Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, vol. 3 of 3, by James Tod

5. [This is a folk etymology, the real name of the Bhīl sept being Khota.] The descendants of Jethsi retained the castle and the surrounding country for several generations; when Bhonangsi, the fifth in descent, was dispossessed of them by Rao Surajmall of Bundi. Jethsi had a son, Surjan, who gave the name of Kotah to this abode of the Bhils, round which he built a wall. His son Dhirdeo excavated twelve lakes, and dammed up that east of the town, still known by his name, though better by its new appellation of Kishor Sagar.Sagar. His son was Kandhal, who had Bhonangsi, who lost and regained Kotah in the following manner. Kotah was seized by two Pathans, Dhakar and Kesar Khan. Bhonang, who became mad from excessive use of wine and opium, was banished to Bundi, and his wife, at the head of his household vassals, retired to Kaithan, around which the Haras held three hundred and sixty villages. Bhonang, in exile, repented of his excesses; he announced his amendment and his wish to return to his wife and kin.kin. The intrepid Rajputni rejoiced at his restoration, and laid a plan for the recovery of Kotah, in which she destined him to take part. To attempt it by force would have been to court destruction, and she determined to combine stratagem and courage. When the jocund festival of spring approached, when even decorum is for a while cast aside in the Rajput Saturnalia, she invited herself, with all the youthful damsels of Kaithan, to play the Holi with the Pathans of Kotah. The libertine Pathans received the invitation with joy, happy to find the queen of Kaithan evince so much amity. Collecting three hundred of the finest Hara youths, she disguised them in female apparel, and Bhonang, attended by the old nurse, each with a vessel of the crimson abir, headed the band. While the youths were throwing the crimson powder amongst the Pathans, the nurse led Bhonang to play with their chief. The disguised Hara broke his vessel on the head of Kesar Khan. This was the signal for action: the Rajputs drew their swords from beneath their ghaghras (petticoats), and the bodies of Kesar and his gang strewed the terrace. The masjid of Kesar Khan still exists within the walls. Bhonang was succeeded by his son Dungarsi, whom Rao Surajmall dispossessed and added Kotah to Bundi.

6. [About 60 miles S.W. of Ajmer city.]

7. “Poor dumb mouths.”

8. [‘Lord of the Hindu,’ a title assumed by the Rānas of Mewār.]

9. [This was probably, as in the cases of Dhār and Amber, a form of sympathetic magic to ensure the capture of Būndi.]

10. Somewhat akin to this incident is the history of that summer abode of kings of France in the Bois de Boulogne at Paris, called “Madrid.” When Francis I. was allowed to return to his capital, he pledged his parole that he would return to Madrid. But the delights of liberty and Paris were too much for honour; and while he wavered, a hint was thrown out similar to that suggested to the Rana when determined to capture Bundi. A mock Madrid arose in the Bois de Boulogne, to which Francis retired.

11. Jabdu had three sons: each founded clans. The eldest, Bacha, had two sons, Sewaji and Seranji. The former had Meoji, the latter had Sawant, whose descendants are styled Meo and Sawant Haras.

12. [There was a great drought in Hindustān about A.D. 1491 (Balfour, Cyclopaedia of India, i. 1072).]

13. [Langar means ‘an anchor,’ then ‘a distribution of food to the poor.’ The most famous instance is that at Haidarābād (Bilgrami-Willmott, Sketch of H.H. The Nizam’s Dominions, ii. 875 ff.). The googri of the original text is possibly gagari, ‘a little pot.’]

14. Though called a pillar, it is a slab in the staircase of the old palace, which I have seen.

15. The copper coin of Bundi, equal to a halfpenny. One pice weight is a common dose for an ordinary Rajput, but would send the uninitiated to eternal sleep. [According to Cheevers (Medical Jurisprudence in India, 227) in Bengal some wretches eat as much as a rupee weight, 180 grains, of pure opium daily. If his pice was anything like the weight of that of the East India Company (100 grains), the dose of Nārāyandās must have been enormous.]

16. Wife or daughter of a teli, or oilman.

17. [Rāna Rāēmall’s opponent is said to have been Ghayāsu-d-dīn of Mālwa (A.D. 1469-99): but he is reported to have been a debauchee who never left his palace (BG, i. Part i. 362 ff.).]

