Pearls and gold were still among the leading productions of the Isthmus, and the most valuable fisheries were at the old Pearl Islands of Vasco Nuñez de Balboa.[XXII‑18] Diving for pearls was performed by negroes chosen by their masters on account of their dexterity as swimmers, and their ability to hold their breath under water. From twelve to twenty under charge of an overseer usually formed a gang. Anchoring in twelve to fifteen fathoms of water, they would dive in succession, bringing up as many shells as they could gather or carry. It was a laborious calling, and attended with great danger because of the sharks that swarmed around the islands and with which they had many a fierce struggle, often losing limb or life in the encounter. The divers were required to collect a certain quantity of pearls, and any surplus they were at liberty to sell, but only to their own masters and at a price fixed by them.[XXII‑19]
Ever since their first discovery these fisheries had maintained their fame, and there was obtained the largest pearl then known in the world; one that became the property of Philip II., and was described by Sir Richard Hawkins[XXII‑20] as being "the size of a pommel of a ponyard;" its weight being two hundred and fifty carats, and its value one hundred and fifty thousand pesos. It was presented by the king to his daughter Elizabeth, wife of Albertus, duke of Austria.
The number and variety of pearls were such that this trade became one of the most prolific sources of wealth to Panamá, Seville alone importing in 1587 some six hundred pounds weight, many of them rivalling the choicest specimens found in Ceylon and the East Indies. From this time there occurred a marked falling-off both in quantity and quality, and in consequence a series of restrictions was put upon the industry. Notwithstanding these precautionary measures the pearl-beds became rapidly exhausted; diving proved a profitless labor,[XXII‑21] and not until several decades later was this industry revived.
Gold had been found and mined in different parts of the Isthmus, notably in Darien, the scene of so many of Balboa's brilliant achievements, where, according to the report of a later governor, the metal had been so abundant as to be "weighed by the hundredweight."[XXII‑22] More definite is the information for this period concerning the mines of Veragua, a province of irregular shape, lying between the two oceans, and consisting largely of rugged and inaccessible sierras, down the sides of which fall mountain torrents that brought quantities of the precious metal within easy reach. The Spaniards were not slow to learn of this wealth, partly from the trinkets displayed by Indians, and soon the mines were flooded with laborers. When the strength of the native proved unequal to the task the Spaniards enlisted in their service, as we have seen, the more hardy negro, until in the prosperous days of mining, which culminated about the year 1570, there were two thousand of them at work at one time. Rumor magnified the yield to the ever ready ears of navigators, and according to Dampier "they were the richest gold mines ever yet found." "Because of their inexhaustible riches in gold," says Ogilby, "the Spaniards there knew not the end of their wealth."[XXII‑23]
The yield, if rich, did not prove lasting, however, and the number of mine-owners dwindled, though several causes united to this end, such as the attack of hostile natives or negroes who frequently swooped down on the Spaniards from their mountain fastnesses and despoiled their camp. The roads were difficult; the mining towns were sickly and for the most part abandoned during the rainy season, their occupants betaking themselves to Panamá. In 1580 there were but four of them in the entire province. These were Ciudad de la Concepcion, the capital, forty leagues west of Nombre de Dios; Villa de Trinidad, six leagues east of Concepcion by sea, but inaccessible by land; Ciudad de Santa Fé, where the smelting-works were established; and Ciudad de San Cárlos built on the South Sea, some forty or more leagues west of Santa Fé. These communities contained altogether about a hundred and seventy vecinos; all employed in mining or in matters connected therewith.
