He is Master of all the Miseries there—Miasma and Deep Distress—Exertions of Cortés in Behalf of the Colonists—A Vessel Appears with Provisions—Cortés Sends out Foragers—He Seeks a better Locality—Sandoval at Naco—Others Settle at Caballos—Cortés at Trujillo—Vessels Sent to Mexico, Cuba, and Jamaica—Troubles in Mexico—Cortés Irresolute—Starts for Mexico—Is Driven back by a Storm—Pacification of adjacent Pueblos—Cortés Sends Presents to Córdoba—Shall Cortés Make himself Master of Nicaragua?—Arrival of Altamirano—Return of Cortés to Mexico.
Cicero says that a man's best adviser is himself. A wise man can find no better counsellor than his own cool, impartial judgment. Cortés was a wise man, and he could calmly judge. Had he counselled with himself before setting out on this adventure? He had led into Honduras, amidst great sufferings, an army. The end of his perilous march brought to him no great achievement, no great reward. There was no Olid to punish; Casas was not a traitor. Might not the proud conqueror with more advantage have remained at home? The assurance of a ready welcome, instead of a campaign against a formidable rebel, was a relief to the way-worn soldiers; but what thought the commander of it? It is not satisfying to a sane man's pride to beat the air, or charge on a windmill. A traitor to crush, or a fair city to conquer, would have been refreshing pastime to Cortés at this juncture.
In advance of the army, and almost alone, he set out for Nito. If he entered not as a conqueror with sword in hand, he had at least the satisfaction of being welcomed as a savior. Malaria was there, and had so reduced the settlement that the frown of the natives loomed over it like Erinnyan phantoms. There were but three score Spaniards with a few women,[XIX-1] the greater number so reduced by fever and other ailments as hardly to be able to move, and all suffering from poor and insufficient food—zapotes, vegetables, and fish. Without sufficient arms and without horses, they did not venture abroad to forage, and seeing that death would surely overtake all if they remained, the able-bodied men under the leadership of Diego Nieto were repairing a vessel in which to depart.[XIX-2] The disappearance of the four men captured by Sandoval created no small alarm. Were they after all to be overwhelmed by avenging natives? Amidst such troubles no wonder that the appearance of Cortés was greeted as a descent from heaven, and that even men wept as they thronged round to kiss his hand.
The army was not a little surprised at the destitution of the famed Honduras. While ministering consolation, Cortés sent out bands of foragers. One of the parties ascended the Rio Yasa,[XIX-3] and coming to a deserted hamlet, six leagues from the mouth, took refuge from the rain. But it was not long before a band of Indians set upon them, and badly wounded they were driven to the boats, glad to escape with life. Another party found a path leading to a well-provided pueblo called Lequela, but it was eighteen leagues away, and too far for carriers. A third division met with better success.[XIX-4]
Meanwhile a vessel appeared in the harbor, having on board thirty Spaniards, beside the crew, and laden with a dozen horses, over seventy hogs, and provisions. It seemed a miracle. And the whole equipment Cortés bought for four thousand pesos.[XIX-5] Welcome as this was to the starving settlement, the sudden change in diet cost the lives of several persons. The site of Nito being so unhealthy and ill-provided, it was resolved to abandon the place, and Sandoval was sent with the greater number of soldiers, settlers, and Indians, to the fertile valley of Naco, Olid's abandoned headquarters, twenty leagues off, on the road to which several well-supplied pueblos offered good halting-places.
With the newly arrived vessel, a repaired caravel and a brigantine, built from some wrecks, Cortés prepared to take the remainder of the party by sea to a better locality. But first he would ascend the wide outlet lately crossed for food, for in this direction some captives assured him he would find rich settlements.[XIX-6] Exploration also impelled him to this quarter, for it was reported that when Gil Gonzalez first arrived here he had detached a vessel for the examination of this entrance; which had traversed two fresh-water gulfs; but the ascent of a tributary beyond had been prevented by strong currents and warlike natives.[XIX-7]
Manning the new brigantine with forty chosen Spaniards and a number of Indians, and attended by boats, Cortés ascended the Rio Dulce, and speedily entered a sheet of water some twelve leagues in circumference, without settlements. Continuing south-west, he went through a long passage into another larger sheet of water lying amidst lofty ranges and most bewitching scenery. Inspired by the wild grandeur around him, he already fancied himself the laurel-crowned discoverer of the long-sought strait. But the dream was brief, for the water proved to be a gulf, some thirty leagues in circumference, and called Apolochic in the vernacular. Leaving the vessel at its western end, near the mouth of a stream, he proceeded with most of the men, under a local guide, over a rough route intersected by innumerable creeks. After a march of twelve leagues, during which only one village of any importance was seen, he came to a pueblo in which loud singing with instrumental accompaniment indicated a festival. Waiting till a late hour, when all was quiet, he fell upon the sleeping natives, and but for the excited exclamation of a soldier the place would have been taken without a blow. As it was, the cacique had time to rally, and in the melée which followed he with several others lost his life. Forty captives were here secured. Cortés was now guided to a larger pueblo, called Chacujal, eight leagues further, and again resorted to a night attack, but did not gain the place without considerable resistance. By morning the Indians had fled. The buildings, particularly the temples, resembled very much those of Mexico, but the language differed as well from the Mexican as from that of the pueblos hitherto met with. Among the captives was an Indian from the Pacific slope, who reported that only three-score leagues intervened between Nito and his country, where Alvarado was conquering.
