Fearful lest in the darkness which is now coming on the victims should escape, one of the Spaniards strikes with his sword at the inca. In warding off the blow, Pizarro receives a slight wound in the hand; then threatening death to any who offer violence to Atahualpa, he hews his way through the fortress of faithful hearts which guard the royal person, and thrusting his sword into the bearers of the litter brings down the monarch, whom he catches in his arms. The borla is torn from Atahualpa's forehead and he is led away to the fortress, where he is manacled and placed under a strong guard.[I‑18] Meanwhile the butchery continues in and beyond the plaza. And in the slaughter of about five thousand men which occupied not more than half an hour it is said that no Spanish blood was spilled save that drawn from the hand of Pizarro by one of his own men.[I‑19] Following their instincts these fiends incarnate spend the night in rioting and drunkenness.[I‑20] Thus during the swift glimmer of a tropical twilight, the conquest of Peru is accomplished; the sun of the inca sets lurid, blood-colored; true to their engagement, Pizarro and Atahualpa sup together that night![I‑21]
We have seen how the opulent empire of Peru was found; how its powerful chieftain was treacherously taken captive by a crew of Spanish invaders; now witness for a moment how peace was made by ambassadors of the Prince of Peace.
So suddenly fell the blow that Atahualpa failed to realize his situation. It was but an affray of the hour; the idea of his subjugation had not yet even occurred to him. At the banquet he praised the skill with which the bloody work was done, and to his lamenting followers he said, "Such are the vicissitudes of war, to conquer and to be conquered." By Pizarro and his comrades the august prisoner was treated as a dish fit for the gods. His women and his nobles were permitted to attend him, and for his life or prolonged imprisonment he was told to have no fear. Meanwhile the Spaniards were exhorted to watchfulness; they were reminded that they were but a handful of men surrounded by millions of foes. "Our success," said Pizarro, "was miraculous, for which God who gave it us should be devoutly praised." The Peruvians made no effort to rescue their chief; and while the sacred person of their inca was a prisoner they were powerless and purposeless. Thirty horsemen were sufficient to scatter the imperial army and rifle the encampment. And while Pizarro preached[I‑22] Christianity to his chained captive, his soldiers were out gold-gathering, desecrating the Peruvian temples, killing the men, and outraging the women.[I‑23] It was quickly discovered that the wealth of the country far exceeded the wildest dreams of the conquerors, and soon gold and silver ornaments and utensils to the value of one hundred thousand castellanos were heaped up in the plaza.[I‑24]
Atahualpa was not slow to perceive that neither loyalty nor their vaunted piety was the ruling passion of his captors, but the love of gold. And herein was a ray of hope; for as the days went by a dark suspicion of their perfidy and evil intention concerning him had filled his mind. Calling Pizarro to him he said: "The affairs of my kingdom demand my attention. Already my brother Huascar, having heard of my misfortune, is planning his escape. If gold will satisfy you, I will cover this floor with vessels of solid gold, so you but grant me my freedom." Pizarro made no reply. The Spaniards present threw an incredulous glance around the apartment. The room was twenty-two feet in length by sixteen in width. Inferring from their silence that the ransom was too small and distressed at the prospect of long confinement, he exclaimed: "Nay, I will fill the room as high as you can reach with gold, if you will let me go." And to make the offer the more tempting he stepped to the wall and on tiptoe stretching out his arm made a mark nine feet from the floor. Still his tormentors were silent. At last he burst out excitedly: "And if that is not enough," pointing to a smaller apartment adjoining, I will fill that room twice full with silver."[I‑25] The proposal was accepted. It was safe enough to do so, although the infamous Pizarro never for a moment intended his royal prisoner should leave his hands alive; for by this means might the wealth of the empire be most speedily collected, and if successful a pretext for breaking the promise of liberation might easily be found. Two months were allowed the captive in which to gather this enormous treasure. Hollow vessels and all utensils were to be contributed in manufactured form, not melted down. Valuable jewels were to enrich the collection, and the friendship of the inca was to crown the visionary ransom.
Immediately after the recording of this stipulation by the notary, Atahualpa sent out in every direction messengers with instructions to gather and bring to Caxamalca with the least possible delay, the requisite articles for the ransom. The treasures of the inca were chiefly lodged in the royal palaces of Cuzco and Quito and in the temples of the sun throughout the empire. All governors and subalterns were urged to use the utmost alacrity in the execution of this order. Meanwhile the pirates were masters of the situation. Each beastly boor of them was a lord waited on by male and female attendants. They drank from vessels of gold and shod their horses with silver. Their captain was king of kings; one king his prisoner, another his prisoner's prisoner. One of the chroniclers states that shortly after his capture Atahualpa received intelligence of an important battle won by his army on the day of his fall. "Such are the mysteries of fate," exclaimed the unhappy monarch, "at the same moment conquered and a conqueror." Huascar who was at this time confined at Andamarca not far distant from Caxamalca hearing of the capture of Atahualpa and of the immense ransom offered for his release sent to Pizarro offering a much larger amount for his own liberation. Pizarro saw at once the advantage to be derived in acting the part of umpire between these rival claimants to the throne, and consequently the overtures of Huascar were encouraged. But Atahualpa although closely confined was kept fully informed of the events transpiring throughout the empire, and his word was yet law. Pizarro imprudently remarked to him one day, "I wait with impatience the arrival of your brother in order that I may judge between you and render justice where it may be due."[I‑26] Shortly afterward Huascar was secretly put to death; and Pizarro had the mortification of finding himself outwitted by a manacled barbarian.