Mining towns were not, however, the only ones to retrograde. The town of Acla, which it will be remembered was founded by Pedrarias in 1515, and rebuilt by Vasco Nuñez two years later,[XXII‑24] had in 1580 dropped out of existence. And so it was with several settlements that at different times had risen with hopeful prospects. Either the climate killed or drove off the inhabitants, or rival towns sprang up under the patronage of some governor, and with real or fancied advantages lured away the citizens. Nombre de Dios had maintained its position as the leading town and port on the Atlantic side, in the face of objections which ere this would have doomed many another place. The climate was pestilential, so much so that the place was generally deserted at the close of the business season, and it contained only sixty wooden houses. It was subject to floods, and yet destitute during the greater part of the year of fresh water. Its harbor was exceedingly bad, exposed to severe northerly and easterly gales, by which, despite every precaution, vessels of large size were frequently driven ashore, and pirates could readily assail it. These and other disadvantages led many merchants to advocate the removal of the port of entry to one of the harbors on the coast of Honduras. Although the distance from Nombre de Dios to Panamá was only eighteen leagues, while that from Puerto de Caballos to the gulf of Fonseca was fully fifty, yet the cost of a single trip by mule over the former route was thirty pesos, and over the latter but nine.
Juan García de Hermosillo was commissioned by the king in 1554 to inquire into the merits of the respective routes, and two years later made a voluminous but partial report,[XXII‑25] showing the practicability of changing the course of vessels going to Tierra Firme so as to proceed direct to the port of Trujillo, and recommending that ships from New Spain, Vera Cruz, Pánuco, and the Golfo Dulce should touch at the same port, and thus allow goods to be carried overland to Realejo or the bay of Fonseca, and thence shipped to Peru and elsewhere. A cédula was thereupon addressed, in October 1556, to the audiencias of Española and the Confines, the governor of Tierra Firme, and the officers of the India House at Seville, directing that the opinions of experts should be taken, and information obtained from all familiar with the coast and its harbors. Testimony concerning the facts and views advanced in Hermosillo's report was taken in 1558, and among those who pronounced in favor of the transfer as recommended were Oviedo the chronicler, Luis Gutierrez the cosmographer, and Juan de Barbosa, then governor of Tierra Firme. The cabildo of Santiago also bestirred themselves in behalf of the change, as one apt to improve communication with Peru, and, as they temptingly added, likely to increase largely the royal revenue.[XXII‑26]
Communications between the home government and its transatlantic subjects involved vexatious delays; such negotiations were always slow, and at this time there was some temporary disorganization of the council of the Indies to complicate matters. The subject would seem to have been ignored until quickened anew by an address of Felipe de Aniñon, who had lived many years in the Indies, "on the utility and advantages which would result from changing the route of transit between the seas from Nombre de Dios and Panamá to Puerto de Caballos and Fonseca."[XXII‑27] The memorial, without presenting any new arguments, recapitulates with considerable force those which had been previously advanced, urging that immunity would thus be secured from the raids of corsairs, and that even though Panamá and Nombre de Dios were abandoned, a dozen cities would spring up to take their place in a region whose mines were so rich and whose soil was so fertile. At Nombre de Dios even Indian women, elsewhere so prolific, became barren; fruits refused to grow, children could not be reared, and men lived not out the usual span of life. Their gold and silver were as nothing to the treasures that could be extracted from the mines of Honduras, for when these latter should be worked by imported negroes with the aid of quicksilver, his Majesty would have there a kingdom thrice as rich as Spain. The memorialist concludes by stating that even though eight hundred thousand pesos were expended in opening roads the outlay was justifiable, for it would be offset by the yield of an additional million to the annual revenue of the king. The question of establishing elsewhere the port of entry was finally decided by the report of Jean Baptiste Antonelli, the royal surveyor, which showed that while a removal was necessary a desirable site existed close by.