The place was abundantly provided with cotton goods, maize, the much-needed salt, and other articles, and since it lay near the Polochic River, which entered the gulf twenty leagues from where the vessel lay, messengers were sent to bring it as far up the stream as possible to receive supplies. Meanwhile four rafts were made, and loaded each with forty fanegas of maize, besides beans, cocoa, and other provisions. These operations occupied nearly three weeks, during which time none of the natives could be induced to return and aid in the work.[XIX-8] Cortés now embarked with ten men on the rafts, sending the rest down by land. The current carried them rapidly past the winding banks, with their alternate forest and prairie land, relieved here and there by hamlets and plantations, half hidden amidst cocoa groves and fruit-trees. Nothing unusual occurred till night, when Cortés, who occupied the last raft, was startled by cries of alarm from the one before him, followed by Indian yells. It was too dark to distinguish anything, but the men prepared for what might come. The next moment the raft struck violently against a projecting rock, and a shower of arrows fell. Several warriors now attempted to board, but they either miscalculated the distance, or were pushed overboard by the crew. The Indians had foreseen the opportunity which the rock would afford for an attack, but the rafts escaped them, although most of the Spaniards were wounded, including the general, and half a cargo was damaged. So rapid was the current that the twenty leagues were made by morning. More supplies were obtained from other settlements, and on returning to Nito after an absence of five weeks, sufficient food was brought to fairly supply the fleet.
The whole colony, including Gonzalez' men, now embarked in the three vessels and proceeded to San Andrés Bay, or Caballos, where a number of Sandoval's soldiers had just arrived. The site seemed to be all that could be desired, "with the best port on the entire coast from the Pearl Islands to Florida," with fine indications of gold in the tributary rivers, and with a beautiful and well-settled neighborhood. A colony was accordingly founded there under the name of Natividad de Nuestra Señora, from the day of founding, and fifty settlers were left, chiefly Gonzalez' men and late arrivals from Spain, Diego de Godoy being appointed commander, with the necessary officials. A church was also built and placed in charge of a clergyman. Soon, however, the unhealthiness of the site became apparent, and half the settlers died. The Indians grew insolent and refused supplies, and threatened the destruction of the settlement. Cortés thereupon permitted the colonists to join the prosperous establishment at Naco. Here the Indians had been gradually reassured and conciliated by Sandoval, whose armed incursions had already reduced a number of pueblos of considerable size and wealth.[XIX-9]
Cortés had meanwhile sailed to Trujillo, where the delighted colonists rushed into the water to carry the renowned chief ashore. His first and characteristic act was to enter the church and give thanks for safe arrival.[XIX-10] Then came the exercise of clemency for which he was humbly besought by the late adherents of Olid. Matters had been going smoothly since Ruano was exiled, and the general was too prudent to stir up animosity. With some slight reconstruction, therefore, the orders and arrangements of Casas were confirmed. An impulse was given to the town, and with the enforced aid of native laborers lots were cleared and buildings erected.
The four vessels now in port were not allowed to lie idle. One was despatched to Mexico with the invalids, and with letters for the officials, wherein Cortés commended their zeal for the government, and promised soon to return. Juan de Ávalos, his cousin, was placed in command, and ordered to pick up at Cozumel Island the party of Spaniards left there by Valenzuela. This was done, but on approaching Cuba the vessel was wrecked at Cape San Antonio, with the loss of the captain, two friars, and over thirty others. Of the rest only fifteen survived to reach Guaniguanico.[XIX-11] Of the other vessels, the new brigantine was sent to Española to report to the oidores concerning the overland expedition and the state of affairs in Honduras, and to represent that the kidnapping raid by Moreno was creating trouble among the natives. The authorities ordered the captives to be returned.[XIX-12] The two remaining vessels were despatched to Cuba and Jamaica with the plate and jewels of Cortés to purchase provisions, live stock, and plants wherewith to improve the colony.
One of these ships, in touching at Cuba, found there a vessel from Santo Domingo, destined by the oidores for Mexico to gain positive information about the rumored death of Cortés, and to report on measures against the disorders that might follow. Learning that the conqueror was alive and in Honduras, the messenger of the oidores resolved at once to change the route to Honduras, where his cargo of horses and stores would also find a readier market.
Licenciado Zuazo, the most honorable and trusted of the administrators appointed by Cortés over Mexico, had been arrested by his colleagues for opposing their nefarious plans, and sent out of the way to Cuba. These men had not only seized on the administrative power for their own advancement, to the neglect of public welfare, but, believing the mighty conqueror and his companions in arms to be dead, they had laid hands on their estates, and were persecuting their friends and whosoever ventured to protest. The country was in a most critical condition. Anarchy and spoliation were the order of the day. The colonists were arrayed in opposition to each other, and the Indians found every encouragement for rising against their white oppressors and blotting them out of existence.
