[XIX-36] 'Recibió el cuerpo de Christo vna mañana porque como estaua tan malo, temia morirse.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 215. Prescott ignores the friar, and assumes that Sandoval persuaded him to leave. But this is only one of the many errors into which he has fallen concerning this expedition, Mex., iii. 302.

[XIX-37] The natives were to be punished for persevering in idolatry; although Indians must not be enslaved, yet slaves held lawfully by them might be purchased as such by the colonists. The instructions contain a number of minor rules for the good government of province and towns. Cortés, Escritos Sueltos, 75-95. Saavedra did not perhaps relish the idea of being left with a comparatively small force, for Bernal Diaz complains that he purposely withheld for some time the order permitting the Naco company to leave for Mexico. Hist. Verdad., 215, 219. The leading authorities for Cortés' different expeditions to Honduras are: Cortés, Cartas, 338, 351, 369, et seq.; Id., Escritos Sueltos, 70-95, 318; Id., Carta al Rey, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 481-2; Albornoz, Carta, in Id., i. 484-6; Peter Martyr, dec. viii. cap. x.; Oviedo, iii. 188-9, 446, 458-9, 517-18; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 233-4, 243-6, 250-74; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 159, 176-7, 193-216; Letters and Reports by Cortés and other officers to the Emperor and Council, in Doc. Inéd., i. 521-4, iv. 226-7, et seq., and in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 268-77, 362-7, 386-403; xiii. 46-7, 108-9, 293-4, 397; xiv. 25-43, et seq.; Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 61; Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 78-110; Chimalpain, Conq. Mex., ii. 106-53; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vii.-viii. xii.-xiii.; lib. vi. cap. x. xii.; lib. vii. cap. viii.; lib. viii. cap. iii.-vi.; lib. x. cap. xi. Less important books, which add little or nothing to the preceding, are: Torquemada, i. 574-6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 44-58; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 39-50; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 521-2; Pinelo, Relacion, 2; Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 18-20; Cortés, Hist. N. España, 351-2, 367-9; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 108-16; Galvano's Discov., 160-4; Twee Onderscheydene Togten, 52-80, 95-107, in Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling, xi.; Twee Verscheyde Togten, 19-76, 94, in Id.; Gottfried, Reysen, iv.; Ogilby's Am., 91-2; Salazar, Conq. Mex., 154-8, 211-311; Revilla, in Solis, Hist. Mex. (ed. Mad., 1843), 463-9; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iii. 189-92; Juarros, Guat., 55, 123, 324-7; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 29-30, 46-8; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 420; Laet, Nov. Orb., 318; Voyages, New Col., i. 347; World Displayed, ii. 251; Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 62; Gordon's Hist. Ant. Mex., ii. 203, 209-15, 240-1; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., 39; Squier's States Cent. Am., 66; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 44; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 42; Alaman, Disert., i. 196-7, 203-23, 234-5; append., 129-37; ii. 17-18; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 17; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iv. 178-9, 236-326, 349-53, 369, 739-56; Cortés, Aven. y Conq., 285-9; Prescott's Mex., iii. 276-302; Helps' Cortés, ii. 183-228; Id., Span. Conq., iii. 30-61; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 573-617; Bussierre, Mex., 339-49, 380; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., 136-7; Monglave, Résumé, 138; Armin, Alte Mex., 351-61; Mayer's Mex. Aztec., i. 86; Abbott's Cortés, 305-29; Wells' Honduras, 449-57; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 53-4.

[XX-1] The reader will remember how, in the last chapter, Cortés treated the messengers bearing this petition.

[XX-2] 'No los osó acometer porque tenia por cierto que habian de matar á él ántes que á nadie.' Andagoya, Rel., in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 417.

[XX-3] Within the bay formed by Punta de Burica, into which flows, among other small streams, the river known at present as Fonseca. Cartography Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 79.

[XX-4] It certainly appears strange that Córdoba, knowing so well the character of his master, should so tamely have delivered himself into his hands. The chroniclers sympathize with any victim of the abhorred governor. 'Estaba muy bien quisto comunmente,' says Oviedo, 'de todos los españoles ... culpaban ... á Pedrarias de inconstante é acelerado é mal juez.' iii. 165-6. His rebellion 'parecio siempre incierto,' is the unstudied qualification of Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164.

[XX-5] Juan Carrasco and Christóbal de la Torre. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. vii.

[XX-6] News coming of the approach of a royal governor, Saavedra would send nothing but advice.

[XX-7] 'Estando de acuerdo ciento y cincuenta Caziques.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. x.

[XX-8] His achievements are related in vol. i. chaps. ii. and iii. of the History of Mexico, this series.

[XX-9] Herrera, who is somewhat contradictory on this point, names Gabriel de Rojas, Garabito, and Diego Álvarez among the ruling men. dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi. Salcedo, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 47 et seq., gives also a list of the Leon city officials.

[XX-10] The two months' voyage had proved pleasant, being marred only by the death of two men during an attack by the natives of Dominica Island, where they had entered to repair a leaky vessel. Oviedo, iii. 116.

[XX-11] 'Por manera que estas mudanças de gobernadores es saltar de la sarten en las brasas.' Oviedo, iii. 123.

[XX-12] 'É como era hombre ydiota é sin letras, el se movió por consejo de aquel bachiller Corral, para me haçer matar á trayçion.' Oviedo, iii. 122.

[XX-13] See, for instance, Castilla, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 85.

[XX-14] Sandoval, indeed, speaks of the governor as a meritorious servant of the king, traduced by envious persons. Hist. Carlos V., i. 218.

