[XXI‑60] The king's grant of one half of the first year's tribute from the encomiendas becoming vacant during ten years, was of great assistance in opening these ports. The president sends a map of the port and of the country for more than 15 leagues about it. Santiago Cabildo, Carta al Rey (April 20, 1591), in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 77-8.

[XXI‑61] As an instance of the dimensions to which this cacao trade could grow it may be mentioned that 50,000 loads, worth 500,000 pesos, were raised within an area of two leagues square in Salvador. Palacio, Relacion in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 15.

[XXI‑62] Palacio mentions a heavy shock that occurred in 1576 by which houses were destroyed and several lives lost. In a letter to the king he relates that he saw a large fragment of a church façade which had been hurled to a considerable distance. Relacion in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 23-4, 59.

[XXI‑63] Ponce, Rel. de Las Casas in Col. Doc. Inéd., lviii. 140.

[XXII‑1] Cimarron, a Spanish word, primarily signifies 'wild' as applied to plants, and 'untamed' as applied to animals; hence the appropriateness of the epithet. The cimarrones played a somewhat conspicuous part in the subsequent troubles of the country, and are not to be confounded with a tribe of Indians of similar name, the Simerones referred to in Native Races, iii. 794 this series. The mistake is made, however, by the author of Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier, 60, and also by Bidwell, Panamá, 53. Garcilaso de Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 466, says the epithet had its origin in the Windward Islands—'vocablo del language de las isles de Barlovento.'

[XXII‑2] García de Hermosillo was himself an eye-witness of one of the many cimarron atrocities in 1554, when eight men were killed including a son of one of the judges of the India House at Seville. Hermosillo, Memorial al Rey, Squier's MSS., xxi. 15.

[XXII‑3] Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 466, calls him Ballano.

[XXII‑4] Ursua was a native of a town of the same name in Navarre. He went to New Granada with his uncle, the licenciado, Michael Diaz de Armendariz. Piedrahita, Hist. Gen., 530. Of his career subsequent to this war we learn that he went to Lima whence, after various services, he was sent in 1561 to explore some rich Brazilian forests in the neighborhood of the rio Marañon, where he met his death at the hands of his own countrymen.

[XXII‑5] As an illustration, a law of 1540, dealing with offences and their punishment, states: 'Mandamuos, que en ningun caso se ejecute en los negros cimarrones la pena de cortarles las partes, que honestamente no se pueden nombrar.' In towns and cities negroes were not allowed to be out after dark; arms were not to be carried, and any one lifting a weapon against a Spaniard, even though no wound were inflicted, was liable to receive one hundred lashes and to have a nail driven through the hand. For a second offence the hand of the offender was cut off. Negresses were not allowed to wear jewelry, pearls, or silk unless married to a Spaniard. Free negroes were required to pay tribute according to property. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 461-7.

[XXII‑6] Under date July 31, 1561, the king wrote to the audiencia on this subject, stating that his ambassador in London had informed him that a Portuguese named Bartolomé Bayon was fitting out a vessel for carrying African slaves to the West Indies, and ordering his arrest. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 540-1.

[XXII‑7] Negroes and mulattoes were forbidden to go among the Indians in 1578. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 501-2. In 1589 it was ordered that no negro should employ an Indian or ill-use him in any way. Infraction of this law was punishable with 100 lashes. If the offence was repeated the culprit's ears were to be cut off. In case of a free negro, the punishment was 100 lashes and perpetual banishment. A reward of 10 pesos was paid to informers, and masters neglecting to observe the law were liable to a fine of 100 pesos. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 462.

[XXII‑8] Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 4-7.

[XXII‑9] In 1585 the number of ships was 71; in 1587, 85; in 1589, 94; in 1592, 72; in 1594, 56; in 1596, 69; in 1599, 56; in 1601, 32; in 1603, 34; in 1605, 17. Panamá, Des., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 103.

[XXII‑10] On Aug. 4, 1574, the king writes the president and oidores of the audiencia at Panamá, that he wants the people of the province to make him a gift or loan, to meet his urgent necessities. The audiencia, however, are to broach the subject as though it emanated from themselves, not even hinting that the king had solicited it. 'Tratareis dello como de vuestro oficio, sin dar á entender que lo aceis por órden y mandado Nuestro.' The influence of the bishop is to be called into requisition if the people appear unwilling to do anything before further communication from the king. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 510.

[XXII‑11] A Spanish trader in a letter dated August 28, 1590, says: 'Here I haue remained these 20 dayes, till the shippes goe for the Philippinas. My meaning is to carie my commodities thither: for it is constantly reported, that for every hundred ducats a man shall get 600 ducats cleerely. Wee must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmasse. For in August, September, October, and Nouember it is winter here, and extreme foule weather upon this coast of Peru, and not nauigable to goe to the Philippinas, nor any place else in the South sea. So that at Christmasse the shipes begin to set on their voyage for those places.' Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 564.