All this was reported by Zuazo in a letter to Cortés, with the most earnest pleading for his immediate return, ere it was too late.[XIX-13] Cortés was at first furious; then he melted into tears at the thought of the desolation wrought by his enemies and at the inhuman persecution of his followers. "It serves me right," he said, in a calmer moment, "to be thus treated for placing trust in strangers and ignoring tried comrades."[XIX-14] The news reached him at an unfavorable time. The iron will and nerve which had carried the leader through the hardships of the march, had begun to yield to the insidious influence of the fever-infected bottom-lands of the Amatique Bay, assisted perhaps by disappointment at finding the first aspect of Honduras so far below his hopes. The letter served to rouse his bodily as well as mental energies, though not to that point of clear and prompt determination which had hitherto characterized his acts. He was irresolute. Honduras had been little explored, and the indication of gold near Caballos, though small, led him still to dwell on the stories of richer districts to the south. He feared to abandon a yet promising field, after the efforts lavished on it, and in view of the eager advance of his southern rival, him of Panamá.
The fortunate predictions of a soldier-astrologer in Mexico would not have made him disinclined, in his present frame of mind, to encourage similar counsellors; but no Sabean was at hand to interpret the scintillating oracles. The friars were directed to appeal to the supreme throne, and for three days services were held, with processions, and masses, and prayers for divine direction. Already during the progress of these appeals, Cortés felt a dawning inspiration in a renewed courage to face the treacherous sea, and stronger inclination to trust the development of the province to another. He would return to Mexico. Hernando Saavedra, his cousin, was appointed captain-general of Honduras,[XIX-15] and Sandoval was directed to proceed with his company from Naco to Mexico, by the Guatemala route already opened by Casas. He himself embarked on the government vessel, but at the moment of departure the wind failed, and hearing of a tumult among the colonists he landed to restore order. The unruly spirits appear to have been disappointed office-seekers, to whom the obscurity of official existence in a border province seemed a most ungracious return for their long toil. The general calmed the leading rioters by taking them on board to receive their reward in Mexico. Two days later he set sail, only to meet another check in the breakage of the main lateen yard just outside the harbor. After three days spent in repairs he again departed, with a good wind, but this soon increased to a gale, and fifty leagues from port the mast went overboard and obliged him to return for a third time.
Surely, this was a warning from providence not to proceed. He must have misunderstood the inspiration, and would seek more correct advice. Upon one thing he was determined, not again to trust himself to the billows. The last tossings had cured him of nautical aspirations, and threatened indeed to cure him of all others, for his already weakened body was left in so racked a condition as to bring him near to death. Bernal Diaz describes him as a mere shadow of his former self, and states that a Franciscan robe had been prepared to shroud his body, and by its saving virtues to assist the soul through purgatory.[XIX-16] But, although the conqueror of Mexico had filled the measure of his great achievements, the cup of honors and of disappointments was not yet full. Masses had again been said to sanctify as inspiration his changing resolve. The vessel proceeded, however, bearing a trusted servant[XIX-17] with letters for a number of friends in Mexico, and with orders revoking the power granted to the usurping governors in favor of more reliable men. A number of Mexican chiefs accompanied the messenger to testify that Cortés still lived. They were to proceed to Pánuco after landing the servant in some obscure haven above Vera Cruz, whence he was to proceed alone and in disguise to Mexico, so as to elude any watching enemies. Sandoval was recalled, greatly to the disappointment of his party, who rose almost in open mutiny at being kept away from their estates in Mexico, which were by this time exposed to ruin in hands of strangers and usurpers.[XIX-18]
An additional excuse for the determination to remain may have been found in the hostile attitude of two provinces, Papayeca and Chapagua, some seven leagues from Trujillo.[XIX-19] Some time before this Saavedra had been sent to explore the valley above, and following it for some thirty leagues found a fertile district with a series of flourishing pueblos. A score of caciques appeared to offer their allegiance to Cortés, and into Trujillo flowed provisions and presents. The above-named provinces alone held aloof, pleading not without reason former maltreatment and the kidnapping of tribal members by Fiscal Moreno. No excuses could, however, be regarded as valid in refusing allegiance, and Saavedra marched against them. The people retired to the hills; but three of the Chapagua caciques being captured and peremptorily given a fixed term in which to repeople their towns, the submission of this province was speedily effected. Papayeca was now entered, and Pizacura, one of the two principal caciques, was captured. He threw the blame of resistance on his more powerful colleague, Mazatl, offering if released to secure and hang him, and thus bring the people over. Once free, the cacique cast the promise to the winds as readily as any Spaniard. Mazatl was captured, nevertheless, and given the alternative of repeopling the towns or dying. The chief disdainfully rejected an offer to purchase life with what he regarded as the enslavement of his people, and calmly accepted death.