18. [Ketu, the demon who causes eclipses; Kāmdeo, god of love.]

19. [Deathland, the realm of Indra.]

20. [The twelve-tined deer, Cervus duvanceli; Boselaphus tragocamelus (Blanford, Mammalia, 538, 517 ff.).]

21. The Author has seen the cenotaphs of the princes at Nanta, a place which still affords good hunting.

22. Four of these had appanages and founded clans, namely, Bhim, who had Thakurda; Pura, who had Hardoi; Mapal and Pachain, whose abodes are not recorded.

23. See Vol. I. p. 361.

24.

Sor ne kiya bahut jor
Dhar parbat ori silla;
Tain kari tarwār
Ad pātiya, Hāra Uja.[A]

25. Ram Singh, clan Rama Hara; Akhairaj, clan Akhairajpota; Kandhal, clan Jasa Hara.

CHAPTER 3

Sawant Singh, a junior branch of Bundi, upon the expulsion of the Shershahi dynasty, entered into a correspondence with the Afghan governor of Ranthambhor, which terminated in the surrender of this celebrated fortress, which he delivered up to his superior, the Rao Surjan. For this important service, which obtained a castle and possession far superior to any under Bundi, lands were assigned near the city to Sawantji, whose name became renowned, and was transmitted as the head of the clan, Sawant-Hara.

The Chauhan chief of Bedla,^[2] who was mainly instrumental to the surrender of this famed fortress, stipulated that it should be held by Rao Surjan, as a fief of Mewar. Thus Ranthambhor, which for ages was an appanage of Ajmer, and continued until the fourteenth century in a branch of the family descended from Bisaldeo, when it was [472] captured from the valiant Hamir ^[3] after a desperate resistance, once more reverted to the Chauhan race.

Siege of Ranthambhor by Akbar.

—Ranthambhor was an early object of Akbar’s attention, who besieged it in person. He had been some time before its impregnable walls without the hope of its surrender, when Bhagwandas of Amber and his son, the more celebrated Raja Man, who had not only tendered their allegiance to Akbar, but allied themselves to him by marriage, determined to use their influence to make Surjan Hara faithless to his pledge, “to hold the castle as a fief of Chitor.”^[4] That courtesy, which is never laid aside amongst belligerent Rajputs, obtained Raja Man access to the castle, and the emperor accompanied him in the guise of a mace-bearer. While conversing, an uncle of the Rao recognized the emperor, and with that sudden impulse which arises from respect, took the mace from his hand and placed Akbar on the ‘cushion’ of the governor of the castle. Akbar’s presence of mind did not forsake him, and he said, “Well, Rao Surjan, what is to be done?” which was replied to by Raja Man, “Leave the Rana, give up Ranthambhor, and become the servant of the king, with high honours and office.” The proffered bribe was indeed magnificent; the government of fifty-two districts, whose revenues were to be appropriated without inquiry, on furnishing the customary contingent, and liberty to name any other terms, which should be solemnly guaranteed by the king.^[5]

A treaty was drawn up upon the spot, and mediated by the prince of Amber, which presents a good picture of Hindu feeling:

1. That the chiefs of Bundi should be exempted from that custom, degrading to a Rajput, of sending a dola^[6] to the royal harem.

4. That the vassals of Bundi should be exempted from the obligation of sending [473] their wives or female relatives ‘to hold a stall in the Mina Bazar’ at the palace, on the festival of Nauroza.^[7]

5. That they should have the privilege of entering the Diwan-i-amm, or ‘hall of audience,’ completely armed.

9. That they should be allowed to beat their nakkaras, or ‘kettledrums,’ in the streets of the capital as far as the Lal Darwaza or ‘red-gate’; and that they should not be commanded to make the ‘prostration’^[9] on entering the Presence.