[XXII‑12] A royal cédula of November 11, 1578, forbade the carrying of Manila dry goods. This is confirmed by cédulas of January 12, 1593, July 5, 1595, and February 13th and June 13, 1599. The object was to stop entirely all trade between the Philippines and Tierra Firme. Memorial sobre Manila, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 444. The cédula of 1593 is full and explicit: 'Toleration and abuse have caused an undue increase in the trade between the West Indies and China, and a consequent decrease in that of the Castilian kingdom. To remedy this it is again ordered that neither from Tierra Firme, Peru, nor elsewhere, except New Spain, shall any vessel go to China or the Philippine Islands to trade.' Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 420. See also Decadas, Id., viii. 114. Another cédula to the same effect was issued July 25, 1609; the license being still continued to New Spain at the instance of the merchants of Seville whose interests were jeopardized. The Portuguese had established factories in China, and though selling their goods at higher rates than the Chinese, could undersell the Spanish merchants who desired the landing of Chinese products themselves, and to sell them in the colonies at their own figures. Gran. Manila, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 405-6.

[XXII‑13] At a meeting held by the treasury officials and the city council of Panamá on January 29, 1600, it was resolved that, as the importation and sale of Peruvian wine had been forbidden in years past, an edict should be issued enforcing this regulation, and appointing fines and penalties for those who infringed it, or mixed such wine with that imported from Spain. The reason alleged is the injurious quality of the wine. This edict was also to be published at Lima, Trujillo, Quito, and Guayaquil. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 216-18. At a subsequent meeting, held April 12, 1600, the trade in Peruvian wine is denounced on account of its being a source of loss to the royal treasury. Id., xvii. 221.

[XXII‑14] The punishments for infraction of this law were heavy fines and banishment; and in the case of negro delinquents, bond or free, the fines were to be doubled, and 200 lashes in addition to be inflicted in public on the offender, whether male or female. Apothecaries were allowed to keep on hand two pounds of this article and no more. Recop. Ind., ii. 66.

[XXII‑15] The city council passed an ordinance that in future merchants should not purchase certain articles in larger quantities at a time than therein provided. Wine, oil, ham, sugar, pease, beans, lard, Nicaragua molasses, cheese, raisins, figs, and crockery, are among the commodities specified. Purchasers were required to produce their wares before a justice. The ordinance was referred to the audiencia and was fully approved and ordered into execution Dec. 11, 1592. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 233-7.

[XXII‑16] 'Here is a great want ... of provision for here is almost none to be had for any money, by reason that from Lima there is no shipping come with maiz.... But I can certifie your worshippe, that all things are very deeire here, and that we stand in great extremitie for want of victuals.' Letter from Panamá, August 12, 1590. Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 563.

[XXII‑17] On Feb. 18, 1595, the viceroy is ordered not to interfere with the taking of provisions from the valleys of Trujillo, and Saña to Panamá City, and to see that Panamá was well provisioned. Recop. de Indias, ii. 64. A similar order was issued Feb. 18, 1597. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 339-60.

[XXII‑18] See Hist. Cent. Amer., i. 377, 409-11, this series.

[XXII‑19] 'Il peut le vendre à qui bon lui semble; mais pour l'ordinaire il le cède à son maître pour un prix modique.' Raynal, Hist. Phil., iv. 200.

[XXII‑20] He visited the islands in 1594, and found them inhabited by Spaniards and negro slaves 'kept only to fish for pearls.' Harris' Col. Voy., i. 746.

[XXII‑21] The expense actually exceeded the proceeds—'y la pesqueria de las porlas, por ser más las costa que el provecho.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 81. In prosperous days some 30 brigs were in engaged in the traffic. Id., ix. 81.

[XXII‑22] Ariza, Darien, MS., 33.

[XXII‑23] Dampier, Voy., i. 158; Ogilby's Am., 235; Harris, Col. Voy., i. 748. 'The city of Panamá received annually some thousand pounds of gold.... There is greater Plenty (gold) in the mines of Santa María—not far off—than within the same Space in any other Part of New Spain, or perhaps in the whole World. Span. Emp. in Amer., 210-13. We have a glimpse of the working of the mines in a report of the expenses in connection with some fifteen of them worked for the king's benefit. At these were employed, in addition to the overseer, the blacksmith and his assistant, one hundred negroes, of whom seventy were freshly imported Africans, and one third of the number were women.' The total expenditure for the year was a little less than $20,000. The several items of expense are given in Veragua, Relac. de las Minas, in Col. Doc. Inéd., xxxi. 365-72.

[XXII‑24] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 418, 441, this series.

[XXII‑25] A single extract will show the partiality of this report. 'Que del dicho Nombre de Dios al dicho de Panamá van 18 leguas por tierra por un camino muy trabajoso de muy grandes lodos y calores, y pasan un rio, y la primera jornada 112 veces ó mas en un dia.' García Hermosillo, Mem. in Extr. Sueltos, xxi. 28-9.

[XXII‑26] Memorials were presented by the cabildo on Dec. 22, 1559, on May 17, 1561, and again on 26th of January 1562, when they denounced Nombre de Dios as 'la Sepultura de Españoles.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 27-33.