This severity was thought to be prudent, and it certainly had the effect of bringing the inhabitants back to all the pueblos save the capital. Here Pizacura held forth, supposing, no doubt, that since his escapade no pardon was to be expected. He was soon captured, however, together with over a hundred followers. The latter were enslaved for their obstinacy, while he, with two other caciques, and a youth who appears to have been the true chief of the province, were kept as prisoners.[XIX-20]
This success, as well as the comparatively kind treatment of the natives, tended greatly to promote the pacification of the country, and the name of Cortés became feared and respected far and wide.[XIX-21] One instance of this was the arrival of a deputation from the Gulf Islands, appealing to his power and clemency for protection against a slaving party which was raiding Guanaja. Cortés at once despatched a caravel which brought in the vessel with its slaves, destined for the mines of Cuba and Jamaica. The commander, Rodrigo de Merlo, exhibited a license for his expedition, so that severe measures could not well be taken, but means were found to persuade the captain to settle at Trujillo with his crew. The kidnapped islanders were restored to their grateful friends. They sent in their allegiance and received letters of protection, together with a number of swine which soon multiplied on the islands.[XIX-22]
Another instance of the influence of Cortés' name was afforded by the entry, from Nicaragua into Olancho[XIX-23] province, of an expedition under Gabriel de Rojas, consisting of sixty men with twenty horses. The natives resisted, no doubt, whereupon Rojas began to enslave and pillage. A deputation arriving at Trujillo to implore protection, Sandoval was instructed to interfere on behalf of the natives, as subjects of Cortés.[XIX-24] His force was insufficient, it seems, to drive out the intruders, but Rojas nevertheless retired by order of Córdoba.[XIX-25]
One reason for this withdrawal was that Córdoba could not afford to place himself in hostile attitude to any neighbor. One of the acts of Moreno during his arbitrary proceeding in Honduras had been to urge upon him to transfer his allegiance and province to the audiencia. This prompting found a willing ear. Blind to the accumulative evidence of failure, and untaught by disappointment, Córdoba allowed the few instances of successful revolt to overshadow every failure. He looked upon the force around him, and measuring the distance between himself and the grim Pedrarias, his dread grew fainter as the leagues increased; meanwhile hope kept whispering, might he not also become another Cortés, borne aloft by fame, or at least a Velazquez safe upon his usurped island? He wavered, and yielded. In maturing his plans for a step so full of risk, he resolved to learn further from Moreno what authority he possessed, and perfect arrangements with him. Pedro de Garro[XIX-26] was accordingly sent with a party of forty men to Honduras, bearing also petitions to the emperor and audiencia, and with instructions to explore the best route to a port in that province through which supplies and war material might be procured. Sandoval, on hearing of their approach, captured them, together with their retinue of beautiful women and numerous servants, but allowed a few under escort to proceed to Trujillo. Cortés received them with good-will, and as a proof thereof ordered four pack animals to be sent laden with horseshoes, mining tools, and other articles, as a present to Córdoba. But he could not countenance the overthrowal of a chief by a subordinate officer; for had not his present expedition been made to punish a similar attempt? He wrote him accordingly, advising fidelity to Pedrarias, and promising his aid in procuring supplies through Honduras, since Panamá, was regarded as too distant.[XIX-27]
This intercourse had served to enlighten Cortés in regard to the condition and resources of the country to the south and south-west. He had learned that it was fertile and populous, filled with flourishing towns, and giving great promise of mineral wealth; facts confirmed by the splendid retinue of Garro and the demand for mining implements. Perhaps in this very country lay the rich provinces which had stirred his imagination, even before the fall of Mexico, and for which he had come in search this long way. Should he allow an interloper to deprive him of what his fancy had claimed all these years, and what had enticed him to superhuman efforts? But a valid excuse was needed for seizing a province already held by another, a king's lieutenant like himself. Cortés was too astute, however, not to find a way to prevent so rich a prize from eluding him. Was it out of friendship for a stranger that he had sent valuable presents to Córdoba, and offered to forward supplies through Honduras? No, he knew where to sow in order to reap. He had also written, as he admits, to some officers in Nicaragua whom he knew, and what subtle poison may not have been diffused by craftily worded advice. Córdoba understood the hint for himself, and was confirmed in his resolve. But his fellow-soldiers had also a word to say. The idea of risking life and fortune for the ambitious plans of a captain who was little, if anything, more than themselves, was by no means to the liking of all the officers. Several objected, and since it was now too late to retreat Córdoba must even persuade them by arms. Civil war threatened, and the news was not long in reaching Trujillo. Indeed, it seems that the rebel leader, on finding what a tempest he had invoked, sent to tender allegiance to Cortés.[XIX-28] And then the latter reasoned with himself. Could he, an imperial officer, stand calmly by and see his Majesty's interests sacrificed and his subjects, his countrymen, slaughtered? No, certainly not; and he congratulated himself upon the success of his plans. Here was the longed-for pretence, cast in his way by fortune. He must pounce upon the prize while the claimants were absorbed in contention.[XIX-29] The first step was to direct a large force of natives to open a road to Nicaragua, and Sandoval received orders to prepare for the expedition.[XIX-30]
Again it seemed as if the great leader had misinterpreted the signs of providence.