Five leagues to the west of Nombre de Dios was the village of Portobello, containing, in 1585, not more than ten houses but possessing a commodious harbor, with good anchorage, easy of access, and one where laborers could unload vessels without the necessity of wading up to the arm-pits, as was the case at Nombre de Dios. Timber and pasture were abundant, the soil was fertile, and fresh water could be had throughout the year. Moreover it could easily be fortified against attack from corsairs and privateersmen, who, under Drake and others, had already committed depredations on the Isthmus as will be hereafter related. "If it might please your Majesty," reports the surveyor, "it were good that the city of Nombre de Dios be brought and builded in this harbor." On the 20th of March 1597 the change was made under charge of the factor Francisco de Valverde y Mercado and a settlement was founded which soon became one of the most important cities in Central America.[XXII‑28]
In 1529 Panamá is described by Herrera as "a town of six hundred householders." In 1581 it was styled by Philip "muy noble y muy leal." Nevertheless its progress was greatly retarded by sickness, caused by the heat of the atmosphere, the humidity of the soil, and the spread of infectious diseases. Small-pox, quinsy, dysentery, intermittent fevers, and other ailments were prevalent among the community, and at times the city was almost depopulated.[XXII‑29]
In 1564 the seat of the audiencia of the Confines was removed, as we have seen, to Panamá[XXII‑30] under the presidency of Doctor Barros de Millan. Great though short-lived were the rejoicings throughout Tierra Firme at this victory. The people of Guatemala would not consent to become a mere dependency of the audiencia of Mexico; and as already stated a decree was issued in 1568 ordering that the audiencia should again be removed to Guatemala, the change being made two years later, though, as we shall find, an audiencia was before long once more established in Panamá.
By a cédula dated February 26, 1571, Tierra Firme was made subject to the viceroy of Peru in all matters relating to government, war, and exchequer, but not in civil matters.[XXII‑31] Little direct information of the working of the new regime in the latter part of the sixteenth century can now be obtained. The cédulas issued in later years, however, show it to have been a source of chronic discontent to the royal council in all its departments. Among them was one dated January 7, 1588, forbidding the president and oidores residing at Panamá to visit any private citizen or resident for any purpose whatever, and another dated December 31, 1590, forbidding officials in the treasury department to assume the duties of alcaldes ordinarios at any time. Some of the latter were fined and suspended for illegal speculation with government funds, which became so common that in 1594 the defalcations in the treasury from this cause alone amounted to about one hundred and fifty thousand pesos.[XXII‑32] In 1579 the corregidor of Panamá, when at the point of death, confessed that he alone had embezzled the sum of six thousand two hundred and thirty-six pesos, which he had collected and unlawfully withheld from the treasury.[XXII‑33] The granting of passports was a means by which members of the audiencia contrived to cheat the king of his revenues, his Majesty declaring that in a single year two thousand persons passed through Tierra Firme without procuring the royal license at the prescribed cost.[XXII‑34] Gambling was also prevalent, dice being the favorite game, and many merchants, bringing their goods from Spain, were fleeced by professional gamesters.[XXII‑35]
While the condition of affairs at the Isthmus was thus in an unsatisfactory condition, the authorities were constantly in dread of invasion from foreign powers. Early in the year 1561 two caravels arrived with intelligence that a large fleet had sailed from England for America, and with orders that preparations be made for a stout defence. The treasure on board the ships lying in harbor was quickly removed and secreted on shore, and no vessels were allowed to leave port until the arrival of the convoy fleet from Spain under the adelantado Pedro Menendez. It is not recorded that on this occasion the English made any attempt to land on the shores of Tierra Firme, but four years later, the monarchs of England and Spain being then on friendly terms, one Captain Parker touched at the coast of Darien ostensibly for the purpose of trading with the natives. An armed flotilla was despatched against him, but the captain refused to depart, and when attacked not only repulsed his assailants, but captured one of the enemy's squadron.[XXII‑36]