[XXI-1] The bitter complaints of Cortés against his rebellious lieutenant evoked from the king merely instructions for Olid to maintain friendly relations with Cortés, and to report to the crown regarding the progress of his conquest. 'El Rey ... no hizo mas demostracion que escriuir á Christoual de Olid, que con Cortes tuuiese toda buena correspondencia, y fuesse dando cuenta a su Magestad, de lo que passaua en aquella tierra, pareciendo que no era mal consejo, la diuision de tan gran gouierno como tenia.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii.

[XXI-2] His commission is dated November 20th. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 52.

[XXI-3] Cortés' complaints were numerous and bitter, as may be imagined. In a letter of 1532, for instance, he represents to the king the many valuable services rendered, and the hardship and danger suffered. He had discovered the province of Honduras at his own expense, amounting to over 30,000 castellanos, and the expedition to suppress the revolt of Olid had cost him over 50,000 castellanos, a like amount being also expended by his followers. He had conquered, pacified, and settled over 200 leagues of territory, founding three towns on the best parts of the coast; he had expended over 25,000 castellanos for horses, arms, and provisions, imported from Española and Cuba, and before leaving the country had left a competent captain in charge of the new colonies. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 6-7.

[XXI-4] For this they were afterward censured. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. xi.

[XXI-5] The royal commission, with the ceremonies attending its reception, is given in Traslado de una Cédula, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 47 et seq.

[XXI-6] Orders came for investigation and punishment, Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., but the distant Indies possessed as yet too many loop-holes and corners for blind justice.

[XXI-7] Oviedo, iii. 189, states that Diego Mendez de Hinestrosa was left in charge at Trujillo, that Salcedo had already marched out of Trujillo for Nicaragua when the envoys of Pedrarias came up, and that he sent them at once to the audiencia. But he is not well informed.

[XXI-8] Herrera would have us believe that starvation was over the whole country, in all its ghastly horrors, making it a question of life and death between Spaniard and Indian, who devoured each other. dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vii. But this is clearly exaggeration.

[XXI-9] According to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii., Gabriel de Rojas was offered the government, but declined to hold the province except for the king direct; whereupon he was arrested and Garabito given the command. He seems confused, however, while Cereceda's account is most clear on all these points. Carta, MS., 3-6. Oviedo is quite brief. iii. 190.

[XXI-10] The present treasurer, Rodrigo del Castillo, was under indictment by the inquisition at Panamá. With Pedrarias came a friar empowered to try his case, by whom he was acquitted, and he thereupon resumed office till Tobilla arrived. Cerezeda, Carta, MS., 10-11.

[XXI-11] Herrera's lucid definition of the limits reads: 'Desde Leon al puerto de Natiuidad, cien leguas Nortesur, y desde Chorotega, por otro nombre Fõseca, hasta puerto de Cauallos, Nortesur, que auia setenta leguas, y cien leguas de costa por el mar del Norte, y otras tantas por el Sur con mas lo q̃ se le renunciaua, y lo que para adelante pudisse ensancharse descubriendo,' including Nequepia province, or Salvador, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.

[XXI-12] Besides the usual humane injunctions it was ordered that towns should be founded near the Indians, so that they might be brought by example and gentle means to a knowledge of the true faith, and be led to adopt the manners and customs of Christians. To promote this desirable end the royal officers were enjoined to watch strictly over the moral and economic features of the Spanish settlements. The revolted Chorotegas were to be pacified by kindness, and the native slaves brought from Panamá were to be returned. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. viii. See chap, v., note 5, this volume.

[XXI-13] 'Lleuando los Indios cargados, y encadenados, cõ argollas, porq̃ no se boluiessen: y porq̃ vno se canso, por no quitarle el argolla le quitaron la cabeça, y lo dissimulo.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.

[XXI-14] Ponce de Leon and Hernando de Soto, for instance, took two cargoes at one time, according to Pizarro, Relacion, in Col. Doc. Inéd., v. 209.

[XXI-15] 'Ellos matarõ a los Castellanos q̃ acertaron a hallar fuera del lugar, y los comieron.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.

[XXI-16] 'Los quales eran del valle de Olocoton é de su comarca.' Oviedo, iv. 100.

[XXI-17] Despite his want of success, says Oviedo, iv. 61, Estete received from Pedrarias another important command, to the prejudice of another officer. The details of the expedition will be given in connection with Salvador.

[XXI-18] Soto alone brought about 100 men to Peru. Pizarro, Rel., in Col. Doc. Inéd., v. 211-15; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. iii.; Oviedo, iii. 119-20. This conquest will be spoken of in a later volume of this history.

[XXI-19] In 1527, as has been intimated, there was an outcry for his removal, but with the aid of influential friends he managed to retain his seat. Castillo states that one expedition alone, under Córdoba, had brought over 100,000 pesos de oro into Leon, none of which reached the crown. After beheading Córdoba he had conjured up a partner for him, named Tellez, into whose hands was placed the confiscated estate, so that it might with better pretence be appropriated. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 84-6.

[XXI-20] 'En fin de Iulio.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[XXI-21] Oviedo, iii. 172, attributes to Pedrarias the release of two millions of souls from dusky bodies during a period of sixteen years. 'Ni han tenido más largas jornadas que caminar dos millones de indios que desde el año de mill é quinientos y catorçe que llegó Pedrarias á la Tierra-Firme hasta quél murió.' Two million murders!

[XXI-22] Additional authorities for the preceding two chapters are: Various documents in Col. Doc. Inéd., v. 209, 211-12, 215; also in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 556-7; xii. 84-6; xiv. 54; xvi. 324; Squier's MSS., iv. xx. 2-5, 11-43; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164; Andagoya, Narr., 32-9; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 181; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 416-17; Las Casas, Hist. Apolog., MS., 29; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 54-9; Beaumont, Crón. Mech., MS., 322-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 616; Belly, Nicaragua, i. 171-2.