His messenger to Mexico had safely arrived, and with prudent management a reaction had been started in favor of Cortés; the evidence that he was alive was half the battle; but his enemies, though checked, were not overthrown, and believing that everything depended upon his presence it was decided to recall him. The commission was intrusted to his cousin, Fray Diego Altamirano, an ex-soldier who had doffed the helmet for a Franciscan cowl, and a man of honor and business talent.[XIX-31] He fell like a bomb-shell on the manifold projects of Cortés for conquest and aggrandizement, which, if encouraged by one success, might have borne the victor triumphantly southward, perhaps to the realms of the Incas. Altamirano was not a man to let the stern present be obscured by the glowing fancies of enthusiasm. His visions turned alone toward Mexico, and his coloring was reserved for painting the sad condition of its affairs. This he did, boldly, yet with loving discreetness, and convinced his kinsman that return to Mexico was absolutely necessary to save himself, his friends, and the country from ruin. He also insisted that in order to succeed in controlling followers he must assert his dignity, and impose on the vulgar by an intimidating and awe-inspiring pomp. The familiarity grown out of the fellowship of the camp and the toil of the march might answer in a border province, but not in the well-settled districts of New Spain, or at the court of Mexico. More dignity should be assumed at once; here and now must he teach his followers the distance between the governor and the subject, and demand reverence as his due. There was not much need for exhortation in this respect, for pomp came naturally to Cortés. Readily, therefore, did he mount the gubernatorial seat with its imposing dais, and receive with a complacent smile the señoría[XIX-32] from the lips of the deeply bowing suite. In church, even, he occupied the higher level of the raised sitial,[XIX-33] while abroad the cannon belched forth in his honor.[XIX-34]
His distrust of the sea remained, and he determined to return through Guatemala. The laborers, therefore, were taken from the Nicaragua road to prepare the way for him;[XIX-35] but finally the pilots convinced him that at this season of the year the winds and currents were favorable, while the land route must be long and full of obstacles. He accordingly embarked in three vessels with twenty Spanish followers and their horses, and some two hundred Indians under Prince Ixtlilxochitl, setting sail April 25, 1526.[XIX-36] Sandoval joined him, but his company went overland. Saavedra remained as his lieutenant, with instructions to maintain native loyalty by good treatment, and to promote settlement. The general's yet wavering confidence in the sea received another shock off the very coast of New Spain, whence a gale drove him back and compelled him to seek refuge in Cuba. On the 16th of May he again set sail, and landed a week later near the present Vera Cruz. The news of his arrival spread rapidly, and soldiers, colonists, and natives hastened forward in throngs to bear the beloved leader, the mighty Malinche, in triumph to the island city which he had won and refounded. Doubts were dissipated and past disappointments forgotten as he gazed once more on the scenes of his brilliant achievements, and drank the plaudits of the multitude.[XIX-37]
Córdoba Meditates Revolt—Soto and Compañon Object—Their Flight—Pedrarias Nurses his Wrath—Secret Motives for his Departure for Nicaragua—Córdoba Loses his Head—The Governor Covets Honduras, and Comes to Blows—The Indians Follow the Example—Bloody Scenes—Pedrarias Interrupted in his Reverie—Pedro de los Rios Succeeds as Governor at Panamá—His Instructions and Policy—Residencia of Pedrarias—Triumphant Result.
With the departure of Cortés in drooping plumes, his pretentious projects for dominion in the south received a check, and the portentous clouds which had before loomed over Honduras again darkened the sky, extending over the adjoining lake province, there to threaten Córdoba's bright visions of independence. One can hardly blame the lieutenant for indulging his imagination with the alluring prospects of power, wealth, and fame, when kept in subjection on the one side by so unlovable a master as Pedrarias, and when prompted on the other by the powerful audiencia of Santo Domingo to cast off the unrighteous allegiance. With his mind thus predisposed, Córdoba saw clearly that Nicaragua could not permanently pertain to the jurisdiction of Panamá. It was a distinct province, conquered and abandoned by Gil Gonzalez, and now brought into resubjection by his own efforts and talents. If any one disputed his position he could point to the authorization of the audiencia. True, the fleet and men, the means and influence, used in effecting the reconquest pertained to his late chief. What of that? The ships did not belong to Pedrarias; the old governor had taken them in direct disobedience to the orders of the king. As for the money and the men, all had been obtained by vile indirection, and might as well be made to serve one traitor as another. But he was no traitor to the king who responded to the will of the king's audiencia.
There was much in common between the revolts of Olid and Córdoba, but the motives of the leaders differed. The former, bold, brave, and in the main true, had felt aggrieved that so broad a portion of the earth should fall to the lot of one man, whose pretensions thereto grew out of his accidental position as commander, while he, a captain who had shared every danger and hardship in the grand conquest, must be content forever to serve. The sole command of a small portion of disputed territory he had deemed a recompense small enough beside the imperial reward of his commander. Hernandez de Córdoba viewed matters from a somewhat different stand-point, though with an abundance of plausible excuses. He was an instrument chosen by Pedrarias to wrest a fair domain from the rightful conqueror. In this selection Pedrarias had been governed by his usual narrow policy. Throughout his whole career he could not abandon the vain attempt to accomplish great results by small means, and noble results by base means.