Although, as will be told in the next chapter, the Isthmus was several times invaded by English adventurers between 1572 and 1596, it was not until near the end of the century that any really effectual measures were completed for its protection. On the 2d of May 1574 the king wrote to the audiencia of Panamá, that he had information of many privateering expeditions then being fitted out with the intention of proceeding to the Indies. In 1580 three ships of war were stationed on the coast to guard against corsairs and it was ordered that criminals be delivered over to serve as oarsmen on board these vessels. In 1591 a more powerful fleet was sent to the West Indies and fortifications ordered to be erected at the town of Cruces and other points on the Isthmus. At this date Panamá alone could put into the field eight hundred Spanish infantry and fifty horse. Four years later a site was selected for a fort at the mouth of the Chagre river. Finally in 1597, when the news of Drake's last expedition had thoroughly roused the king to a sense of the danger, mechanics were sent out from Spain to hasten the completion of the defences, and it was ordered that the cost be defrayed from the royal treasury.[XXII‑37]
Panamá was assailable from three different points: from Nombre de Dios, whence it could only be reached through the mountain passes of Capira, where a small band of resolute men could hold an army in check; from Acla, fourteen leagues east of Nombre de Dios, where men of war had formerly anchored; and by way of the Rio Chagre, which was navigable for large boats as far as Cruces, the road thence to Panamá presenting no serious obstacle to an invading force.[XXII‑38]
Drake's Attack on Nombre de Dios—Panic among the Inhabitants—Stores of Treasure—Retreat of the English—They Sail for Cartagena—And Thence for the Gulf of Urabá—Visit to the Isle of Pinos—The Ships Moved to the Cabezas Islands—Second Expedition to Cartagena—March to the Isthmus—Drake's First Glimpse of the South Sea—Ambuscade Posted near Cruces—The Bells of Approaching Treasure Trains—The Prize Missed through the Folly of a Drunken Soldier—Capture of Cruces—Thirty Tons of Gold and Silver Taken near Nombre de Dios—Voyage on a Raft—The Expedition Returns to England—Oxenham's Raid—Drake's Circumnavigation of the Globe—His Second Voyage to the West Indies—His Final Expedition—His Death and Burial off Portobello.
In the town of Offenburg, in the Grand Duchy of Baden, is a statue of a man standing on the deck of a vessel and leaning on an anchor, his right hand grasping a map of America, his left a cluster of bulbous roots, the meaning of which might puzzle the observer until he reads on the pedestal the inscription: "Sir Francis Drake, the introducer of potatoes into Europe, in the year of our Lord 1586." Thus, in Offenburg, is known to fame the great Armada captain and circumnavigator of the globe. The eldest of the twelve sons of a Protestant minister in straitened circumstances, he shipped as an apprentice on board a small merchant craft, and on the decease of the captain succeeded to the command of the ship. Tiring of his trading ventures he sold his vessel, and soon afterward served under Sir John Hawkins, in an expedition to Mexico, where he lost all his property and some of his dearest friends. Vowing vengeance on the Spaniards, he returned to England, and in 1570 received letters of marque from Queen Elizabeth authorizing him to cruise in the Spanish West Indies. After two short voyages, made rather for exploration than profit, he fitted up two privateers and several pinnaces for an expedition to Nombre de Dios, and on Whitsunday eve, the 24th of May 1572, set sail from Plymouth with a force of seventy-three men.