[XXII-1] Cartas, 259.

[XXII-2] See p. 493, this volume.

[XXII-3] Cortés, Cartas, 289-90. But this state of things did not last long. Ixtlilxochitl includes Soconusco in a list of provinces which were in revolt in 1523. Horribles Crueldades, 65.

[XXII-4] According to Fuentes y Guzman, derived from Coctecmalan—that is to say, Palo de leche, milk-tree, commonly called Yerba mala, found in the neighborhood of Antigua Guatemala. See also Juarros, Guat., ii. 257-8. In the Mexican tongue, if we may believe Vazquez, it was called Quauhtimali, 'rotten tree.' Chronica de Guat., 68. Others derive it from Uhatezmalha, signifying 'the hill which discharges water;' and Juarros suggests that it may be from Juitemal, the first king of Guatemala, by a corruption, as Almolonga from Atmulunga, and Zonzonate from Zezontlatl. The meaning of the word would then be 'the kingdom of Guatemala.' Guat., i. 4; ii. 259-60.

[XXII-5] See Native Races, v., passim.

[XXII-6] There were two royal families among the Cakchiquels. The succession alternated between them. The king's title was Ahpozotzil, while that of the heir of the other branch was Ahpoxahil. The eldest sons of these had respectively the titles of Ahpop Qamahay and Galel Xahil. Native Races, ii. 640.

[XXII-7] This Mexican name of Cortés was already known to the natives from sea to sea, and from the far north to the far south; in fact, to them it was almost his only name.

[XXII-8] Gomara surmises that the ships of Andrés Niño were referred to, Hist. Ind., 266, while Peter Martyr believes them to have been those of Gil Gonzalez, seen off the coast of Yucatan.

[XXII-9] 'El qual pregunto, si eran de Malinxe, ... Dios caydo del cielo.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 266.

[XXII-10] A carver in wood, and no ordinary pilot, Peter Martyr says, dec. viii. cap. v., while Gomara's words are, 'Treuiño, y era carpintero de naos.' Hist. Ind., 266.

[XXII-11] One of the messengers sought to appropriate to himself a quantity of the gold, while his comrade, disapproving, first admonished him, then held his peace, dissembling, and accused him to Cortés of theft. The culprit was convicted, publicly flogged, and banished from New Spain. Peter Martyr, dec. viii. cap. v. 'Esta fue la primera entrada, y noticia de Quauhtemallan.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 267.

[XXII-12] Cortés, Cartas, 289; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 267; Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 4; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 2-3. Gomara erroneously gives 1523 as the year of this embassy, as well as Alvarado's expedition to Tututepec.

[XXII-13] Or Tuzapan, on the coast of Vera Cruz, some leagues south of Tampico.

[XXII-14] Gomara says 200 men, to ratify the treaty of peace with a reasonable present. Hist. Ind., 266-67. Remesal states that the embassadors from Guatemala found Cortés at the port of Villa Rica [Vera Cruz] in high good humor, having received the news of his appointment as governor and captain-general of New Spain. Hist. Chyapa, 3.

[XXII-15] Vazquez makes no mention of embassadors from the lord of Utatlan; on the contrary, he states that the king of the Cakchiquel nation had invested with independent sovereignty over a portion of his kingdom his brother Ahpoxahil, who held his court at Tecpanatitan [Tzolola]; and that these two rulers, without informing the neighboring lords of their intention, conjointly sent embassadors to Cortés with offers of peace and submission. Chronica de Gvat., 68. Brasseur de Bourbourg takes this view, and states that when the secret alliance became known the indignation was general. A confederation for the destruction of the Cakchiquels was formed, and a struggle of fearful bloodiness had been carried on for some months when the confederates received the news that the Tonatiuh was advancing through Soconusco against them. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 630. But Cortés distinctly states that he both sent messengers to Utatlan and received envoys from that city. Cartas, 289. See also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174.

[XXII-16] Gomara states that at the time of their overtures to Cortés the Guatemalans were at war with Soconusco, and now, encouraged by their alliance, pressed hostilities with increased vigor. Hist. Ind., 267. Ixtlilxochitl claims that in 1523 the Mexican princes Ixtlilxochitl and Quauhtemoctzin learned that the provinces of the south coast, among which he includes Soconusco, had risen against those who were friendly to the Christians, and they straightway informed Cortés. Horribles Crueldades, 65-6.

[XXII-17] 'Y porque ya yo tenia mucha costa hecha ... y porque dello tengo creido que Dios nuestro Señor y V. S. M. han de ser muy servidos.' Cartas, 304.

[XXII-18] For more concerning his character see Hist. Mex., i. 73-5, this series.