While waiting the gathering of the gold, Hernando Pizarro with twenty horsemen raided the country with rich results. Three soldiers, it is said, were sent by Pizarro under the inca's protection to Cuzco, where after desecrating the temples and violating the sacred virgins they returned to Caxamalca with two hundred cargas of gold and twenty-five of silver, the transportation of which required no less than nine hundred Indians.
Time passed wearily with the imprisoned monarch. The influx of gold at first rapid, soon fell off, and unfortunately for Atahualpa much of it was in flat plates which increased the bulk but slowly. Nevertheless as the matter went Pizarro felt justified in granting the prisoner an extension of time. In February 1533 Almagro arrived at Caxamalca with two hundred men, fifty of whom were mounted, and demanded for himself and company equitable participation in the spoil, according to compact. This Pizarro refused, but agreed to divide what should be thereafter taken. The dispute was finally settled by allowing Almagro for his expenses one hundred thousand pesos, and for his men twenty thousand.
Yet more slowly came in the gold; the people were now hiding it; the Spaniards desired the death of Atahualpa with the liberty to devastate and pillage after the old manner. They determined the inca should die;[I‑27] but first they would melt down and divide the gold; they determined to kill the inca, but first he should have a fair trial. It was no difficult matter to frame an indictment. Huascar's death, pretended insurrections, delay in the ransom, refusal to accept baptism; these charges, or any of them, were amply sufficient. Then Felipillo desired one of Atahualpa's wives, and did what he could to hasten his death.[I‑28]
The native artisans to whom the task was allotted were occupied more than a month in running into bars the immense mass of gold and silver collected. It was in value 1,326,539 castellanos,[I‑29] equal in purchasing power to over twenty millions of dollars at the present day. "It is the most solemn responsibility of my life," exclaimed Pizarro, as he seated himself in the golden chair of the inca, to act as umpire in the partition, "and may God help me to deal justly by every man;" after which prayer the pirate's dealings might well be watched. And first he gave himself the golden chair in which he sat, valued at 20,000 castellanos, golden bars, 57,222 castellanos, and 2,350 marks of silver. Next his brother Hernando received 31,080 castellanos of gold, and 2,350 marks of silver, nearly twice as much as was given to Hernando de Soto, his equal in rank and talent. Horsemen received 8,880 castellanos in gold and 362 marks of silver. Some of the infantry received half that amount, others less. To the church of San Francisco was given 2,220 castellanos of gold.[I‑30] Father Luque had died shortly before the departure of Almagro from Panamá; no mention is made of him or of his legal representative, Gaspar de Espinosa, in the distribution.
Hernando Pizarro and Hernando de Soto were both opposed to harsh measures with regard to the inca, treating with the contempt they deserved the thickening rumors of revolt. But Pizarro and Almagro, impatient to pursue their ambitious schemes, had long since determined Atahualpa's fate. The accusations and the trial would both be laughable were they not so diabolical. Pizarro and Almagro acted as judges. Among the charges were attempted insurrection, usurpation and putting to death the lawful sovereign, idolatry, waging unjust warfare, adultery, polygamy, and the embezzlement of the public revenues since the Spaniards had taken possession of the country! What more cutting irony could words present of the Christian and civilized idea of humanity and the rights of man then entertained than the catalogue of crimes by which this barbarian must unjustly die, every one of which the Spaniards themselves had committed in a tenfold degree since entering these dominions. The opinion of the soldiers was taken.[I‑31] It is unnecessary to say that the prisoner was found guilty. He was condemned to be burned alive in the plaza.