[XXII‑27] This memorial is not dated, but Squier says it was written in 1565. Aniñon, Discurso, in Squier's MSS., v.

[XXII‑28] Pan. Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 108-9. Its original name was San Felipe de Puertovelo. Purchas, Pilgrimes, v. 889, errs in giving 1584 as the date of removal.

[XXII‑29] Some physicians ascribed these diseases to the use of Peruvian wine, notwithstanding the prohibitions already mentioned. To a statement made by the councillor of the corporation to the city council of Panamá a medical report is appended which reads thus: 'Muchas calenturas ardientes y podridas, muchos dolores de costado, cámaras de sangre, romadizo y otras indisposiciones de calor y humedad, por ser esta tierra mui caliente y húmeda por cuya razon hierve dentro de las venas, y humedeciendo el cerebro causa vahidos, y las dichas enfermedades arriba referidas, y granos, y virùelas, y sarampion y ronchas. Fecho en Panamá en onze de Abril de mil y seiscientos.' Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 219-22.

[XXII‑30] Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 531-2; confirmed by Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 222-3, and Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 89-90. Juarros, Guat., states that it did not receive the royal approbation until July 7, 1565. In the beginning of 1560 a royal cédula was issued, vesting the government of Tierra Firme in the president of the audiencia residing in Panamá. The people of Guatemala resisted the change as long as they could, and other mandates were necessary to give full force to this measure. See Reales Ced., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xviii. 531-2, and Decadas, in Id., xiii. 36-38.

[XXII‑31] A special cédula, dated July 30, 1588, on the appointment of García de Mendoza as viceroy, authorizes him to take part in and preside over the sessions of the audiencia, but not to interfere with matters relating to the administration of justice. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 467. Other cédulas issued in 1614, 1620, and 1628 confirmed the one issued in 1571. The first of these three orders also made the provinces of Charcas and Quito subject to the viceroy of Peru. Recop. de Ind., ii. 109-10; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iii. 357; Montesclaros, Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 191.

[XXII‑32] The king mentions this fact, and instructs the president of the audiencia to have a periodical examination of the accounts of the treasury officers made by one of the oidores. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 410.

[XXII‑33] The president of the audiencia stated to the king that the family were destitute, and that the money could not be recovered from them, whereupon his Majesty ordered its collection from the sureties. This document is dated July 8, 1580. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 487-8.

[XXII‑34] In 1595 travellers without passports visited the Isthmus in such numbers as to cause scarcity of provisions, and often included men whose services were needed in the army. The oidores were threatened with penalties unless there was a reform in this matter. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 410.

[XXII‑35] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. ix. As early as 1526 this matter received special notice from the emperor, and many regulations were made in subsequent years, but apparently to little purpose.

[XXII‑36] The Spanish minister in London remonstrated in strong terms against Parker's conduct, but to no purpose. Queen Elizabeth not only justified his action but warmly commended him. Darien, Scots Colony, 56 (1699).

[XXII‑37] Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 395-7, 432-3, 490, 522-3.

[XXII‑38] See p. 49 this vol. for map of territory.

[XXIII‑1] In Clark's Life of Drake, 7, and Burton's English Heroe, 11, it is stated that in an apartment of the governor's house was a stack of silver bars 70 feet long, 10 in breadth, and 12 feet high, and that the captives gave information that the treasure-house contained more gold, jewels, and pearls than their pinnaces could carry; but one must make due allowance for the vivid imagination of those chroniclers.

[XXIII‑2] The account given in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 778-9, differs materially from that of other authorities. The story is told by a Portuguese, one Lopez Vaz, whose narrative the chronicles tells us 'was intercepted with the author thereof at the river of Plate, by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister, in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586.' He states that Drake landed with 150 men, and stationing 70 of them in the fort near Nombre de Dios, marched with the remainder into the town; that the inhabitants fled to the mountains, but that a party of 14 or 15 Spanish arquebusiers fired a volley upon the English, killing their trumpeter and wounding Drake in the leg. Hereupon, he says, the English retreated to the fort but found it abandoned; sounding the trumpet after the firing had ceased and the signal being unanswered, the men left in charge retreated to their boats, thinking that their comrades were either slain or captured. Drake and his followers then threw away their arms, and by swimming and wading made their way to the pinnaces. It is highly improbable that 80 English privateersmen, under the command of such a captain as Drake, would thus tamely beat a retreat before a handful of Spaniards.

[XXIII‑3] Islas y Porto de Bastimentos according to Juan Lopez, son of Tomás Lopez de Vargas, the celebrated Spanish cosmographer, in a map prepared by the former in 1789, for the use of the Spanish ambassador in Great Britain. In the map following the introduction to Dampier's Voy., published in 1699, the word is similarly spelled and applied to a group of islands off Nombre de dios. Bellin, Karte von der Erdenge, Panamá, 1754, agrees with Drake, but like Lopez places the group about half way between Nombre de Dios and Portobello. The author of Life and Dangerous Voy. of Drake, 16, speaks of 'the Isle of Bastimiensis or the Isle of Victuals.' See Cartography Pacific States, MS., and Hist. Cent. Am., i. passim, this series.