[XXII-19] Cortés, Cartas, 304. With regard to both date and number authorities differ. Bernal Diaz assigns December 13th as the day of departure; Ixtlilxochitl, December 8th. Horribles Crueldades, 71; Fuentes, November 19th, and Vazquez, November 13th. Vazquez states that this last is the date given in the original manuscript of Bernal Diaz, though the printed copy gives December 13th. Chronica de Gvat., 523. The number of forces at the second mustering is stated by Cortés to have been 120 horsemen, with 40 spare animals, and 300 foot-soldiers, of whom 130 were cross-bowmen and arquebusiers. There were also several persons of high rank from Mexico and the neighboring cities with the native troops; but the latter were not numerous, on account of the distance of the proposed scene of action. A park of four pieces of artillery completed the equipment. Oviedo follows Cortés. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174, gives the number of arquebusiers and cross-bowmen as 120, and that of the horsemen 135, with above 200 Tlascaltecs and Cholultecs, besides 100 picked Mexicans. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii., assigns 300 Spaniards, 100 of whom were arquebusiers, with 160 horses. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 4, says the force consisted of 300 Spaniards with Tlascaltec, Mexican, and Cholultec allies. Without making any mention of the guns, which the above authorities do not omit, Fuentes says the force was composed of 750 hombres de calidad, as follows: 300 foot-soldiers, arquebusiers, and cross-bowmen, 135 horsemen, and four guns under the artilleryman Usagre, written in Bernal Diaz as Viagre; but 750 must be an error, since the artillerymen would thus number 315; 450 is probably the intended number. To these were added 200 Tlascaltec and Cholultec bowmen, and 100 picked Mexicans. This author, moreover, gives a list of the names of nearly 200 conquistadores. Recordacion Florida, MS., 25-7. Gomara has 420 Spaniards, with 170 horses, four pieces of artillery, a great quantity of stores, and a large number of Mexican troops. 'Mucha gente Mexicana.' Hist. Ind., 267. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the forces as 300 foot-soldiers, 120 of whom were arquebusiers or cross-bowmen, 135 horsemen, with four pieces of artillery, 200 warriors of Tlascala and Cholula, 10,000 each of Mexico and Acolhuacan, besides a large number of porters and carriers. Hist. Nat. Civ., 632. This last author is supported by Ixtlilxochitl, who states that Ixtlilxochitl and Quauhtemoctzin supplied Cortés each with 10,000 warriors, under the command of able captains. Horribles Crueldades, 65-6. And with regard to the native contingent troops, we have additional evidence that they were far more numerous than Cortés chose to represent them to the Spanish monarch. The Xochimilco Indians, whose city lay five leagues from Mexico, sent in a petition for redress of grievances, dated 2d May, 1563, in which they claim to have furnished Alvarado, their encomendero, with 2500 warriors for the conquest of Honduras and Guatemala. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 293-4. By royal edict the employment of natives beyond their own borders had been forbidden; hence, to diminish the magnitude of the disobedience, the number was diminished.

[XXII-20] The former were Franciscans, named Juan de Torres and Francisco Martinez de Pontaza, according to Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524. This writer enters into a long argument to prove that Bartolomé de Olmedo, of the order of Nuestra Señora de la Merced, could not have accompanied the expedition, as stated by Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174. Vazquez, with the aid of two other friars, compared the original manuscript of Bernal Diaz with the printed work published in 1632, and found the last mention of Olmedo in the manuscript to be in chapter clvii. He had a suspicion that the passages in later chapters where Olmedo's connection with the expedition is mentioned may be interpolations by the Friar Alonso Remon, who was of the same order as Olmedo, and who first published the Historia Verdadera. The two clergymen were Juan Godinez, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4, and Juan Diaz, Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 128.

[XXII-21] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 3. This authority also states that Cortés conferred on Alvarado the title of lieutenant-governor and captain-general. Cortés, in his letter to the king, expresses great confidence in the expedition, and regrets that inopportune circumstances in connection with the fleets had retarded the discovery of many secrets, and the collection of gold and pearls for the royal treasury. Cartas, 305.

[XXII-22] In some rocky fastnesses, peñoles, called the Peñoles de Guelamo, being in the encomienda of a soldier of that name. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Fuentes, Conq. Guat., MS., 1.

[XXII-23] Larrainzar finds no difficulty in looking beyond the myths to a time when this people was included in the Chiapanec nation. Hist. Soconusco, 7.

[XXII-24] Bernal Diaz assumes that the province contained only 15,000 families, estimated by Fuentes to represent a population of 60,000 inhabitants. Hist. Verdad., 174.

[XXII-25] Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 45; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229; Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 4; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii. Bernal Diaz, followed by Fuentes, states that in Soconusco Alvarado was peaceably received, and that the natives presented offerings of gold. Hist. Verdad., 174. This idea may have arisen from the fact that some towns did submit without active opposition, as recorded or implied by Gomara and Herrera. Remesal says that Alvarado passed on like a thunderbolt, conquering by force of arms and exciting great terror by reason of the carnage at Soconusco. That the destruction was great is evident from the ruins to be seen at the entrance into Guatemala, in the locality called the Sacrificadero. Hist. Chyapa, 3. Brasseur de Bourbourg affirms that Alvarado, as he passed through this district, founded a Spanish colony at Huehuetan, which was long the capital of the territory after the destruction of the city of Soconusco. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 633-4. This could have been only a concentration of the already resident Spaniards, for Alvarado would scarcely have left behind him, at this juncture, many of his own men.

[XXII-26] Fuentes and Guzman, MS., 2, give the later name of Zapotitlan as Suchitepeque, which signifies Hill of Flowers.

[XXII-27] Place of zapotes, a plum-like fruit abounding in the neighborhood. Niebla, Mem. Zapotitlan, MS., 7-8. Its ancient name was Xetulul. It is now abandoned, and the inhabitants are dispersed among the neighboring villages. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 635.

[XXII-28] The Zamalá, bearing at its source the name Seguilá, and lower that of Olintepec. Near the village of this latter name it is joined by the Tziha, from which junction down to the sea it is called the Zamalá. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 635.

[XXII-29] The loss to the natives was of course severe. Of the Spaniards two only were killed, but many were wounded. The allies were greater sufferers, and a number of the horses were badly injured. See further Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, Hist. Prim., i. 157-8; Oviedo, iii. 475-6; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Salazar, Conq. Mex., 125-6; Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 66; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS. 2; Juarros, Guat., ii. 250.

[XXIII-1] With whom the king of the Quichés was actually at war, and who with sneers and insults affirmed that without aid he could defend his kingdom against a greater army than that which the strangers were bringing against the Quichés. Juarros, Guat., ii. 247.

