 1803, Sindiah brought many disciplined brigades of infantry into the field, perhaps 8,000, 10,000, or even 12,000 infantry, and seventy, eighty, or one hundred guns, besides horse. Our losses were sustained in taking the guns. Thorn, in his "History of the Maharatta War, 1803," says; "the Maharatta armies in three of their greatest battles were as follow:—

It will be seen that except at Assaye, they had more infantry than cavalry. While the enemy mustered the above numbers, and always had about one fourth of their guns of large calibre, the British only brought seventeen, twenty-five, and thirty small guns into the field. Runjeet Singh's views were different from those of the native princes. Captain Meadows Taylor, in his "Life of Hyder Ali," says; "In December, 1782, just before his death, Hyder Ali Khan of Mysore, called for his confidential adviser and said, 'What signifies the loss of Colonel Baillie's detachment of 3,000 or 4,000 troops? The English can get more by sea; unless I can build a navy to compete with the Feringhees, and stop them from landing, I cannot destroy them. They come as fast as you cut them down.'"

The Maharatta Chiefs thought differently. The power of the English, whose ascendancy in India dates from about the year 1803, had supplanted that of France. The French having rejected the application for European troops, made by Tippoo Sultan in 1799, a brief pause followed upon Napoleon's expedition to Egypt, but on the renewal of the war with England in 1803, Napoleon, in his projected invasion of India, engaged the assistance of the powerful Maharatta chiefs, who entered warmly into the war, and Sindiah's troops were placed under the direction of French officers sent out for the purpose.

M. Perron, in 1803, had 43,000 Infantry and a powerful Artillery, with which he held Allygurh, Agra, and Delhi. He designed, moreover, by degrees, to supersede Sindiah's authority, but Lord Lake's and Sir Arthur Wellesley's battles defeated the scheme. The Maharattas, or rather their troops under French officers, governed Delhi at this time, the Emperor Shah Allum being a captive prince and blind. Runjeet Singh, although a young man, knew all these facts, he therefore, caused his troops to be disciplined by European officers, for the purpose of fighting his battles against the Affghans, and other native enemies; but he never desired to lead them against the English, nor did he much like to entrust his European officers with commands in his wars. General Avitabile had charge of Peshawur, as civil, not as military, governor.

In 1825, when the British attacked Bhurtpore, the Rajah wished Runjeet to aid him, but the crafty fox refused. Some time after, asking Captain Wade (now Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Claudius M. Wade, C.B.) "what the English would have done had he joined the Rajah:" Captain Wade replied, "We should have attacked you first, and then have gone to undertake the siege." "Indeed!" said Runjeet, "I thought so. I shall not quarrel with the English; they are my friends."

Thus the Punjaub, which had been for centuries the tempting lure of a succession of invading hordes, and a prey to anarchy, rapine, and oppression, has passed, like its far-famed "Mountain of Light," into the possession of Queen Victoria; and from the marvellous success which has already crowned the efforts of the British Government to improve this new domain, I have no doubt that it will soon shed as much lustre on the British name, as this brilliant jewel over the royal brow.

When the Punjaub, paralysed and withered under the military authority of Runjeet Singh, first became ours, it never entered into the imagination of the most sanguine, to conceive the change which a few short years of wise and enlightened rule would produce in the outward face of the country. Whole tracts of forest and jungle have been cleared and brought under cultivation; canals, hundreds of miles in extent, and at an outlay of millions of rupees, are in course of excavation; commerce and agriculture are encouraged, and every possible facility is afforded to the native mind to develop the resources which nature has placed within the reach of its inhabitants.

We cannot but feel that it is only a Christian power, which could have exercised this happy influence; for Christianity has been in all ages, and under all circumstances, the pioneer of enlightenment and civilization. Circumstanced as the British government were, they could not well make any direct efforts to establish Christianity among the Sikhs, and indeed their usual caution and feeling rather lean to the reverse. And yet without any such efforts or encouragement on their part, and no one can tell exactly how, the first fruit of the Gospel among the native sovereigns of India, is the young Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, the son and successor of the mighty Runjeet Singh.

As this event, so important and significant under any circumstances, but doubly so under the present shaking and waning attachment of the Sikh population to their own religious rites, is deeply interesting to the British public, I will here give an extract from a speech delivered by Archdeacon Pratt, in Calcutta:

"The baptism of Dhuleep Singh is an encouraging event, and although perhaps the less said about it the better, for the young convert's own mind, yet as so many false accounts have gone abroad regarding him, it is well briefly to state the circumstances which led him to seek baptism. His desire to become a Christian has generally been attributed to the influence of Dr. Login, who has charge of the young prince. But this is altogether a mistake. Dr. Login has acted the part of a wise and consistent Christian, in the delicate and responsible charge committed to him, but no overtures were made by him to induce the youth to become a Christian. It is believed that an early disgust of his own countrymen, was created in his mind by the horrible assassinations which he witnessed as a child at the Court of Lahore; and the personal kindness which he afterwards met with from Lord Dalhousie and the officials, up to the time of his quitting the Punjaub, gave him a favourable impression of the English.

"But the first impulse in his mind in favour of Christianity, was occasioned by his Brahmin attendant reading the Scriptures to him, during Dr. Login's absence in Calcutta.