10. That Bundi should be to the Haras what Delhi was to the king, who should guarantee them from any change of capital.

In addition to these articles, which the king swore to maintain, he assigned the Rao a residence at the sacred city of Kasi, possessing that privilege so dear to the Rajput, the right of sanctuary, which is maintained to this day.^[10] With such a bribe, and the full acceptance of his terms, we cannot wonder that Rao Surjan flung from him the remnant of allegiance he owed to Mewar, now humbled by the loss of her capital, or that he should agree to follow the victorious car of the Mogul. But this dereliction of duty was effaced by the rigid virtue of the brave Sawant Hara, who, as already stated, had conjointly with the Kotharia Chauhan ^[11] obtained Ranthambhor. He put on the saffron robes, and with his small but virtuous clan determined, in spite of his sovereign’s example, that Akbar should only gain possession over their lifeless bodies.

Previous to this explosion of useless fidelity, he set up a pillar with a solemn anathema engraved thereon, on “whatever Hara of gentle blood should ascend the castle of Ranthambhor, or who should quit it alive.” Sawant and his kin made the sacrifice to honour; “they gave up their life’s blood to maintain their fidelity to the Rana,” albeit himself without a capital; and from that day, no Hara ever [474] passes Ranthambhor without averting his head from an object which caused disgrace to the tribe. With this transaction all intercourse ceased with Mewar, and from this period the Hara bore the title of ‘Rao Raja’ of Bundi.

Rāo Surjan in the Imperial Service.

—Rao Surjan was soon called into action, and sent as commander to reduce Gondwana, so named from being the ‘region of the Gonds.’^[12] He took their capital, Bari, by assault, and to commemorate the achievement erected the gateway still called the Surjanpol. The Gond leaders he carried captives to the emperor, and generously interceded for their restoration to liberty, and to a portion of their possessions. On effecting this service, the king added seven districts to his grant, including Benares and Chunar. This was in S. 1632, or A.D. 1576, the year in which Rana Partap of Mewar fought the battle of Haldighat against Sultan Salim.^[13]

Rao Surjan resided at his government of Benares, and by his piety, wisdom, and generosity, benefited the empire and the Hindus at large, whose religion through him was respected. Owing to the prudence of his administration and the vigilance of his police, the most perfect security to person and property was established throughout the province. He beautified and ornamented the city, especially that quarter where he resided, and eighty-four edifices, for various public purposes, and twenty baths, were constructed under his auspices. He died there, and left three legitimate sons: 1. Rao Bhoj; 2. Duda, nicknamed by Akbar, Lakar Khan; 3. Raemall, who obtained the town and dependencies of Puleta, now one of the fiefs of Kotah and the residence of the Raemallot Haras.

The Campaign in Gujarāt.

—About this period, Akbar transferred the seat of government from Delhi to Agra, which he enlarged and called Akbarabad. Having determined on the reduction of Gujarat, he dispatched thither an immense army, which he followed with a select force mounted on camels. Of these, adopting the custom of the desert princes of India, he had formed a corps of five hundred, each having two fighting men in a pair of panniers. To this select force, composed chiefly of Rajputs, were attached Rao Bhoj and Duda his brother. Proceeding with the utmost celerity, Akbar joined his army besieging Surat, before which many desperate encounters took place.^[14] In the final assault the Hara Rao slew the leader of the enemy; on which occasion the king commanded him to “name his reward.” The Rao limited his request to leave to visit his estates annually during the periodical rains, which was granted.

The perpetual wars of Akbar, for the conquest and consolidation of the universal [475] empire of India, gave abundant opportunity to the Rajput leaders to exert their valour; and the Haras were ever at the post of danger and of honour. The siege and escalade of the famed castle of Ahmadnagar afforded the best occasion for the display of Hara intrepidity; again it shone forth, and again claimed distinction and reward.^[15] To mark his sense of the merits of the Bundi leader, the king commanded that a new bastion should be erected, where he led the assault, which he named the Bhoj burj; and further presented him his own favourite elephant. In this desperate assault, Chand Begam, the queen of Ahmadnagar, and an armed train of seven hundred females, were slain, gallantly fighting for their freedom.