[XXIII-2] That is to say, 'Under the government of Ten.' The city was ruled by ten lords, each having under him a xiquipil, or 8000 dwellings. Fuentes estimated that this city contained 300,000 inhabitants. So strongly was it fortified that it had never been taken, though attempts had often been made. Juarros, Guat., ii. 240.

[XXIII-3] The most powerful of the Quiché monarchs, said to have reigned about the time of Julius Cæsar. For list of Quiché kings see Native Races, v. 566.

[XXIII-4] Juarros states that Tecum Umam set out with 72,000 fighting men. At Chemequena, now Totonicapan, the number was increased to 90,000 by the forces of eight fortified places and eighteen towns; on the plains of Xelahuh ten lords joined him with 24,000 men, and 46,000 arrived from other quarters, so that in all his army amounted to 232,000 warriors. Juarros, Guat., ii. 248. Vazquez affirms that these forces came from more than 100 populous towns, which owed allegiance to the Quiché monarch, and that no aid was given by the Cakchiquels or Zutugils. Chronica de Gvat., 5.

[XXIII-5] Vazquez describes both the natural difficulties and the artificial defences of this pass as offering the greatest obstacles to the invaders. The gorge had been protected by palisades and ditches, and only by the most indefatigable exertions, now destroying trenches and stone barricades, now climbing rugged steeps by help of feet and hands, were the Spaniards able to reach the plain above. Moreover, the devil was at hand to help his own, and he wrought against the good Spaniards by means of diabolical transformations in lightning and whirlwinds, and otherwise convulsed elements; and by fearful apparitions and transformations into wild beasts. Chronica de Gvat., 5. This, from Fray Francisco's description, will enable the reader to form some opinion of the religio-historical narration representing this achievement.

[XXIII-6] Bernal Diaz states that the Spaniards had three men and two horses wounded in this struggle. Fuentes says six men and two horses were wounded. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 3.

[XXIII-7] Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, i. 158; Oviedo, iii. 476; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229.

[XXIII-8] 'I aqui hicimos otro alcance mui grande, donde hallamos Gente, que esperaba vno de ellos à dos de Caballo.' Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, i. 158. See also for a description of this engagement, Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.

[XXIII-9] 'La mucha sangre de Indios que avia corrido en Rios en Xequikel (que por esso se llamó assi).' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524. 'Xequiqel, que quiere decir rio de sangre.' Juarros, Guat., ii. 250. This last author states that from the river Zamalá to the Olintepec six battles were fought, but that this was the most strongly contested and the most bloody. Compare Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, 158; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 3-4; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229.

[XXIII-10] 'Murió vn señor de quatro que son en Vtatlan.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229. Besides Prince Ahzumanche, two principal lords of Utatlan were slain in the battles of the pass—the one Ahzol, a great captain, and a relative of the king, and the other Ahpocoh, his shield-bearer, whose office in the army was of the highest. Juarros, Guat., ii. 250; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174. The words Ahzol and Ahpocoh are not, however, patronymics, but titles.

[XXIII-11] The district is called El Pinar by Juarros, Guat., ii. 248; and El Pinal by Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524.

[XXIII-12] 'Corriendo la Tierra, que es tan gran Poblacion como Tascalteque, i en las Labranças, ni mas, ni menos, i friisima en demasia.' Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, i. 158.

[XXIII-13] Vazquez visited this hermitage at Zacaha in 1690, and there saw a picture of the virgin, which had been brought by the conquerors, and was known as La Conquistadora, for a description of which the reader can consult Chronica de Gvat., 9. In his time the shrine was a place greatly revered. It was a current belief that some member of the priestly order, the object of devotion, was interred there, a strong supposition prevailing that the remains were those of the first bishop of Guatemala; but this is wrong, for Bishop Marroquin died in the Episcopal palace at Guatemala. The remains were probably those of the priest Pontaza. Chronica de Gvat., 8-10, 526.

[XXIII-14] The descendants of this conquistador were still living in the same locality in the time of Vazquez, who describes them as raisers of small stock, as poverty-stricken as the descendants of the conquered natives. Id., 8-9.

[XXIII-15] Four years later the town was removed to the present site. Id., 7-8; Juarros, Guat., ii. 241. The meaning of the term Quezaltenango is the 'place of the quetzal,' the American bird of paradise, called 'trogon' by the naturalists. The name was of Mexican origin, and was probably applied not only to the district but to the city of Xelahuh.

[XXIII-16] During a stay of two to three days. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS.

[XXIII-17] Four years later the inhabitants were removed to the new town of Quezaltenango, which the Indian population still call Xelahuh.

[XXIII-18] On the authority of a manuscript of sixteen leaves found at San Andrés Xecul, a town not far from Quezaltenango, Juarros states that on the second day four caciques humbly surrendered themselves, and owing to their influence the inhabitants peaceably returned and tendered allegiance. Guat., ii. 240-1. No mention of such an event is made by Alvarado, Bernal Diaz, or Herrera; and Vazquez distinctly states that these four chiefs were won over, with some difficulty, after the final battle and the death of Tecum. Though Brasseur de Bourbourg follows Juarros, I incline to the opinion that the pacification of Xelahuh was subsequent to the battle which is yet to follow.

[XXIII-19] Twelve thousand of whom were from the city of Utatlan. Relacion, i. 158. Juarros says the first contingent contained 16,000 men. Guat., ii. 251. Bernal Diaz gives the whole number as more than 16,000. Hist. Verdad., 174. Herrera uses the indefinite but safe expression 'vn gran exercito de Quazaltenalco.' dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.

[XXIII-20] The numbers are differently given. Alvarado says there were 90 horsemen; Juarros, 135 horse; Herrera, that the whole force consisted of 80 horse, 200 infantry, and a strong body of Mexicans. Bernal Diaz uses the general expression, 'with his army.'