With such incentives and precepts Córdoba found little difficulty in disposing of the moral obstacles to his scheme, and on turning toward the material he saw nothing insurmountable, since most of the men were favorably disposed. In this there was nothing strange, for Córdoba was generous and confiding, and by the side of Pedrarias such qualities shone with double lustre. As a first step he called on the settlers, particularly of Leon and Granada, to petition the king for his appointment as independent governor.[XX-1] None objected save a dozen men headed by the captains Soto and Compañon. Loyalty had probably nothing to do with their opposition, but rather jealousy. They would not risk their liberty and prospects to raise so much above themselves a fellow officer who could never be in their eyes more able and deserving than themselves.
The remonstrances of these few persons were not to be regarded, however, and retreat for Córdoba was in any case too late. Soto, the first to object, was cast into the fortress of Granada, but Compañon, with a few faithful comrades, broke open the prison and liberated him. The little band, well armed and mounted, then took the field against Córdoba and openly bade him defiance. Córdoba recognized that prompt action was indispensable, and set forth in pursuit. Though Soto and Compañon failed to gain more adherents, as they had expected, they nevertheless took a stand near Granada against the usurper's formidable force, warning him that all their efforts, in case of attack, would be concentrated on killing him.[XX-2] The lieutenant hesitated. He well knew the determined character of his late officers, and pictured himself the target of their unerring missiles. The golden visions of his hopes became dimmer. He would like to be a governor, but he did not wish to be killed; and not possessing the spirit of greatness, he readily found an excuse for returning whence he came, while Soto with his gallant ten thought it profitable to acquaint Pedrarias and receive from him the reward of loyal servants. The journey back to Panamá was not easy, with its rugged mountains, impetuous streams, and pathless forests, while hostile natives, venomous animals, and gnawing hunger added to the hardships serious danger; nevertheless they would undertake it, and make a portion of their way by sea. Soon after starting they found their horses an encumbrance rather than an aid, and therefore they abandoned them. Barefooted and dilapidated they reached the town of Fonseca,[XX-3] in Chiriquí, where Hurtado, the founder, relieved them, and provided a canoe in which to pursue the journey.
After the departure of Soto southward, the good Hurtado pondered over the situation. The rebel Córdoba, in common with Soto and the others, he held in low esteem. If with his small force he could not conquer him, he believed he could frighten the man greatly; at all events, here was an opportunity to gain favor with Pedrarias. He accordingly armed all the able-bodied men at his command and marched against the rebels, leaving the sick and helpless to ward off famine and the natives as best they might. After waiting some time in vain for the return of Hurtado, the abandoned remnant deserted the post and set out in search of him, directing their steps toward the gulf of Nicoya.
In the mean time Soto and his party reached Natá and sent their report to Panamá. Rage in the breasts of some men consumes both body and soul; but such was the nature of Pedrarias that the essence of his life appeared to be drawn from inexhaustible wells of vindictive spleen. Although approaching the time when most men die, the castigation of a traitorous lieutenant was too choice a morsel to intrust to another; and so, belting in his wrath, he prepared at once to march against him. To this he was impelled also by a desire to forestall any attempt on the part of the conqueror of Mexico, whose projects were even then casting a portentous shadow over the smiling shores of the Freshwater Sea. A still deeper impulse, however, was the looming spectre of a new governor, with orders for a residencia, which once instituted might prevent his departure.
To defray the expenses of the expedition Pedrarias was obliged not only to employ his own fortune but to borrow large sums from the house-holders and merchants. This he did, agreeing to share with them the profits of the adventure. He was shrewd enough to conceal how much a prospective successor and residencia had to do with his departure; and believing that the object was solely to secure for the benefit of Panamá, from a strange invader and rebel, the gold-seamed Nicaragua with its budding colonies and trade, the people were quite eager to aid him in so promising and loyal a scheme. Panamá and Natá had already been drained of able-bodied men by the expeditions under Pizarro and Almagro which were to yield such brilliant results, and Pedrarias was obliged to draw upon Acla and Nombre de Dios for soldiers. This additional levy so nearly depopulated the province that its four cities together could hardly muster occupants enough for 'a mediocre hamlet,' as Oviedo expresses it. A large number of Indians were also taken. The departure of the fleet took place in January, 1526.
Córdoba had not been comfortable since Soto's escape. The more he pondered the shorter to his mind grew the distance between himself and the grim Pedrarias. In his fear he bethought himself of Cortés, and sent to offer him the province on condition that he should retain the command as his lieutenant; for it was far better to be subject to the magnanimous conqueror of Anáhuac, whose name would prove a safeguard against his old master, while his distant residence in Mexico might leave a lieutenant almost wholly independent. This scheme received an encouraging acceptance, as we have seen, only to be abandoned before the urgent appeals from Mexico.