"The Brahmin had learnt English in a missionary school, and like many of his countrymen, was himself convinced of the truth of the Word of God, but had not courage to stem the torrent of opposition, which an open avowal of his convictions would have created. His reading, however, awakened the young prince's mind to the value of the Bible; and Dhuleep Singh wrote to Dr. Login that he must have a copy of the Scriptures; and also, that he intended forthwith to break his caste. From this last step he was wisely dissuaded, till he should be better informed.

"The whole matter was made known to the Governor-General and to the Court. It was determined, that if he finally desired to become a Christian, no impediment should be placed in his way, when he was perfectly prepared for the rite. The chaplain of the Station was directed to give him the necessary instruction, should the prince desire it; and his mind has been growing and maturing under the wise superintendence of Dr. Login, and the instructions of his English tutor and the chaplain; but no more progress in advance has been made without his own desire. His attending divine service, both in private and afterwards in public, in the Mussouree church, was of his own seeking and urging.

"I have seen a good deal of the youth, and feel persuaded that he has been led by a higher hand than human, and that the work is of God. He is only a youth; but his character in every respect is a most interesting one; more especially when we remember who he is, and the darkness out of which he has come. If God keep him steadfast, and to this we should direct our prayers, his conversion may have an important influence on missionary prospects."

After a careful examination into his knowledge of those truths which he professed to believe, the Maharajah was formally admitted into the Christian church by baptism, on the 8th of March, 1853, by the Rev. W.J. Jay, Chaplain of Futtyghur. At this interesting ceremony, which took place in the Maharajah's own house at the station, were present all the civil and military authorities, and the American missionaries, as well as a number of his own attendants, on whom the solemnity of the occasion appeared to make a deep impression.

The "Friend of India," in its notice of this event, remarks:—

"It will, of course, be observed, particularly in England, that it would have been more advisable to postpone this irrevocable renunciation of Hindooism, until matured age should have given the young Maharajah the knowledge and experience necessary to enable him to make a permanent decision; but according to Major Smyth's 'Reigning Family of Lahore,' Dhuleep Singh was born in 1837, and he is therefore already sixteen. A lad of this age in India is a man, with as great a capacity for estimating the merits of different creeds, as he is ever likely to possess. From the time that he was placed under the charge of Dr. Login, his education has been most carefully provided for; and the boy who, when rescued from Lahore, could not even read, is now almost English in language, ideas, and feelings. His conduct, with reference to the ceremonial salutes, and his visit to the Governor-General, are sufficient proofs that his judgment is not beneath his acquirements, and that he has been fairly rescued from those influences which warp the minds of the Porphyrogeniti of the East. Sixteen is the age at which the Law Courts acknowledge the right of a native youth to judge for himself; and this last act of the Maharajah has been performed entirely of his own free will. He has been neither coaxed nor frightened into Christianity. Indeed, the Government had every motive for retaining him in his old creed. An Asiatic Christian prince, with £40,000 a year, might excite an interest in England, which it has hitherto been the policy of the home authorities to avoid, but they doubtless felt that it was not for them to interpose obstacles in his way. He was simply left to his own discretion; and that he has chosen rightly will, we think, be allowed even by those who are not given to 'Missionary fanaticism.' His conversion, will, at least, save the palace of Futtyghur from becoming like that of Delhi, a place where all evil naturally seeks shelter; and a native Christian noble, with his vast wealth, may accomplish far more good than a hundred ordinary converts.

"With the exception of 'Prester John,' in whom, despite Marco Polo, our faith is exceedingly limited, and a Roman Catholic Ziogoon of Japan, Dhuleep Singh is the first of his rank in Asia who has become a Christian. His example may, perhaps, give confidence to many who remain in Hindooism, rather from a vague dread of the consequences of abandoning it, than from any belief in its tenets; and we may see Christianity reverse its ordinary course, and descend from the highest to the lowest ranks. We have little hope of such a result; but it requires no religious belief to prove that it would be of the highest advantage to themselves and the people. The mere fact that there then would exist oaths by which they could be bound, and principles which they would scruple to violate, would bind their subjects to them, with a chain stronger than any which the ablest of their number have yet been able to forge."

The editor of the "Oriental Christian Spectator," observes: "From the persuasion which we have of the Christian judgment and prudence of Dr. Login, whose instructions have been blessed to this great result, we have every confidence that this conversion is of the most satisfactory character.

"The Sikh Prince, in the path he has pursued, appears before us, as no inappropriate specimen of his nation, and of what may be expected from them, if only at the present juncture suitable opportunities be presented. Their national discomfiture has been the overthrow of that fanaticism, under the standard of which they hoped to find themselves invariably the conquerors, and progressing rapidly to universal dominion. It has disappointed them; its prestige is gone; it has lost all hold upon them. If we neglect to meet adequately the present crisis, they will become rapidly absorbed in Hindooism, or Mahomedanism, and infusing a new and energetic element into those decayed systems, may re-invigorate them, and prolong their existence for a season. But if we go forward on a liberal and comprehensive scale of action, to the improvement of the remarkable opportunities now presented to us, there is hope that, as a nation, they may follow the example of the young ex-Maharajah, whose profession of Christianity, at the present moment, is calculated to exercise upon them a very important influence."