[XXIII-21] Such is the legend long retained among the Quichés. Guatemala, Chronica de la Prov., i. 13; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 641.

[XXIII-22] 'I nuestros Amigos, i los Peones hacian vna destruccion, la maior del Mundo, en vn Arroio.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 158.

[XXIII-23] Vazquez asserts that this engagement took place on the 14th of May, 1524, while the despatch by Alvarado reporting the event to Cortés is dated more than a month earlier, April 11th.

[XXIII-24] It is difficult to arrive at any approximation to the number of slain during the series of engagements on the Pinar. Vazquez is the only authority who ventures to put down figures. 'Viniendo sobre el Exercito Christiano ... de trece mil, en trece mil, cada dia, aquellos.... Barbaros tan imperterritos â la muerte, y al estrago que las Catholicas armas hacian en su numeroso Exercito, quedando muertos mas de diez, y doze mil infieles, encendiendo en los que quedauan viuos ... que acoradas con la vertida sangre de sus compañeros avivaban mas su rabia, para embestir con irracional despecho â las Españoles.' Chronica de Gvat., 5. See also Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 159.

[XXIII-25] The names of these caciques, given by Juarros, were Calel Ralak, Ahpopqueham, Calelahau, and Calelaboy, as supplied by the manuscript previously mentioned in note 17, this chapter.

[XXIII-26] So they called the Spaniards, as the soldiers of Alvarado, generally known by the name of Tonatiuh, the initial 'T' being changed by the Quichés into 'D.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524.

[XXIV-1] Also called Gumarcaah. It is represented to-day by the town of Santa Cruz del Quiché, which is situated so near the ruins of the ancient city that it might be considered an outlying suburb. About the middle of the sixteenth century Utatlan was entirely abandoned and the inhabitants removed to Santa Cruz. Juarros, Guat., i. 66; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 647.

[XXIV-2] Juarros, Guat., i. 66-7; Alvarado, Relacion, i. 159; Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32. See also Native Races, ii. 744, 788-9. Atalaya and Resguardo are Spanish terms, the first signifying 'Watch-tower' and the other 'Guard.'

[XXIV-3] Torquemada, i. 311. The frontage of the palace was 376 paces, while its depth reached 728 paces. The chronicler Fuentes visited Santa Cruz del Quiché for the purpose of investigating the ruins, from which, as well as from manuscripts, he gathered much information.

[XXIV-4] Juarros calls him Chignauivcelut.

[XXIV-5] Francisco Flores claims that he and Juan de Oriza made the discovery. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32, 34.

[XXIV-6] Bernal Diaz states that some Indians of Quezaltenango warned Alvarado that they intended to kill them all that night if they remained there, and that they had posted in the ravines many bands of warriors, who, when they saw the houses in flames, were to unite with those of Utatlan and fall on the invaders at different points.

[XXIV-7] It is possible that Oxib Quieh was hanged, and not burned, though Alvarado makes no mention of such weakness on his part, but states distinctly 'Yo los quemé.' Relacion, i. 159. Bernal Diaz, however, asserts that through the intercession of Fray Bartolomé Olmedo a respite of two days was granted the unfortunate king, during which time he was converted and baptized, and that his sentence was commuted to hanging. Hist. Verdad., 175. This view is taken by Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 125-6, and Juarros, Guat., ii. 253, but not by Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 67. At the trial of Alvarado this act of barbarity constitutes one of the charges, and the testimony tends to prove that no exception was made in favor of any one of the victims. The witness Francisco Flores, mentioned in note 5, this chapter, states that one of the nobles was spared, because he had disclosed the plot. His testimony may, however, be founded on a respite granted to Oxib Quieh, incorrectly understood by Flores. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32. Alvarado informed Cortés that the victims made full confession of the plot before they were put to death, and his use of the expression 'Como parecera por sus confesiones' would seem to indicate that the confessions were taken down in writing and forwarded to Cortés. Relacion, i. 159. In conclusion, Brasseur de Bourbourg says that only the monarch and the heir presumptive were burned, which is at variance with Juarros' expression, 'Ni las muertes de sus primeros capitanes, ni las de sus dos Reyes, executadas por los Castellanos,' Guat., ii. 253, and also with the testimony of Flores, who says, 'E los prendio a todos ... e despues los quemo.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32. Las Casas affirms they were burned alive without any form of trial. Regio. Ind. Devastat., 35.

[XXIV-8] Juarros, Guat., ii. 253. Alvarado never alludes to his artillery in this or any future campaign of the year, though he repeatedly speaks of the arquebusiers. Juarros, so far as I can discover, is the only author except Brasseur de Bourbourg who mentions artillery.

[XXIV-9] 'I es la Tierra tan fuerte de quebradas, que ai quebradas que entran docientos estados de hondo, i por estas quebradas no pudimos hacerles la Guerra.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 159.

[XXIV-10] His object in making this demand was twofold: he wished to test the Cakchiquel king's feelings toward him, and at the same time to increase his native forces, who would be useful in this work. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 159. According to Brasseur de Bourbourg the princes of the Cakchiquel nation met with much opposition from their subjects in supporting the Spaniards, and the nobles refused to supply the troops demanded by Alvarado. In this embarrassment the Ahpozotzil raised 4000 warriors in his capital. Hist. Nat. Civ., 648. Bernal Diaz, followed by Juarros, gives a different account from that of Alvarado, which is followed in the text. It is to the effect that the people of Guatemala, hearing of Alvarado's repeated victories, and learning that he was stationed at Utatlan, sent an embassy with presents of gold, offering their services against the Quichés, with whom they were at enmity. These were accepted by Alvarado, who, to test their sincerity, and also because he was ignorant of the road, asked and received assistance across the many gullies and through the difficult passes. Hist. Verdad., 175.