Notwithstanding all these services, Rao Bhoj fell under the emperor’s displeasure. On the death of the queen, Jodha Bai, Akbar commanded a court-mourning; and that all might testify a participation in their master’s affliction, an ordinance issued that all the Rajput chiefs, as well as the Muslim leaders, should shave the moustache and the beard.^[16] To secure compliance, the royal barbers had the execution of the mandate. But when they came to the quarters of the Haras, in order to remove these tokens of manhood, they were repulsed with buffets and contumely. The enemies of Rao Bhoj aggravated the crime of this resistance, and insinuated to the royal ear that the outrage upon the barbers was accompanied with expressions insulting to the memory of the departed princess, who, it will be remembered, was a Rajputni of Marwar. Akbar, forgetting his vassal’s gallant services, commanded that Rao Bhoj should be pinioned and forcibly deprived of his ‘mouche.’ He might as well have commanded the operation on a tiger. The Haras flew to their arms; the camp was thrown into tumult, and would soon have presented a wide scene of bloodshed, had not the emperor, seasonably repenting of his folly, repaired to the Bundi quarters in person. He expressed his admiration (he might have said his fear) of Hara valour, alighted from his elephant to expostulate with the Rao, who with considerable tact pleaded his father’s privileges, and added “that an eater of pork like him was unworthy the distinction of putting his lip into mourning for the queen.” Akbar, happy to obtain even so much acknowledgment, embraced the Rao, and carried him with him to his own quarters.

Death of Akbar.

—In this portion of the Bundi memoirs is related the mode of Akbar’s death.^[17] He had designed to take off the great Raja Man by means of a poisoned confection formed into pills. To throw the Raja off his guard, he had prepared other pills which were [476] innocuous; but in his agitation he unwittingly gave these to the Raja, and swallowed those which were poisoned. On the emperor’s death, Rao Bhoj retired to his hereditary dominions, and died in his palace of Bundi, leaving three sons, Rao Ratan, Harda Narayan,^[18] and Keshodas.^[19]

Rāo Ratan.

—Jahangir was now sovereign of India. He had nominated his son Parvez to the government of the Deccan, and having invested him in the city of Burhanpur, returned to the north. But Prince Khurram, jealous of his brother, conspired against and slew him.^[20] This murder was followed by an attempt to dethrone his father Jahangir, and as he was popular with the Rajput princes, being son of a princess of Amber, a formidable rebellion was raised; or, as the chronicle says, “the twenty-two Rajas turned against the king, all but Rao Ratan”:

“The lake had burst, the waters were rushing out; where now the remedy? The house of Jahangir was departing; it was sustained by Rao Ratan.”

Partition of Hāraoti.

—With his two sons, Madho Singh and Hari, Ratan repaired to Burhanpur, where he gained a complete victory over the rebels. In this engagement, which took place on Tuesday the full moon of Kartika, S. 1635 (A.D. 1579), both his sons were severely wounded. For these services Rao Ratan was rewarded with the government of Burhanpur; and Madho his second son received a grant of the city of Kotah and its dependencies, which he and his heirs were to hold direct of the crown. From this period, therefore, dates the partition of Haraoti, when the emperor, in his desire to reward Madho Singh, overlooked the greater services of his father. But in this Jahangir did not act without design; on the contrary, he dreaded the union of so much power in the hands of this brave race as pregnant with danger, and well knew that by dividing he could always rule both, the one through the other. Shah Jahan confirmed the grant to Madho Singh, whose history will be resumed in its proper place, the Annals of Kotah.

Rao Ratan, while he held the government of Burhanpur, founded a township which still bears his name, Ratanpur. He performed another important service [477], which, while it gratified the emperor, contributed greatly to the tranquillity of his ancient lord-paramount, the Rana of Mewar. A refractory noble of the court, Dariyau Khan, was leading a life of riot and rapine in that country, when the Hara attacked, defeated, and carried him captive to the king. For this distinguished exploit, the king gave him honorary naubats, or kettledrums; the grand yellow banner to be borne in state processions before his own person, and a red flag for his camp; which ensigns are still retained by his successors. Rao Ratan obtained the suffrages not only of his Rajput brethren, but of the whole Hindu race, whose religion he preserved from innovation. The Haras exultingly boast that no Muslim dared pollute the quarters where they might be stationed with the blood of the sacred kine. After all his services, Ratan was killed in an action near Burhanpur, leaving a name endeared by his valour and his virtues to the whole Hara race.

Gopināth.