[XXIII‑4] This visit to the Isla de Pinos is not mentioned in Clark's Life of Drake, but is described circumstantially in Burton's English Heroe, 26. In the latter work it is stated that the supplies captured were sufficient to victual a force of 3,000 men, and it is not improbable that this was the case, for the galleons were now off the coast and the Isla de Pinos was the usual storing place for provisions.

[XXIII‑5] In the map prepared by Juan Lopez, these islands are placed a few miles east of point San Blas and named the 'Islas Cabezas ó Cautivas.' By Burton they are also called the Cabezas, but by Clark the Cativaas.

[XXIII‑6] In Burton's English Heroe, 41, it is stated that a post-mortem examination was made of the body of Joseph Drake, who died of this calenture, and that the 'liver was swoln, and the heart as if boyled.'

[XXIII‑7] In the account of Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 179, it is stated that Drake had with him 100 English besides the negroes. This is clearly a mistake, for the evidence is conclusive that he left Plymouth with only 73 men, and he could have had little chance to recruit his force except from the cimarrones; though, as remarked by the author of Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier, 59, he may have been reënforced from the vessels which he met with off the coast.

[XXIII‑8] The cimarrones carried two different kinds of weapons, one being an arrow pointed with iron, fish-bone, or hard wood for use against the Spaniards, the other a javelin with an iron head varying from a pound and a half to one ounce in weight, to serve in the pursuit of game, the metal being highly tempered and sharp enough to pierce deep into the flesh of a stag or wild boar. Burton's English Heroe, 43-4. See also Life and Voy. of Drake, 37-8.

[XXIII‑9] The author of Selection of Curious Voy., iv. 15, states that Drake arrived at the summit of this mountain ten days after leaving the town of the cimarrones. According to other authorities the time was seven days.

[XXIII‑10] 'The ladies of Panama used to imploy hunters and fowlers to take the curious fowls in that countrey, by whom they might be discovered.' Burton's English Heroe, 49.

[XXIII‑11] The treasure was forwarded from Panamá to Cruces at night to avoid the heat encountered by day in the open country lying between.

[XXIII‑12] Venta Cruz according to Burton's Life of Drake, 18, Burton's English Heroe, and Life and Voy. of Drake, 42, and Venta de Cruzes in the map confronting p. 1 in Dampier's Voy. Probably both are identical with Cruces, or Cruzes as it is spelled in the map on p. 137 of Esquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, in which no such place as Venta Cruz is mentioned. Juan Lopez in the map before mentioned calls the place San Francisco de Cruces.

[XXIII‑13] Two horse-loads of silver, according to Clark and Burton; but it was more probably base metal containing about enough silver to make it worth the freight.

[XXIII‑14] The trains were frequently attacked by cimarrones. 'From Venta Cruz to Nombre de Dios they go always with their Treasure by day through the cool fresh Woods, unless the Symerons happily make them sweat for fear, as oft happens, and therefore their Recoes (a name applied to mules and muleteers travelling in company) are guarded with Souldiers.' Burton's English Heroe, 49. See also Life and Voy. of Drake, 42.

[XXIII‑15] In Burton's English Heroe, 56, 57, it is stated that at Nombre de Dios parturition was usually followed in a few days by the death of the infant, but that children born at Cruces, reared there till six years of age, and then brought to Nombre de Dios, usually enjoyed good health. See also Life and Voy. of Drake, 47.

[XXIII‑16] Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt, Voy., iii. 770, states that five or seven merchants were slain, and that the town was set on fire, property being destroyed to the value of more than 200,000 ducats. If this did occur it was doubtless the work of the cimarrones, but there is no mention of it in other authorities.

[XXIII‑17] In Burton's English Heroe, 70, and in Life and Voy. of Drake, 57, it is stated that they sat up to the waist in water and that each wave drenched them up to the arm-pits. To steer and sail a raft under such circumstances, even if they escaped being washed overboard, was certainly a remarkable feat of navigation.

[XXIII‑18] There is some confusion in the narrative of the old chroniclers at this point. In Clark's Life of Drake, 20, it is related that a 'frigot' which sailed with the expedition to the rio Francisco, was ordered to lie off the mouth of the river, while on account of shoal water the men ascended the stream in pinnaces; but for what purpose the voyage on the raft, if this were the case, and why leave the vessel in so exposed a position? In Burton's English Heroe, 66, it is stated that the ship was left at (sent back to) the Cabezas, and, page 71, that when Drake fell in with his pinnaces his men 'sayled back to their Frigot and from thence directly to their Ships;' but according to this authority both ships and 'frigot' were already at the Cabezas, where they lay secure from the Spanish cruisers.

[XXIII‑19] Drake made many other captures, the recital of which would be wearisome to the reader. According to Burton more than 200 vessels of from 10 to 120 tons traded at that time between Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. Most of these, he tells us, the English captured, and some of them twice or thrice. Clark makes no mention of this; but the author of Voy. Hist. round World, i. 44, states that the English took more than 100 vessels of all sizes.