Drake first shaped his course for the Isla de Pinos, where he left his ships in charge of one Captain Rawse, and placing most of his men in the pinnaces, arrived off the Isthmus at the season of year when the treasures of the mines were stored there in readiness for shipment to Spain. Entering the port of Nombre de Dios by night he roused the slumbering townsfolk by marching through the main street to the sound of drum and trumpet. A party was despatched to seize the king's treasure-house, and each man was ordered to fasten to his pike a lighted brand. The affrighted inhabitants imagined that the town was invaded by a force at least twice its real strength. Nevertheless they were soon under arms, and mustering near the governor's house, poured in a sharp volley on the English, pointing their weapons so low that the bullets often grazed the ground. The privateersmen discharged their pieces but once, and then came to close quarters, attacking the Spaniards with pike and sword and but-end of musket, and driving them with heavy loss to the market-place. Two or three prisoners were captured, who gave information that the silver awaiting convoy to Spain was stored at the governor's residence, and that in the treasure-house nearer the water was a large quantity of gold, jewels, and pearls.[XXIII‑1]
Drake ordered his men to stand to their arms, for companies of Spaniards were observed mustering for an attack. A report then spread through the ranks that the pinnaces were in danger of being captured. A violent storm of rain came on, and before the British could gain shelter their powder was wet and their bowstrings rendered unserviceable. The men lost heart and began to think of saving themselves before their retreat was cut off, many of them being wounded, and Drake himself shot in the leg. Their captain rebuked them, exclaiming: "I have brought you to the very mouth of the treasure of the world, and if you go away without it you can blame nobody but yourselves." He then directed a portion of his command to break open the treasure-house, while the remainder stood ready to repel attack; but, as he stepped forward, he dropped down in a swoon from loss of blood and was carried back to his pinnace.[XXIII‑2]
At daybreak the entire company embarked, and after making prize of a vessel of sixty tons laden principally with wines, landed at the port of Bastimentos.[XXIII‑3] After resting there for two days Drake rejoined his ships at the Isla de Pinos, whence he despatched his brother to explore the river Chagre as far as the town of Cruces, where it will be remembered the treasure trains passed on their way from Panamá to the North Sea. He then proceeded to Cartagena where he captured several Spanish vessels, but finding the town too strongly defended to venture an attack, set sail for the gulf of Urabá. The adventurers landed at a spot remote from the line of travel, and hiding their vessels in a neighboring creek, remained there fifteen days, hoping thus to create among the Spaniards the impression that they had departed from the coast. An expedition was then undertaken to the river Atrato for the purpose of intercepting the canoes, which, after the arrival of the fleet at Cartagena, were sent up the stream, laden with the merchandise of Spain, to return with the gold, silver, and other valuable commodities collected during the year.
On the second day of the voyage it was ascertained that the fleet had not yet reached Cartagena; whereupon the English again visited the Isla de Pinos, capturing there vast quantities of provisions, including cassava bread, meal, wine, dried beef, fish, and a plentiful supply of live stock, all intended for the use of the Spanish settlements and for revictualling the fleet.[XXIII‑4] These were secured for future use in storehouses, built many leagues apart. Then under the guidance of cimarrones, who regarded the English as allies against a mutual foe, Drake moved his vessels to a secluded bay amid the Cabezas, a group of thickly wooded islands, near the gulf of San Blas, where the channel was so narrow and difficult that none could enter by night.[XXIII‑5] Here he was free from all danger of surprise. The rainy season had now begun, and during that time the Spaniards did not convey treasure by land. A delay became necessary before any extensive raid could be undertaken, and the men were therefore ordered to erect a fort and buildings suitable for their accommodation and to land their ordnance and provisions.
The restless spirit of the leader carried him on, and within fourteen days of his arrival at the islands he started on a new expedition to Cartagena, casting anchor in that harbor on the 18th of October 1572. A party of horsemen came down to the shore displaying a flag of truce, and met him with fair promises of friendship and assistance. Suspecting treachery, the English put off to sea next morning, but remained for some days in the neighborhood to the great annoyance of the Spaniards, who constantly endeavored, though without success, to induce them to land and thus draw them into an ambuscade. At length falling short of provisions, and seeing no prospect of capturing any valuable prize, they set sail for the gulf of San Blas. On the return voyage, which occupied twenty-five days, they suffered severely. Baffled by contrary gales, their small, leaky craft, in imminent peril from the heavy chopping sea, their provisions exhausted, many almost perishing from want and exposure, they had never lived to rejoin their comrades, but that, in the last extremity they were fortunate enough to capture a Spanish vessel, "which," as the chronicler tells us, "being laden with victuals well powdered and dried, they received as sent them by the mercy of heaven."