—Rao Ratan left four sons, Gopinath, who had Bundi; Madho Singh, who had Kotah; Hariji, who had Gugor;^[21] Jagannath, who had no issue; and Gopinath, the heir of Bundi, who died before his father. The manner of his death affords another trait of Rajput character, and merits a place amongst those anecdotes which form the romance of history. Gopinath carried on a secret intrigue with the wife of a Brahman of the Baldia class, and in the dead of night used to escalade the house to obtain admittance. At length the Brahman caught him, bound the hands and feet of his treacherous prince, and proceeding direct to the palace, told the Rao he had caught a thief in the act of stealing his honour, and asked what punishment was due to such offence. “Death,” was the reply. He waited for no other, returned home, and with a hammer beat out the victim’s brains, throwing the dead body into the public highway. The tidings flew to Rao Ratan, that the heir of Bundi had been murdered, and his corpse ignominiously exposed; but when he learned the cause, and was reminded of the decree he had unwittingly passed, he submitted in silence.^[22]

Rāo Chhattarsāl, A.D. 1652-58.

—Chhattarsal, who succeeded his grandfather, Rao Ratan, was not only installed by Shah Jahan in his hereditary dominions, but declared governor of the imperial capital, a post which he held nearly throughout this reign. When Shah Jahan partitioned the empire into four vice-royalties, under his sons, Dara, Aurangzeb, Shuja, and Murad, Rao Chhattarsal had a high command under Aurangzeb, in the Deccan. The Hara distinguished himself by his bravery and conduct in all the various sieges and actions, especially at the assaults of Daulatabad and Bidar; the last was led by Chhattarsal in person, who carried the place, and put the garrison to the sword. In S. 1709 (A.D. 1653), Kulbarga fell after an obstinate defence, in which Chhattarsal again led the escalade. The last resort was the strong fort of Damauni, which terminated all resistance, and the Deccan was tranquillized.^[25]

Death of Shāh Jahān. War of Succession.

—“At this period of the transactions in the south, a rumour was propagated of the emperor’s (Shah Jahan) death; and as during twenty days the prince (Aurangzeb) held no court, and did not even give private audience, the report obtained general belief.^[26] Dara Shikoh was the only one of the emperor’s sons then at court, and the absent brothers determined to assert their several pretensions to the throne. While Shuja marched from Bengal, Aurangzeb prepared to quit the Deccan, and cajoled Murad to join him with all his forces; assuring him that he, a darvesh from principle, had no worldly desires, for his only wish was to dwell in retirement [479], practising the austerities of a rigid follower of the Prophet; that Dara was an infidel, Shuja a free-thinker, himself an anchorite; and that he, Murad, alone of the sons of Shah Jahan, was worthy to exercise dominion, to aid in which purpose he proffered his best energies.^[27]

“The emperor, learning the hostile intentions of Aurangzeb, wrote privately to the Hara prince to repair to the Presence. On receiving the mandate, Chhattarsal revolved its import, but considering “that, as a servant of the gaddi (throne), his only duty was obedience,” he instantly commenced his preparations to quit the Deccan. This reaching the ear of Aurangzeb, he inquired the cause of his hasty departure, observing, that in a very short time he might accompany him to court. The Bundi prince replied, “his first duty was to the reigning sovereign,” and handed him the farman or summons to the Presence. Aurangzeb commanded that he should not be permitted to depart, and directed his encampment to be surrounded. But Chhattarsal, foreseeing this, had already sent on his baggage, and forming his vassals and those of other Rajput princes attached to the royal cause into one compact mass, they effected their retreat to the Nerbudda in the face of their pursuers, without their daring to attack them. By the aid of some Solanki chieftains inhabiting the banks of this river, the Bundi Rao was enabled to pass this dangerous stream, then swollen by the periodical rains. Already baffled by the skill and intrepidity of Chhattarsal, Aurangzeb was compelled to give up the pursuit, and the former reached Bundi in safety. Having made his domestic arrangements, he proceeded forthwith to the capital, to help the aged emperor, whose power, and even existence, were alike threatened by the ungrateful pretensions of his sons to snatch the sceptre from the hand which still held it.”