[XXIII‑20] Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 526-28.

[XXIII‑21] During the voyage Drake touched at the bay which still bears his name under the Punta de los Reyes on the coast of California. Here he spent five weeks, smoked native tobacco with the Indians, and took possession of the country, calling it New Albion.

[XXIII‑22] 'Which was Monday in the iust and ordinary reckoning of those that had stayed at home in one place or countrie, but in our computation was the Lords day or Sonday.' Drake's World Encompassed, 162.

[XXIII‑23] The vessel was afterward broken up, and a chair, made from some of the timber, was presented to the university library of Oxford by Charles II. Here the poet Cowley sat enthroned and drank a cup of wine, taking occasion to deliver himself thereupon of some vile verse, concluding with the lines (addressed to the chair):

One can almost wish that the chair had taken him at his word, for the good ship deserved a better fate.

[XXIII‑24] Although Drake had lost nearly one third of his forces, there was probably some further reason for his abandoning the expedition after such feeble effort. His conduct contrasts strangely with the untiring persistence which he displayed in other enterprises. Possibly he had received orders to return to England, for it will be remembered that, in 1587, the Spanish armada was ready to sail, and that its departure was delayed till the following year by Drake's bold dash at the harbor of Cádiz, during which he destroyed about one hundred vessels.

[XXIII‑25] In 1585, a few days after Robert Lane, who was left in charge of the colony, had caused it to be abandoned through faint-heartedness, a vessel despatched by Raleigh, laden with stores, arrived at the deserted settlement. Bancroft's United States, i. 102, 103. 'These men who were thus brought back,' says William Camden, 'were the first that I know of that brought into England that Indian plant which they call tabacca and nicotia, or tobacco, which they used against crudities, being taught it by the Indians. Certainly from that time forward, it began to grow into great request, and to be sold at an high rate, which, in a short time, many men everywhere, some for wantonness, some for health sake, with insatiable desire and greediness, sucked in the stinking smoke thereof through an earthen pipe, which presently they blew out again at their nostrils; insomuch that tobacco-shops are now as ordinary in most towns, as tap-houses and taverns.' Barrow's Life of Drake, 207, 208.

[XXIII‑26] Hawkins, now between 75 and 80 years of age, was a wealthy merchant and ship-owner, had seen 48 years of hard service, mainly at sea, and held the title of vice-admiral. It does not appear, therefore, what he had to gain by taking part in such an expedition. His promotion seems rather due to influence obtained through inherited wealth than to any remarkable qualities as a commander. Appointed by the queen to cruise off the coast of Spain in company with Frobisher, at the head of a strong and well-appointed squadron, he returned without taking a single prize. Thereupon he wrote a letter of apology to his sovereign in which he excused himself by using the quotation, 'Paul planteth and Apollos watereth, but God giveth the increase.' On reading it Elizabeth exclaimed, 'God's death! This fool went out a soldier and is come home a divine.'

[XXIII‑27] Named Baskerfield in Burton's English Heroe, 199.

[XXIII‑28] Elizabeth of England it will be remembered levied taxes without much heed to the voice of her parliament.

[XXIII‑29] The shot which carried away Drake's chair wounded three of his officers, who were seated at his table. Hawkins died of sickness while the fleet lay off Puerto Rico.

[XXIII‑30] 'On the seconde of January we returned to Nombre de Dios; our men so wearied with the ilnes of the waye, surbaited for want of shoes, and weake with theyr diet, that it would have bin a poor dayes service that we should have done upon an enimie had they been there to resist us.' Drake's Voy., in Hakluyt, Soc. Col., 16. 'In this march a pair of shoos were sold for thirty Shillings, and a Bisket Cake for ten Shillings, so great was their want both of Clothing and Victuals.' Burton's English Heroe, 205.

[XXIII‑31] In a poem by Lope de Vega styled 'Dragontea' occur these lines:

Vega declares that Drake was poisoned by his own men. The soul of the great navigator was perhaps less sorely vexed by such slander than by the silly verses written in his praise by his own countrymen. The following occurs in Fuller's Worthies:

But the sorriest doggerel of all is found in Clark's Life of Drake, 71:

The works published by the Hakluyt Society, and the Annales rerum Anglicarum et Hibernicarum, regnante Elizabetha, by William Camden, London, 1589, probably afford the most reliable information concerning Drake's several expeditions to the West Indies, though neither are free from error. Clark's Life and Death of Sir Francis Drake, London, 1671, and Burton's English Heroe, London, 1687, are chiefly compilations, though of considerable value, inasmuch as both authors had access to sources of information not now available to the public. The latter work passed through no less than 23 editions, and yet we find the opening lines of the preface copied unblushingly from Drake's World Encompassed, in Hakluyt Soc., 5 (published originally in 1628). The Life and Dangerous Voyages of Drake is borrowed mainly from Burton. Barrow's Life of Drake, London, 1843, though a recent publication, contains several copies of letters written by Drake, and was compiled in part from MSS. in the British museum, the state paper office, and the archives of Madrid.