Drake remained for several weeks in his lurking place among the islands. At length the welcome news arrived that the Spanish fleet had reached Nombre de Dios, and the adventurers at once began their march overland toward Panamá. Sickness and the bullets of the Spaniards had sorely thinned their ranks. No treasure had been captured, and twenty-eight of their number had already found a grave in this land of promise, among them two brothers of Drake; one through disease, the other while leading a rash attack on a Spanish vessel. Several of the party also lay ill of the 'calenture' fever,[XXIII‑6] caused by the unhealthy climate and unwholesome water. After a slender guard had been left over the ships, but eighteen men could be mustered fit for active service. Thirty cimarrones who accompanied the expedition carried the provisions, leaving the English unencumbered except by their arms.[XXIII‑7]
Many days the party journeyed, forcing their way through dense underbrush and cane-brake, crossing swollen streams and toiling up mountain steeps. Yet they suffered little hardship. High overhead a canopy of leaves screened them from the rays of an almost vertical sun. The country abounded in wild fruits, and as night approached the cimarrones erected rain-proof sheds thatched with palmetto and wild plantain leaves, under which they cooked their meal of wild boar's flesh or other forest game, slain during the day's march.[XXIII‑8]
On the third day of their march they arrived at a negro town, distant forty-live leagues from Panamá and thirty-five from Nombre de Dios, containing about sixty families, and well supplied with maize, fruit, and live stock. The town was surrounded with a mud wall and a ditch for defence against the Spaniards, with whom the cimarrones were still constantly at war. Only one year before the place had been attacked by a force of one hundred and fifty men, whose commander had promised to exterminate the entire population. The assault was made just before daybreak, whereupon the males fled to the forest, leaving their wives and children to be massacred, but afterward mustering courage fell on their invaders and drove them in turn to the woods, where, their guide being slain, all but thirty perished of want. Here the English were urged to remain and rest for a few days. Not far distant, they were told, dwelt the king of the cimarrones, who could bring into the field seventeen hundred warriors, and would aid them with reënforcements on learning their errand. The commander thanked them, but declared that "he would use no further strength if he might have twenty times as much," and after a brief halt continued his journey.
Four days later the expedition arrived at the summit of a mountain, from which they had been promised a view of the "North Sea whence they came and of the South Sea whither they were going."[XXIII‑9] Aided by one of the cimarrones Drake climbed a tall tree, in whose trunk steps had been cut almost to the top, and where, supported by the upper limbs, a bower had been built large enough to contain a dozen men. From this eyrie he gazed for the first time on the great southern ocean over whose waters the English flag had never yet been unfurled. It is said that he here conceived the project which a few years later was carried to completion—the circumnavigation of the globe; and as dreams of fame and vast achievement were mingled with visions of gold-bearing lands, and of Spanish galleons deep laden with weight of treasure, he besought God "to give him life and leave to sail an English ship in those seas." The aid of the Almighty was never invoked or given for the furtherance of more iniquitious measures.
For forty-eight hours more the route lay through forest land, and beyond this the country was covered with a species of grass, so tall that at its full growth the cattle could not reach the upper blade. Thrice a year it was burnt, and so rich was the soil that a few days afterward it sprouted like green corn. The English were now nearing the end of their march, and as they journeyed frequently came in sight of Panamá and of the Spanish vessels riding at anchor in the roadstead.
Extreme caution became necessary,[XXIII‑10] and on approaching Panamá, Drake, withdrawing his men from the road, led them to a grove within a league of the city, and near the highway to Nombre de Dios. His arrival was well timed. A cimarron, sent forward to Panamá disguised as a slave to ascertain the exact night and time of night[XXIII‑11] when the precious train was to pass by, returned with news that sent a thrill through every breast. That very evening the treasurer of Lima was to start from Panamá en route to Spain, and with him eight mules laden with gold, five with silver, and one with pearls and jewels. Two other trains each of fifty mules, freighted mainly with provisions, were to form part of the expedition.
Drake at once put his men in motion toward the Chagre River, and when within two leagues of the town of Cruces[XXIII‑12] posted them in two parties, one on either side of the road, and in such a position that they might fall simultaneously on the van and rear of the train. The men were ordered to wear white shirts outside their uniforms in order to distinguish one another. After the arrival of the fleet at Nombre de Dios, trains passed frequently along the road from Cruces to Panamá, and the strictest injunctions were given that none should stir except at the appointed signal.