If a reflection might be here interposed on the bloody wars which desolated India in consequence of the events of which the foregoing were the initial scenes, it would be to expose the moral retribution resulting from evil example. Were we to take but a partial view of the picture, we should depict the venerable Shah Jahan, arrived at the verge of the grave, into which the unnatural contest of his sons for empire wished to precipitate him, extending his arms for succour in vain to the nobles of his own faith and kin; while the Rajput, faithful to his principle, ‘allegiance to the throne,’ staked both life and land to help him in his need. Such a picture would enlist all our sympathies on the side of the helpless king. But when we recall the past, and consider that [480] Shah Jahan, as Prince Khurram, played the same part (setting aside the mask of hypocrisy), which Aurangzeb now attempted; that, to forward his guilty design, he murdered his brother Parvez,^[28] who stood between him and the throne of his parent, against whom he levied war, our sympathies are checked, and we conclude that unlimited monarchy is a curse to itself and all who are subjected to it.

The battle of Fatehabad followed not long after this event,^[29] which, gained by Aurangzeb, left the road to the throne free from obstruction. We are not informed of the reason why the prince of Bundi did not add his contingent to the force assembled to oppose Aurangzeb under Jaswant Singh of Marwar, unless it be found in that article of the treaty of Rao Surjan, prohibiting his successors from serving under a leader of their own faith and nation. The younger branch of Kotah appears, on its separation from Bundi, to have felt itself exonerated from obedience to this decree; for four royal brothers of Kotah, with many of their clansmen, were stretched on this field in the cause of swamidharma and Shah Jahan. Before, however, Aurangzeb could tear the sceptre from the enfeebled hands of his parent, he had to combat his elder brother Dara, who drew together at Dholpur all those who yet regarded ‘the first duty of a Rajput.’ The Bundi prince, with his Haras clad in their saffron robes, the ensigns of death or victory, formed the vanguard of Dara on this day, the opening scene of his sorrows, which closed but with his life; for Dholpur was as fatal to Dara the Mogul, as Arbela was to the Persian Darius. Custom rendered it indispensable that the princely leaders should be conspicuous to the host, and in conformity thereto Dara, mounted on his elephant, was in the brunt of the battle, in the heat of which, when valour and fidelity might have preserved the sceptre of Shah Jahan, Dara suddenly disappeared. A panic ensued, which was followed by confusion and flight. The noble Hara, on this disastrous event, turned to his vassals, and exclaimed, “Accursed be he who flies! Here, true to my salt, my feet are rooted to this field, nor will I quit it alive, but with victory.” Cheering on his men, he mounted his elephant, but whilst encouraging them by his voice and example, a cannon-shot hitting his elephant, the animal turned and fled. Chhattarsal leaped from his back and called for his steed, exclaiming, “My elephant may turn his back on the enemy, but never shall his master.” Mounting his horse, and forming his men into a dense mass (gol), he led them to the charge against Prince Murad, whom he singled out, and had his lance balanced for the issue, when a ball pierced his forehead.^[30] The contest was nobly maintained by his youngest son, Bharat Singh, who accompanied his father in death [481], and with him the choicest of his clan. Mohkam Singh, brother of the Rao, with two of his sons, and Udai Singh, another nephew, sealed their fidelity with their lives. Thus in the two battles of Ujjain and Dholpur no less than twelve princes of the blood, together with the heads of every Hara clan, maintained their fealty (swamidharma) even to death. Where are we to look for such examples?

“Rao Chhattarsal had been personally engaged in fifty-two combats, and left a name renowned for courage and incorruptible fidelity.” He enlarged the palace of Bundi by adding that portion which bears his name,—the Chhattar Mahall,—and the temple of Keshorai, at Patan, was constructed under his direction.^[31] It was in S. 1715 he was killed; he left four sons, Rao Bhao Singh, Bhim Singh, who got Gugorha, Bhagwant Singh, who obtained Mau, and Bharat Singh, who was killed at Dholpur.

Rāo Bhāo Singh, A.D. 1658-78. Mughal Attack on Būndi.