The more than peculiar conduct of Córdoba on meeting Soto has prepared us for almost any pusillanimity on his part. Either a blind reliance in Cortés made him careless, or the arrival at Leon of the hoary-headed Pedrarias was unexpectedly sudden; it seems at any rate that he did not even attempt to defend himself. Probably the settlers had become disgusted with his want of courage and failed to support him. All we learn is that he and his friends humbly met the governor and sought to deny their guilt, pleading, as in the case of Vasco Nuñez, that had mutinous intentions been entertained they would not thus have dared to come forward unarmed, but would have fled or defended themselves. The case was too clear, however, and Pedrarias never forgave: the head of Córdoba was required as a lesson to similar aspirants.[XX-4]
Having thus removed his rebellious subordinate, Pedrarias looked about to secure the permanent government of the province and extend his jurisdiction as best he might. If Nicaragua belonged to Castilla del Oro, as he of course maintained, so must the eastern and north-eastern extension of this region, as far at least as the gulf of Honduras, clearly the natural boundary. The efforts of Gil Gonzalez to secure Honduras showed that he had also regarded this province as pertaining to Nicaragua. But above all, was not the dreaded Cortés away, and was not his lieutenant, Saavedra, in command of a mere handful of men? What more convincing evidence of his right could there be? But even under these circumstances caution was necessary, and he resolved to secure at first only the adjoining border territory. With this object captains Hurtado and Rojas were sent to occupy Olancho Valley. The natives had too vivid a recollection of the former invasion under Rojas to feel safe, and hastened to Trujillo with their complaints. Saavedra, who saw the danger of countenancing encroachments from such a quarter, sent two envoys[XX-5] to demand the immediate withdrawal of the Nicaraguan troops. Pedrarias was not unprepared for this, and smooth and evasive was his answer. For the sake of peace he would come to an understanding with Cortés regarding his pretensions in that quarter, and submit the whole matter to the decision of the audiencia. Meanwhile there must be no fighting or attempted overreaching among countrymen.
The tone and manner of the old courtier would have convinced more experienced men than the Honduras envoys, and with satisfied hearts they turned to bear the peaceful message to their chief. Pedrarias gained his point. He never entertained the idea of writing to Cortés or submitting any question to the audiencia.
Fresh instructions were at once despatched to Hurtado and Rojas, and while the envoys were lulling Saavedra into fancied security they fell upon his adherents in Olancho, routed them, and secured their effects. The victors then proceeded northward with a view to occupy Natividad and secure for their chief a much needed port on the North Sea, through which to receive supplies and maintain communication with Spain and the Islands, for the Panamá route was too long and costly. Informed of their movements Saavedra sent a force to intercept them. The captains were not just then prepared to resist so strong a body, and like their master they resorted to fair words, both sides promising to return peaceably home. But neither believed in these assurances, and each resolved to watch the other. Rojas, for that matter, proceeded on the march to Natividad, while Hurtado returned to Olancho to protect his interests there. The Trujillo party pursued the latter, and a fight ensued wherein they proved victorious, after losing two men. These broils the natives observed, and saw therein their opportunity. They attacked Natividad, and the Spaniards, driven forth after a fight in which several fell, took refuge in a natural stronghold, there to remain until aid could arrive.[XX-6]
Rojas appears to have learned of this uprising in time to retreat to Olancho; but here also the caciques had mustered in force[XX-7] to avenge the injuries which Pedrarias' soldiers were inflicting. Ordered by them to bring in maize and material for houses, they seized the opportunity to introduce within the bundles a quantity of arms. These were to serve the natives who remained in or near the camp waiting the approach of their regularly armed compatriots. All prepared, the word was given, and stealthily the dusky foe crept upon the unsuspecting Spaniards. Living in the midst of treachery, it seems impossible that they should have allowed themselves to be thus lulled. Suddenly forest, hill, and dale were alive with Indians, and the silence was broken by a piercing yell as the first victim met his fate. The signal was taken up, and from thousands came the avenging shriek, reverberating along the wooded slopes and rolling back upon the doomed band. Resistance seemed to avail them little. Sixteen were slain; a few escaped to a friendly cacique, named Guatucanola; and twenty horses were lost. The settlement was sacked and burned. Among the fallen were Captain Hurtado, who had rendered so many eminent services as explorer, leader, and founder, and Juan de Grijalva, a man who, as captain of a Cuban expedition, had achieved the honor of discovering the Mexican mainland, and who might even have gained the glory of that brilliant conquest but for his fine sense of honor and other manly qualities. Often a too strict integrity impedes the path to greatness. At all events, these qualities lost him the favor of his master and governor, Velazquez, and despite his faithful services, his courage and talent, he was sent forth in disgrace, to die ignobly in this wilderness.[XX-8]
Rojas arrived soon after and sought to restore peace, but the natives were too strong for him, and for years they held their ground. Saavedra charged Pedrarias with being the cause of the disaster, and not without reason, for the treacherous conduct of his captains had encouraged the uprising. Quarrels and recriminations followed, but without any attempt on the part of Saavedra to take active steps against the Nicaraguan invaders. Finding his adversary so tame, the old governor felt emboldened to take the step he had so long been meditating, to secure possession of the remainder of Honduras. To this effect he despatched Captain Diego de Albites and Sebastian de Benalcázar, regidores of Leon, with Notary Espinosa, to demand the submission of Saavedra and the cabildo of Trujillo to his jurisdiction. The envoys were hardly on their way, however, before tidings came from Panamá which sent Pedrarias in all haste back to the Isthmus, leaving the government in the joint charge of several of his most trusted officers, among whom Martin Estete figured as lieutenant-general.[XX-9]