[XXIV‑1] Six miles from the province of Nicaragua.

[XXIV‑2] These mines, which belonged to Juan de Ávila, were at the village of Jerez, or Chuluteca. Caballon, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 7-8.

[XXIV‑3] It was the intention of the rebels to seize the ships at Realejo, and proceed thence to Panamá and Peru, following the programme laid out by the Contreras brothers. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xx.

[XXIV‑4] Molina, Costa Rica, 39-43. He takes his information from three royal cédulas dated August 1561.

[XXIV‑5] Costa Rica, Carta del Cabildo, in Squier's MSS., vi.

[XXIV‑6] Nicoya was annexed to Costa Rica in 1573, though the right to its possession was not finally decided until the present century.

[XXIV‑7] He had expended 10,000 pesos, as was afterward proved before the juez visitador at Santiago in 1565. Coronado Probanza, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 485-503.

[XXIV‑8] West of the present Cartago, and north of Alajuela.

[XXIV‑9] Now written Votos. There is a volcano of that name north of Alajuela and west of the volcano de Barba. See map in Molina, Bosquejo de Costa Rica.

[XXIV‑10] Now probably Aserri. There are two villages of that name; one south of San José and the other about the same distance south-west of Cartago. See map in Molina.

[XXIV‑11] The entire quantity obtained thus far did not exceed 300 pesos in value. Dávila, Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 328-41.

[XXIV‑12] Before taking his departure he estimated the native population at 30,000 or more. Dávila places the number at only 5,000.

[XXIV‑13] Gaztela, Real Titulo, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xi. 124.

[XXIV‑14] Molina, Bosquejo de Costa Rica, does not even mention Coronado, but passes on from the administration of Caballon in 1560 to that of Cherino. Yet Coronado's appointment is substantiated by numerous official documents of the period, and by the narrative of Dávila.

[XXIV‑15] A detailed account of these instructions is given in Costa Rica, Real Instruccion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 559-65.

[XXIV‑16] The personnel of this expedition is described in Artieda, Costa Rica, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xv. 261-300.

[XXIV‑17] Among those present were Fray Diego de Molina, vicar; Francisco Pavon, captain; Juan Gonzalez Delgada, 'Escribano de la Gobernacion dicha Ciudad, é publico del Cabildo de ella' (meaning of the city of Artieda); Pedro de Avendano, sargento mayor; Tomás de Barahona, maestre de campo; and Diego de Zárate, alcalde ordinario. Costa Rica, Acontecimiento, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 570.

[XXIV‑18] Ponce, Relacion de Las Casas, in Col. Doc. Inéd., lvii. 350.

[XXIV‑19] Juarros, Guat., i. 326. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4, confirms Juarros except as to date, which he places in 1550, while Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 252, gives 1560. 'Segun ... el Informe manuscripto de la fundacion de esta Provincia.'

[XXIV‑20] See Hist. Mex., ii. 451, this series.

[XXIV‑21] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 254, makes the number six.

[XXIV‑22] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4. Torquemada gives 17 as the number of convents, and 1565 as the date of the foundation of the provincia, iii. 130. Vazquez states that several convents were founded before the departure of Bienvenida for Spain, including those of San Francisco at Cartago and San Lorenzo at Esparza. Chron. de Gvat., 254.

[XXIV‑23] His motive for coming to Costa Rica and Nicaragua was, as given in the words of the Ill. bishop of Mantua: 'Primus huius Provintiæ (Sancti Georgii de Nicaragua) Fundator extitit Religiosissimus Pater Frater Alphonsus (Petrus) Betanzos plurium linguarum, præsertim vero Indiarum gnarus, qui molestias sibi, atque vexationes iniusté illatas ad tempus declinaturus, Goactemalicia ex Custodia cuius Alumnus erat, ad has partes, traiecit:' Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 545.

[XXIV‑24] Ogilby, 1671, Cartago; Læt, Novvs Orbis, 1633, Cartago; Jeffreys, 1776, Carthago; Kiepert, 1858, Cartago. Cartography Pacific Coast, MS., i. 142.

[XXIV‑25] Alonso Lopez de Cerrato, who, it will be remembered, took the residencia of Rodrigo de Contreras. See p. 183, this vol.

[XXIV‑26] Nicaragua at this time included Costa Rica, the partition not having yet taken place.

[XXIV‑27] The tribute of the natives consists of maize, wax, honey, poultry, etc., of the annual value of about 3,000 pesos. Squier's MSS., xxii. 9.

[XXIV‑28] Authorities conflict as to the order of succession. In Alcedo the name of Vera Cruz does not occur. Calle refers to the fact without giving any date whatever. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548, states that the appointment was made in 1551.

[XXIV‑29] Alcedo, Dávila, Juarros, and other writers of the period fail to mention Carrasco in their enumeration of the bishops of Nicaragua. We find him named only in Calle, Mem. y Not., 129, and Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548. Icazbalceta in a note in the Hist. Ecles. gives Valdivieso as the first bishop of the diocese instead of Osorio.