An hour they lay in ambush; the treasurer was within half a league of the ambuscade, and the bells of the approaching train were distinctly heard in the silence of the night. The great prize was close at hand, and each man as he clutched his firelock and felt the keen edge of his broadsword held his breath while he crouched in the grass and listened to the sounds borne ever clearer on the still air. A train laden with merchandise was now passing directly in front of them, but such spoil offered no temptation when gold and silver by the ton was within reach. At this moment an untoward incident occurred. "One Robert Pike," as Burton tells us, "having drunk too much Aqua-Vitæ without Uater, forgetting himself, perswaded a Symeron to go into the road, and seize on the foremost Mules, and a Spanish Horse-man riding by with his Page running on his side, Pike unadvisedly started up to see who he was, though the Symeron discreetly endeavored to pull him down, and lay upon him to prevent further discovery, yet by this Gentleman taking notice of one all in white, they having put their Shirts over their Cloths to prevent mistakes in the night, he put Spurs to his Horse both to secure himself, and give notice to others of the danger."
Drake still remained in ambush, not knowing what had happened. The cavalier meanwhile made all haste to report the circumstance to the treasurer, and it was thought best that the mules conveying the treasure be led aside while the remainder be allowed to pass on, so that in case of attack the enemy's attention might be engaged until troops could be summoned from Panamá. The provision trains were quickly captured and a few hundred pounds of base bullion[XXIII‑13] were discovered among the packs.
No time was to be lost, for one of the muleteers, being friendly-minded toward his captors, warned them that by daybreak they would have the captain general upon them, at the head of the entire posse of Panamá. The leader of the cimarrones promised that if they would at once march boldly on Cruces, he would conduct them to their ships by a much shorter route than that by which they had come. To some this plan seemed hazardous, but the commander, with his clear judgment, saw that to encounter the Spaniards at once, while his men were yet in good condition, was less perilous than to be attacked later when jaded with travel and dispirited by failure.
After giving them time to make a hearty meal Drake gave the order to advance. The road was but twelve feet wide, being cut through the forest and inclosed by a dense wall of undergrowth. A company of soldiers, stationed in the town as a defence against marauding bands of cimarrones,[XXIII‑14] together with a party of friars, came forth to oppose his passage. The Spanish captain hailed them, and on learning that they were English summoned them to surrender, promising kind treatment. Drake answered: "For the honor of the queen of England, my mistress, I must have passage this way." He then discharged his pistol, and was answered by a volley which killed one and wounded several of his band. The English then attacked briskly, and aided by the cimarrones drove the Spaniards into the woods and took possession of Cruces.
Much consternation was at first caused among the townsfolk, especially among some Spanish women of Nombre de Dios still suffering from child-birth;[XXIII‑15] but Drake manifested little of that fiendish cruelty displayed by the buccaneers of later years. Giving orders that none should lay hands on women or do violence to unarmed men,[XXIII‑16] he called on the sick women and assured them that they had nothing to fear. Little booty of value was found at Cruces, and at daybreak on the morning after making their entry into the town the party began their march toward the coast, reaching their ships in safety, though hungry, shoeless, and empty-handed.
After an unsuccessful cruise on the coast of Veragua, Drake returned once more to the Cabezas, and there fell in with a French vessel, the captain of which proposed to join him in another attempt, now being planned, to capture some of the treasure trains still passing across the Isthmus. After consultation it was agreed that twenty of the French crew should go in company with fifteen of the English, and that the former should receive half the proceeds of the raid. The expedition sailed for the Rio Francisco, and after ascending the river a short distance in pinnaces marched overland, without mishap, to a spot near Nombre de Dios, within a short distance of the high road. The fleet from Cartagena still lay off that town awaiting the last shipments of treasure, and Drake had reason to believe that several richly laden trains were then on the way from Panamá. Nor was he disappointed. On the morning after his arrival the bells of the approaching train were distinctly heard, and soon there appeared in sight three companies, two with seventy and one with fifty mules, laden with nearly thirty tons of gold and silver. The escort of Spanish soldiers, numbering forty-five men, was beaten off after the exchange of a few shots, one of which wounded the French captain severely, and the adventurers were left in possession of the prize. In two hours they had secured all the gold they could carry away, and buried the remainder, with about fifteen tons of silver, under fallen trees. Meanwhile the alarm had been given at Nombre de Dios, and a strong party of horse and foot approached them from that direction. All except the wounded officer and two of his command retired to the woods and made their way back to the river.