[XXIV-11] 'Mandè quemar la Ciudad, i poner por los cimientos.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 159.

[XXIV-12] Derived from cé, 'one,' and 'quechutl,' a bird similar to the flamingo, for a description of which see Native Races, iii. 374. His native name was Tepepul, Id., v. 566, but I have preferred to use his Mexican name in order to avoid confusion, as another Tepepul, king of the Zutugils, will appear later in the narrative. The date of this submission of the Quichés must have been a day or two before the 11th of April, on which day Alvarado wrote his despatch to Cortés, stating that he would leave for the city of Guatemala on the same day, which was a Monday. Juarros states that Alvarado remained eight days, Bernal Diaz seven or eight, in Utatlan, occupied in the pacification of the surrounding tribes. Guat., ii. 254. Herrera states that the war terminated on the 25th of April, which can only be explained by supposing that Alvarado did not leave Utatlan on the 11th, as he intended. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.

[XXIV-13] 'Estamos metidos en la mas recia Tierra de Gente que se ha visto.' Relacion, i. 160.

[XXIV-14] Relacion, i. 159; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 175.

[XXV-1] Alvarado's line of march on this occasion seems to have been confounded by different authors with routes followed by him at later dates. Juarros says that he did not pass through the towns of the coast, but along the Itzapa road; for in a land title possessed by the Indians of Parramos, extended in the year 1577, on the 10th of November, in a reference to a plain on said road, this expression occurs: 'Where they say the camp of the Spaniards was pitched when the Adelantado D. Pedro de Alvarado came to conquer this land.' Guat., ii. 255. By these remarks Juarros supports Fuentes' opinion that the capital of the Cakchiquel nation was situated on the slopes of the Volcan de Agua. I am, however, persuaded that the encampment mentioned in the land title took place later, on the occasion of Alvarado's campaign southward.

[XXV-2] Vazquez calls this ruler King Ahpotzotzil, Chronica de Gvat., 68, which was only his title. His proper name was Sinacam, by which he was called in the books of the cabildos of Guatemala. Juarros, Guat., ii. 256. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives his name as Belehé Qat.

[XXV-3] Juarros, Guat., ii. 254-5. The account given by the Cakchiquel manuscript of this conversation differs somewhat from the above, stating that it took place in the palace; that the martial aspect of the population, and the number of warriors, excited the suspicions of Alvarado; and that on the night after his arrival, agitated by his apprehensions, he suddenly entered the royal apartments, followed by his officers. His unexpected presence caused great confusion, and the nobles in waiting rallied round their sovereign. The conversation then followed, when Sinacam spoke thus: 'Would I have sent my warriors and braves to die for you and find a tomb at Gumarcaah if I had such treacherous intentions?' In his explanation, also, the king states that the armed troops were intended to be directed against the provinces of Itzcuintlan and Atitlan, with which nations the Cakchiquels were at war. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., 650-1.

[XXV-4] Bernal Diaz, or his editor, here introduces Friar Bartolomé de Olmedo. His story is this: When the Spaniards arrived at Guatemala, Alvarado told the friar that he had never been so hard pressed as when fighting with the Indians of Utatlan, describing them as most brave and excellent warriors, and at the same time claimed to himself the merit of having done a good work. The friar chided him, and said it was God who had wrought the deed; and in order that he might regard it as good, and aid them in future, it would be well to give thanks to him, appoint a holiday, celebrate mass, and preach to the Indians. This injunction was carried out, and resulted in the baptism of more than 30 natives in two days. Others also were anxious to be baptized when they perceived that the Spaniards held intercourse more freely with the converts than with others. Hist. Verdad., 175.