[XXIV‑30] Gonzalo Fernandez de Córdoba, 'el Gran Capitan,' was born in Montilla in 1453. El Gran Capitan, Quintana, Vidas, 102-3.

[XXIV‑31] Juarros, Hist. Guat., i. 278, gives 1551 as the date of appointment, and 1553 as the year when he entered on his duties. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 154, endorses Juarros, but assigns no date save that he was transferred in 1574. Calle, Mem. y Not., 129, simply mentions Córdoba as the one who followed Valdivieso, ignoring Vera Cruz and Carrasco. Córdoba's appointment is mentioned, but without date, by Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548.

[XXIV‑32] The convent of San Pablo, at Leon, founded by Osorio, Las Casas, and their associates in 1532 (see p. 169, this vol.), belonged to the provincia of Peru, and had now become very wealthy. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 598.

[XXIV‑33] 'Los vezinos de la ciudad de Leon, hizieron grandes extremos por la ausencia de los Religiosos. Y para sacar el Padre fray Iuan de Torres la hazienda y alhajas del Conuento, tuuo necessidad de mucha maña y secreto.' Id., 599.

[XXIV‑34] Id., 599. Remesal enlarges on the injurious effects of this second desertion of the province by the Dominicans, and states (p. 620) that a cédula under date of August 1, 1558, forbade any secular priest being assigned to a place where friars of either the Franciscan or Dominican orders were stationed in the dioceses of Guatemala, Chiapas, Honduras, and Nicaragua.

[XXIV‑35] Mention is also made of Nueva Segovia, where much gold is said to have been taken out, and of Nueva Jaen, at the mouth of Lake Nicaragua, whence merchandise from Nombre de Dios was shipped to Granada in canoes. Guatemala, Informe, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xv. 470-2.

[XXIV‑36] Trade had been greatly injured by the misuse of the mark of the leoncillo (little lion) which was introduced into Nicaragua with royal consent. In 1551 it was ordered that the mark be affixed only to 15 or 17 carat gold. About the same time the king was asked to extend an expiring license to melt metal, that 'la fundicion del oro é de la plata, sea al diezimo.' Carrasco, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., v. 526-8.

[XXV‑1] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 513, this series.

[XXV‑2] Page 276, this volume.

[XXV‑3] New Survey W. Indies (3d ed., London, 1677), 419. The author lived in the Indies between 1625 and 1637, and made, as he tells us, 9,000 pesos during these 12 years. He was an acute observer, and captious in doctrinal matters, as the following passage will show: 'Whilest this traffick was (at Portobello), it happened unto me that which I have formerly testified in my Recantation Sermon at Pauls Church, which if by that means it have not come unto the knowledge of many, I desire again to record it in this my History, that to all England it may be published; which was, that one day saying the Mass in the chief Church, after the Consecration of the bread, being with my eyes shut at that prayer, which the Church of Rome calleth the Memento for their dead, there came from behind the Altar a Mouse, which running about, came to the very bread or Wafer-god of the Papists, and taking it in his mouth ran away with it, not being perceived by any of the people who were at Mass, for that the Altar was high, by reason of the steps going up to it, and the people far beneath. But as soon as I opened my eyes to go on with my Mass, and perceived my God stolen away, I looked about the Altar, and saw the mouse running away with it.... Whereupon, not knowing what the people had seen, I turned myself unto them, and called them unto the Altar, and told them plainly that whilst I was in my Memento prayers and meditations, a Mouse had carried away the Sacrament, and that I knew not what to do unless they would help me to finde it out again.... After much searching and inquiry for the sacrilegious beast, they found at last in a hole of the wall the Sacrament half eaten up, which with great joy they took out, and as if the Ark had been brought again from the Philistins to the Israelites, so they rejoiced for their new-found God.... I observed in it the marks and signs of the teeth of the Mouse, as they are to be seen in a piece of Cheese gnawn and eaten by it.... And so Transubstantiation here in my judgement was confuted by a Mouse.' New Survey, 446-8.

[XXV‑4] Id., 420-21.

[XXV‑5] A castle with four bastions was erected, on a small rocky eminence. It was protected by a fosse and usually garrisoned by 100 men. Juarros, Guat., i. 52. Pelaez, Hist. Guat., ii. 176, says it was commenced in 1667, and Belly, Nicaragua, ii. 261, that the first castle was not built until 1666, and (in footnote) 'La construction du fort ne l'empêcha pas de reparaître une seconde fois en 1670 et d'obtenir les mêmes succès. C'est alors qu'un ordre royal décida la construction du fort Castillo, à douze lieues en aval du fleuve, qui fut terminé en 1675.'

[XXV‑6] 'El padre Pedro de Contreras, sugeto de grandes talentos y nacido, digámoslo así, para esta especie de ministerios.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 80-1.

[XXV‑7] Real was appointed bishop in 1603, as successor to Gregorio de Montalvo. He had served as chaplain to Filipe IV. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 239.

[XXV‑8] At a meeting held Jan. 10, 1621, the procurador, Lopez de Castro, presented a petition which was unanimously adopted, setting forth the services already rendered by the fathers in behalf of religion and humanity, and praying earnestly against their removal. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 130.