But what had become of the pinnaces? They had been ordered to return within four days and were not even in sight. Looking seaward, Drake descried seven Spanish vessels cruising off the coast. Surely the boats had been captured and their crews forced to disclose the hiding-place of the ships that were to have carried them back home, weighed down with plunder. Of little use was now their gold, with such dismal prospects before them. The cimarrones advised them to march overland to the spot where their vessels lay, a difficult journey of sixteen days at least, through forest and across streams swollen by winter rains and with many a tall mountain lying between them and the seashore. Drake was satisfied that long before they reached the coast their ships would be taken or burnt by the Spaniards. Nevertheless he told his men to banish fear, and bid them construct a raft from the trees brought down by the stream during a recent storm. A large biscuit-sack served for a sail, and for rudder an oar rudely shaped with axe and knife.
With three companions, all expert swimmers, the commander put to sea, assuring his followers "that if by Gods help he once more put aboard his Foot in his Frigot, he would certainly get them all into her in spite of all the Spaniards in the Indies." The raft was so low in the water that each wave broke over them,[XXIII‑17] fretting and chafing their lower limbs, while their bodies from the waist upward were scorched by the stinging heat of a tropical sun. Six hours passed by slowly and wearily, and night was now approaching, while under a freshening gale the waves dashed higher and higher, threatening each moment forever to engulf the four cowering figures. Little hope or life was left in them, for none could endure such hardship through all the long days that must elapse before they could expect to reach their ships. At length when all seemed lost a sail appeared, and then another. Did they belong to their own missing boats or to the war vessels of the enemy? Better to brave any danger than fall alive into the hands of the Spaniards. Drake at once affirmed them to be the pinnaces expected at the rio Francisco, and so it proved. Within an hour he was on board; before daybreak next morning he had rejoined his command, and by sunrise all had embarked for the Cabezas, where they found their vessels lying safely at anchor.[XXIII‑18]
The gold and silver were now divided by weight in equal shares between the French and English, and a final expedition despatched to Nombre de Dios for the buried silver, and to rescue or bring back word of the wounded officer and his two companions. Hardly had they set foot on the shore of the rio Francisco when one of the missing Frenchmen came forth to meet them. He declared that within half an hour after Drake had begun his retreat, the captain and his remaining comrade, the latter half stupefied with wine, had been taken by the Spaniards; that he himself had escaped only by throwing down his plunder, and that the hidden treasure had probably been recovered, for the ground had been thoroughly searched. Nevertheless the men were ordered to push forward, and succeeded in unearthing some thirteen bars of silver and a few wedges of gold, wherewith they returned without adventure to the coast.
The Spanish fleet was now ready to sail, having taken on board the last load of its rich freight, and nothing was to be gained by remaining longer on the coast. Drake parted on good terms with his French allies, and after capturing a vessel[XXIII‑19] laden with provisions, fitted out his ships for their homeward voyage. The cimarrones were dismissed with suitable presents for themselves, and a profusion of silk and linen for their wives. Sail was then set; and on a Sabbath forenoon, the 9th of August 1573, the squadron cast anchor in Plymouth Sound. It was the hour of divine service, as the chroniclers tell us, when news of the arrival spread through the town; and in all the churches men and women abandoned their devotions and flocked to the shore to welcome their brave countrymen, who thus returned to their native land with so much gold and glory.