[XXV-5] Patinamit, or Iximché, called by Alvarado the city of Guatemala. Juarros is in doubt as to the site of the ancient Cakchiquel capital. Remesal makes no mention of it, though he speaks of the founding of the Villa de Guatemala. Fuentes argues that it was not Patinamit, but a city on the slope of the Volcan de Agua, occupying the same position that San Miguel Tzacualpa occupied when he wrote. His reasons are, first, the preservation of the Indian name Guatemala, indicating that the Spaniards did not found a new town, but occupied the existing city; the custom of the Spaniards being to give Spanish names to cities founded by them, as Trujillo, Granada, Cartago, and others, while those cities which were already founded retained their native names, as Mexico, Cuzco, Tlascala, and the like. Again, as observed elsewhere, the word Guatemala is derived from Coctecmalan, which means Palo de leche, milk-tree, commonly called Yerba mala. This is found only at Antigua Guatemala, and within a league around, in which space, therefore, the capital must have stood. But it was not situated where Antigua Guatemala stands, because that place was always called Panchoy, or Great Lagoon; nor where the Pueblo of Ciudad Vieja stands, which locality was called Atmulunca, meaning Gushing Water. Therefore it must have been on the spot where stood the city of the Spaniards, which was destroyed in 1541, and where now exists the little village of Tzacualpa, which name in itself is an additional argument in favor of this supposition, inasmuch as its meaning is Old Town. The third argument of Fuentes is based on the improbability that the Spaniards would found a city in an unpopulated district when the court and capital of the Cakchiquels were at their command. Consequently the court of King Sinacam was situated where the Spaniards first established themselves, that is where Tzacualpa stands. See also Juarros, Guat., ii. 255-9. Vazquez maintains that this capital was the city Patinamit, antonomastically so called, meaning the 'metropolis' or 'the city' par excellence. The locality on which it was built was called 'Iximché,' and in his own time Ohertinamit, which means Old Town. The Mexicans who came with the Spaniards called it Quauhtemali, meaning rotten tree, from an old worm-eaten Iximché tree. To distinguish it from the Ciudad de Santiago founded by the Spaniards, it was afterward named Tecpan Guatemala, that is, Palace or Royal House of Guatemala, a meaning different from that given by Fuentes, who says that Tecpan means 'above,' encima, as Tecpan Atitlan, a town situated on a more elevated site than Atitlan. The city Tecpan Guatemala still exists about half a league distant from the old site. Vazquez, moreover, supports his opinion on the extent and magnificence of the palace and public buildings indicated by the ruins, which he visited in person; and also on the fortified position of the place. Chronica de Gvat., 7, 10, 68, 73; Juarros, Guat., ii. 243, 256-7. That the arguments of Fuentes are fallacious, and that Vazquez is right, Alvarado's own despatches prove almost to a certainty. In his report to Cortés, dated 11th April, at Utatlan, he says, 'Embiè à la Ciudad de Guatemala, que està diez Leguas de esta,' and afterward informs Cortés that on that day he will leave for the city of Guatemala, 'Yo me parto para la Ciudad de Guatemala Lunes once de Abril.' At the commencement of the next despatch he writes, 'Yo, Señor, partì de la Ciudad de Uclatan, í vine en dos Dias à esta Ciudad de Guatemala.' Now this 'city of Guatemala' was the capital of the king of the Cakchiquels, and where Alvarado was entertained by him, as will be told in the text, and it was ten leagues from Utatlan, a distance which would occupy the army two days, as stated by Alvarado; for it was difficult ground to march over, being intersected by numerous ravines. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 7. The site proposed by Fuentes is nearly twice the distance from Utatlan, and could not have been reached by the Spaniards in the short period of two days, except by very exhausting and forced marches, to which it is most improbable that Alvarado subjected his men when on a visit to a friendly power. Again, Alvarado reports that when on his expedition against Atitlan he left the city of Guatemala and by a forced march entered that territory the same day—'I anduve tanto, que aquel Dia lleguè a su Tierra'—a distance that could be accomplished from the existing ruins of Patinamit, but apparently not from the Volcan de Agua.

[XXV-6] Juarros calls it 'chay.'

[XXV-7] Juarros, Guat., ii. 243-4. This author adds that Bishop Marroquin, having heard of this stone, caused it to be cut into a square and consecrated as part of the high altar in the church of Tecpan Guatemala. Stephens saw it and says that it is a piece of common slate. Incid. of Travel in Cent. Am., ii. 150.

[XXV-8] 'Donde fui mui bien recibido de los Señores de ella, que no pudiera ser mas en Casa de nuestros Padres; i fuimos tan proveidos de todo lo necesario, que ninguna cosa hovo falta.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 161.

[XXV-9] On this occasion Friar Juan de Torres converted and baptized many. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 7.

[XXV-10] Atitlan, in the Pipil language 'Correo de Agua,' or 'Water Courier.' This is according to Juarros, who states that the place was also called Atziquinixal, which in the Quiché language signifies 'House of the Eagle,' from the device of the kings, who wore as their royal emblem an eagle fashioned from the plumes of the quetzal. Guat., 245. Ternaux-Compans wrongly interprets it 'watercourse,' 'cours d'eau.' Voy., série i. tom. x. 416.

[XXV-11] Its real meaning, however, is 'heroes' or 'demigods.'

[XXV-12] An insurrection of the principal cities of the monarchy had been promoted by this cacique. These cities, according to Vazquez, were Tecpan Atitlan and others of that province, while Fuentes believes them to have been Tecpan Guatemala and its dependencies. Juarros, Guat., ii. 277.

[XXV-13] Alvarado, Relacion, i. 160.

[XXV-14] 'Le dieron muchos presentes de oro y plata y joyas en gran cantidad.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7, 25, 28 et seq.

[XXV-15] 'À los quales mataron sin temor ninguno.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 161. Bernal Diaz states that Alvarado sent messengers on three several occasions. Hist. Verdad., 175.

[XXV-16] Bernal Diaz affirms that Alvarado took with him more than 140 soldiers, of whom twenty were cross-bowmen and arquebusiers, and 40 horsemen, with 2000 Guatemalans. It must, however, be concluded that the statements of the 'true historian' with regard to the conquest of Guatemala cannot be relied on as exact, since he admits that he was not present: 'Y esto digo, porque no me halle en estas Conquistas.' Hist. Verdad., 175-6. Brasseur de Bourbourg also states that 2000 Cakchiquels, commanded by the Ahpotzotzil and the Ahpoxahil, accompanied the Spaniards. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 652. Juarros gives the forces as consisting of 40 horse, 100 foot, and 2000 Guatemalans. It is quite evident that this author never consulted Alvarado's despatches, judging from the many instances of chronological, numerical, and other differences. Alvarado says he marched so rapidly that he reached the territory of the Zutugils the same day on which he left the city of Guatemala. Juarros writes, 'Caminaba á convenientes jornadas.' Guat., 278. Salazar follows Bernal Diaz. Conq. Mex., 131.

[XXV-17] Juarros states that these forces were stationed upon the peñol, or insular rock, but were so harassed by the cross-bowmen that they sallied and gave fight to the Spaniards on the plain. Guat., ii. 278.

[XXV-18] 'I por la mucha agrura de la Tierra, como digo, no se mato mas Gente.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 162.

[XXV-19] About the middle of May, according to the Cakchiquel manuscript. Bernal Diaz states that Olmedo preached the gospel to the Indians, and celebrated mass on an altar which they erected. The friar also put up an image of the virgin, which Garay had brought and given him when he died. Hist. Verdad., 176.