[XXV‑9] In 1618 Padre Florian de Ayerve had been sent to visit the place, and reported adversely. Padre Rabarjal, rector of the college of Guatemala, concurred. When the recall was found to be inevitable, a second public meeting prayed that the ornaments and utensils of the church remain for a season, and this petition was granted. Id., 130-32.

[XXV‑10] The petition to the king is dated Feb. 13, 1621. A letter signed by all the members of the administration accompanied it. Id., 134.

[XXV‑11] Real's death occurred in 1619. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 239.

[XXV‑12] On the death of Bishop Valtonado the hospital was abandoned until 1650, when a company of priests came from Mexico and took charge of it. Santos, Chron., 481-82. Valtonado's successor was Hernando Nuñez Sagredo, who, says Gonzalez Dávila, 'Fve Calificador de la Inquisicion de Cuenca, y del Consejo Supremo.' He fulfilled the duties of his office 'como buen pastor' and died in 1639. Previously to Sagredo Agustin de Hinojosa and Fray Juan Baraona Zapata were appointed; but both died before reaching their diocese. Next appears the name of Alfonso Briceño, a zealous and learned man, who wrote 'dos Tomos de Teologia Escolastica.' He took charge of the bishopric in 1646, and died in 1649. Hist. Ecles., i. 240-244. In 1651 Alonso de Cuevas Dávalos, dean of the cathedral of Mexico, refused the prelacy of Nicaragua, and according to Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 75, Alonso Bravo de Laguna received the mitre, though his name is not mentioned by Alcedo or Gonzalez Dávila. In 1655 Fray Tomás Mansa was appointed bishop. Vetancvrt, Menolog., 135 (Mexico, 1697), confirmed in Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i. 323, but finding that Dávalos was still in office declined to take charge of the diocese. Id., 387. Soon after his arrival he died from eating too much fish. Id. The decease of Dávalos occurred in 1659. Medina, Chron. San Diego Mex., 240. Juan de la Torre y Castro was appointed bishop in 1562, and died suddenly within seven leagues of Granada on the 27th of June, 1663. Fray Alonso Bravo, an eloquent preacher and an accomplished scholar, was elected prelate in 1665. Vetancvrt, Menolog., 136; and Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. ii. 3.

[XXV‑13] This vol. 172 et seq.

[XXV‑14] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 310.

[XXV‑15] 'In olden times it was supposed that the lakes Managua and Nicaragua were one, as the Rio Tipitapa is supposed to be all remaining of the lakes in their former unity.' Stout's Nic., 101.

[XXV‑16] Mem. y Not., 131. Gage probably includes in his estimate of population the peaceable Indians settled in the neighborhood.

[XXV‑17] The first governor of Costa Rica in the seventeenth century was Captain Alonso Lara de Cordoba, who was appointed in 1603. Others are given in the order of their succession in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 170-4.

[XXV‑18] He expended upward of 60,000 pesos of his own private means. Juarros, Guat., i. 374. Molina, Costa Rica, 11, makes the same statement.

[XXV‑19] He became superior of the order; founded many hospitals and made extensive journeys in the cause of the church. In 1687 he was named by the pope, first superior-general, and after being identified for 50 years with the order died Sept. 23, 1769, aged 79. Juarros, Guat., i. 330-2.

[XXV‑20] Sept. 28, 1709, the Indians of Talamanca rose and killed fathers Pablo de Rebullidas and Antonio de Zamora. Haya, Informe al Reg., 14.

[XXV‑21] Fantasmas, Molucas, Moscas, Payas, Jaras, and many others, partly of Guatemala and Honduras as well. See Native Races, passim.

[XXV‑22] Among other cédulas are three bearing date Oct. 30, 1547; Aug. 31, 1560; and July 2, 1594. Juarros, Guat., i. 346.

[XXV‑23] He might establish six convents subject to the provincial of Guatemala. Juarros, Guat., 349.

[XXV‑24] They began their labors in the latter part of January 1610. On ash Wednesday, following, a number were baptized and 130 converts were received during lent. Juarros, Guat., 351.

[XXV‑25] Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 291, mentions a circumstance which may partly explain what follows. A soldier who had previously killed two of the Indians was struck by one of the natives, whereupon he seized him, and with the assistance of a comrade bound his left hand to his body and nailed his right hand to a tree with a horseshoe and eight nails, leaving him in that position. The corpse was found by his tribe, and of course retaliation followed.

[XXV‑26] This incident occurred in January 1612. The narratives of the expedition by Pelaez and Juarros substantially agree.

[XXVI‑1] Hakluyt's Principal Navigation ... and Discoveries of the English Nation, iii. 499 (London, 1598-1600).

[XXVI‑2] See p. 138, this volume.

[XXVI‑3] The Caribbees are said to have prepared the flesh of their human captives in the same way. 'Ils les mangent après les avoir bien boucannée, c'est à dire, rotis bien sec.' Du Tertre, Hist. des Antilles, i. 415.