The new governor of Castilla del Oro, Pedro de los Rios, had arrived with his fleet at Nombre de Dios July 30, 1526,[XX-10] attended, as was common in such cases, by many followers, among whom were Licenciado Juan de Salmeron, alcalde mayor; Bachiller Diego de Corral; Diego Gutierrez de los Rios, a nephew, and Egas, the half-brother of the governor. Oviedo was also of the party, bearing as his reward for procuring the change of rule the appointment of captain-general and governor of the province of Cartagena. The day following the arrival the new officials were sworn in, and within four weeks they had taken up their residence at Panamá. The jurisdiction of Rios covered the same territory as had that of Pedrarias, excepting Paria and Veragua. As usual, he had been particularly enjoined to look to the good treatment of the Indians and promote the formation of towns on healthy sites. In all matters of importance he was to consult with the alcalde mayor, as a man learned in the law, and a faithful servant of the king. The governor was empowered to settle all disputes and punish all crimes according to his judgment and the laws of the country, and with regard to thieves and robbers he was recommended to go even somewhat beyond the law. This was a power admirably suited for a reformer as Rios came heralded, but the rising rejoicings of the people at the removal of the old governor began quickly to calm on finding, as Oviedo says, that in the place of one hydra head cut off two others had appeared.[XX-11]
Pedro de los Rios was quite a different man from Pedrarias; indeed we shall scarcely again in this history meet the equal of the old governor of Darien. Though possessing more bulk of body the new governor lacked the strength of mind of the old one; he lacked the cunning, indomitable energy, and the vindictive pertinacity of Pedrarias. He loved gold, however, in which predilection he was joined by his wife, who even surpassed him in this respect. In accordance with royal orders, among his first acts were to seize the effects and estates of Pedrarias, including his encomiendas, to secure control of the Pearl Islands and their revenues, and to hold all until the residencia of the outgoing governor was taken. Pedrarias knew that his authority at Panamá was lost, but he did not like to lose his property. It was a pecuniary disaster alone that could have taken him from Nicaragua at this critical moment.
The news of his coming was brought by a vessel laden with kidnapped Nicaraguans, to be sold by auction in the Panamá market. He himself reached Natá in December, and after writing to Rios made his appearance at the capital February 3, 1527. Three days later the residencia was proclaimed by Salmeron.
Not knowing who the judges might be, Pedrarias had taken the precaution to petition the India Council for power of appeal in any decision which might be rendered against him. And this had been granted, with the order to pay at once any judgment under ten thousand maravedís, and to make a deposit which should cover all amounts of larger claims. Further than this, he had taken with him to Nicaragua, and had left there, those who might most trouble him in his residencia. The greater part of the aggrieved were thus out of the way, and their opportunity lost.
He had also despatched Enciso to Spain, to represent his interests at court and neutralize the machinations of his enemies. The result was the arrival of a cédula from the king just in time to provide that no questions were to be raised in the present residencia touching matters disposed of by the pretended investigations under Alarconcillo. This reduced still further the complaints against Pedrarias, and as he at once made overtures to his judge, sparing neither money nor humility, and as he still had influence, his feebly presented crimes were lightly regarded. Oviedo deemed himself exceedingly ill used in these proceedings, and loudly chronicles his complaints. After presenting a long list of claims, which were denied, the historian was glad to escape assassination at the hand of his ancient enemy.[XX-12] Charges of course were sent to Spain,[XX-13] citing instances of abuse of power, and of private frauds. Among the more serious accusations was the embezzling of royal moneys, which had helped to swell a remittance of seventy thousand pesos de oro, sent secretly to a safe receptacle in Spain. So pressing and puzzling were these charges that the India Council held repeated consultations on the case.
But Pedrarias had not been idle. He had requested his powerful relatives to hold forth to the king himself, to the best advantage, the many valuable services he had rendered in Africa as well as in the Indies. The words of the agent Enciso were likewise powerful, and made these records stand out resplendent, backed as they were with the dazzling treasures of the Pearl Islands.[XX-14] Not only was Pedrarias acquitted and reinstated in his rights and possessions, but new favors were showered on him. Yet the government of Panamá could not be restored to him; indeed the crown itself had not been so blinded as some of its satellites to the many evils that had characterized the government of Pedrarias in Castilla del Oro. At all events it was considered timely to allow the oppressed province to recover from the selfish tyranny of his rule under a more fatherly supervision. His shrewd foresight and usual good fortune were paving a new way, however. It so happened that Gil Gonzalez, the rightful claimant to Nicaragua, died about the time that Pedrarias sent in to the king a glowing report on the resources of this province, together with promises of great revenues. Not only was he now entitled to the first consideration for the post of governor, but it was probably considered advantageous to the royal purse that a man of such natural proclivities for extortion should be given a field where watchful energy alone was needed to develop untold wealth. Again was the star of Pedrarias emerging from behind the Hyperborei Montes, but with lustre dimmed by clouds rising, this time in the direction of Honduras.