—Aurangzeb, on the attainment of sovereign power, transferred all the resentment he harboured against Chhattarsal to his son and successor, Rao Bhao. He gave a commission to Raja Atmaram, Gaur, the prince of Sheopur, to reduce “that turbulent and disaffected race, the Hara,” and annex Bundi to the government of Ranthambhor, declaring that he should visit Bundi shortly in person, on his way to the Deccan, and hoped to congratulate him on his success. Raja Atmaram, with an army of twelve thousand men, entered Haravati and ravaged it with fire and sword. Having laid siege to Khatoli, a town of Indargarh, the chief fief of Bundi,^[32] the clans secretly assembled, engaged Atmaram at Gotarda, defeated and put him to flight, capturing the imperial ensigns and all his baggage. Not satisfied with this, they retaliated by blockading Sheopur, when the discomfited Raja continued his flight to court to relate this fresh instance of Hara audacity. The poor prince of the Gaurs was received with gibes and jests, and heartily repented of his inhuman inroads upon his neighbours in the day of their disgrace. The tyrant, affecting to be pleased with this instance of Hara courage, sent a farman to Rao Bhao of grace and free pardon, and commanding his presence at court. At first the Rao declined; but having repeated pledges of good intention, he complied and was honoured with the government of Aurangabad under Prince Muazzam. Here he evinced his independence by shielding Raja Karan of Bikaner from a plot against his life. He performed many gallant deeds with his Rajput brethren in arms, the brave Bundelas of Orchha and Datia. He erected many public edifices at Aurangabad, where he acquired so much fame by his valour, his charities, and the sanctity ^[33] of his manners, that miraculous cures were (said to be) effected by him. He [482] died at Aurangabad in S. 1738 (A.D. 1682),^[34] and, being without issue, was succeeded by Aniruddh Singh, the grandson of his brother Bhim.^[35]

Rāo Aniruddh Singh, A.D. 1678.

—Aniruddh’s accession was confirmed by the emperor, who, in order to testify the esteem in which he held his predecessor, sent his own elephant, Gajgaur, with the khilat of investiture. Aniruddh accompanied Aurangzeb in his wars in the Deccan, and on one occasion performed the important service of rescuing the ladies of the harem out of the enemy’s hands. The emperor, in testimony of his gallantry, told him to name his reward; on which he requested he might be allowed to command the vanguard instead of the rearguard of the army. Subsequently, he was distinguished in the siege and storm of Bijapur.

An unfortunate quarrel with Durjan Singh, the chief vassal of Bundi, involved the Rao in trouble. Making use of some improper expression, the Rao resentfully replied, “I know what to expect from you”; which determined Durjan to throw his allegiance to the dogs. He quitted the army, and arriving at his estates, armed his kinsmen, and, by a coup de main, possessed himself of Bundi. On learning this, the emperor detached Aniruddh with a force which expelled the refractory Durjan, whose estates were sequestrated. Previous to his expulsion, Durjan drew the tika of succession on the forehead of his brother of Balwan. Having settled the affairs of Bundi, the Rao was employed, in conjunction with Raja Bishan Singh of Amber, to settle the northern countries of the empire, governed by Shah Alam, as lieutenant of the king, and whose headquarters were at Lahore, in the execution of which service he died.

Rāo Budh Singh. The Death of Aurangzeb.

—Aniruddh left two sons, Budh Singh and Jodh Singh. Budh Singh succeeded to the honours and employments of his father. Soon after, Aurangzeb, who had fixed his residence at Aurangabad, fell ill, and finding his end approach, the nobles and officers of state, in apprehension of the event, requested him to name a successor. The dying emperor replied, that the succession was in the hands of God, with whose will and under whose decree he was desirous that his son Bahadur Shah Alam should succeed; but that he was apprehensive that Prince Azam would endeavour by force of arms to seat himself on the throne.^[36] As the king said, so it happened; Azam Shah, being supported in his pretensions by the army of the Deccan, prepared to dispute [483] the empire with his elder brother, to whom he sent a formal defiance to decide their claims to empire on the plains of Dholpur. Bahadur Shah convened all the chieftains who favoured his cause, and explained his position. Amongst them was Rao Budh, now entering on manhood, and he was at that moment in deep affliction for the untimely loss of his brother, Jodh Singh.^[37] When the king desired him to repair to Bundi to perform the offices of mourning, and console his relations and kindred, Budh Singh replied, “It is not to Bundi my duty calls me, but to attend my sovereign in the field—to that of Dholpur, renowned for many battles and consecrated by the memory of the heroes who have fallen in the performance of their duty”: adding “that there his heroic ancestor Chhattarsal fell, whose fame he desired to emulate, and by the blessing of heaven, his arms should be crowned with victory to the empire.”