At the appointed hour the royal captive, heavily chained, was led forth. It was nightfall, and the torch-lights threw a dismal glare upon the scene. By the inca's side walked the infamous Father Vicente, who never ceased pouring into the unwilling ear of his victim his hateful consolations. Upon the funeral pile, Atahualpa was informed that if he would accept baptism he might be kindly strangled instead of burned. "A cheap escape from much suffering," thought the monarch, and permitted it to be done. The name of Juan de Atahualpa was given him. The iron collar of the garrote was then tightened, the Christians recited their credos over the new convert, and the spirit of the inca hied away to the sun. Thus one more jewel was added to the immortal crown of Father Vicente de Valverde![I‑32]
With the death of Atahualpa the empire of the incas fell to pieces, and the Spaniards were not slow to seize upon the distracted country. It is said that the gold and silver obtained by the conquerors at Cuzco equalled that furnished by the inca. Official statements place the amount at 580,200 castellanos of gold, and 215,000 marks of silver.[I‑33] After another distribution government was organized by the Spaniards with Manco Capac crowned inca of Peru for a figure-head, behind whom and in whose name the grim conquerors might unblushingly pursue their work of destruction. Sebastian Benalcázar took possession of Quito, where he was shortly afterward confronted by Pedro de Alvarado, one of the conquerors of Mexico and governor of Guatemala.
It appears that Alvarado, having fitted out a fleet of twelve ships for a voyage to the Spice Islands, was turned from his purpose as will be hereafter related, by the reported marvellous successes of the Peruvian adventures. Believing or affecting to believe that the province of Quito was without the jurisdiction of Pizarro, he determined to conquer that country for himself. His army on landing presented the strongest front of any in Peru, but the march across the snowy sierra was one of the most disastrous in Spanish colonial history.[I‑34] Although the distance was short the entire way was strewn with the dead; more than one hundred Spaniards and two thousand Indians perished. Enough however survived to enable Alvarado to make equitable arrangements with Almagro and Benalcázar. A portion of the vessels and the entire forces of Alvarado were transferred to the associates for one hundred thousand castellanos. Alvarado then visited Pizarro at Pachacamac, where the latter was awaiting the development of events at Quito; after which Alvarado took his departure. Benalcázar remained at Quito and eventually became governor of that province.
After this in the history of Peru comes the feud between the associate conquerors; for here as elsewhere no sooner are the savages slain than their destroyers fall to fighting among themselves. Almagro and Pizarro are old men, old friends, copartners; yet instead of dividing their immense acquisition and devoting the brief remainder of their days to peaceful pursuits, so deadly becomes their hatred that each seems unable to rest while the other lives. Hernando Pizarro reports proceedings in Spain, and Almagro is placed in command of Cuzco, while Pizarro founds his capital at Lima. The king confirms Pizarro in his conquest and makes him Marqués de los Atavillos, and grants Almagro two hundred leagues along the sea-shore commencing from the southern limit of Pizarro's territory. Hernando Pizarro takes Almagro's place at Cuzco. While Benalcázar is at Quito, Almagro in Chile, and the forces of Pizarro divided between Cuzco and Lima, the inca, Manco Capac, revolts. With two hundred thousand men he besieges Cuzco, Lima, and San Miguel simultaneously, and massacres the settlers on plantations. The Spaniards are reduced to the greatest extremity. Cuzco is laid in ashes, and Pizarro, unable to coöperate with his brother Hernando, despatches ships to Panamá and Nicaragua for aid.
The chief point of dispute between the associates is the partition line dividing their respective governments. Each claims the ancient capital of Cuzco as lying within his territory. Almagro, returning from a disastrous expedition into Chile, makes overtures to gain the friendship of Manco Capac; failing in this he defeats the inca in a pitched battle, takes possession of Cuzco, makes Hernando Pizarro his prisoner, and captures his army. Instead of striking off his head as urged to do by Orgoñez, and marching at once on Lima, Almagro falters and thereby falls.
Meanwhile Hernan Cortés sends his imperilled brother-conqueror a vessel laden with provisions; a kingly gift. Gaspar de Espinosa, Father Luque's successor, presents himself about this time in Peru, and is sent to Almagro by Pizarro to effect a settlement of their difficulties, but the latter remains firm, and the sudden death of Espinosa terminates the present overtures. Finally by many solemnly sworn promises, which are broken immediately, his point is gained, Francisco Pizarro obtains the release of his brother; then with seven hundred men, on the plain before Cuzco, he engages and defeats Almagro's force of five hundred men under Orgoñez, captures Almagro, whom he places in chains, and after a mock trial puts him to death. Hernando Pizarro is afterward arrested in Spain for the murder of Almagro, kept confined a prisoner for twenty years, is liberated, and dies at the age of one hundred years.
And now appears on the scene, as heir to the feud, Almagro's illegitimate son Diego, who henceforth lives but to avenge his father's death. There are those who will not serve the murderer of their master, 'men of Chile,' they are called, and so they see distress and carry thin visages and tattered garments about the streets of Cuzco. These to the number of twenty, with Juan de Rada their leader, meet at the house of young Almagro, and bind themselves by oath to kill Francisco Pizarro on the following Sunday the 26th of June 1541. Almagro's house adjoins the church, while Pizarro's is on the other side of the plaza. They will slay him as he leaves the church after mass. But the governor does not attend church that day; so they cross the square and enter through an open gate into the court-yard, from which stairs lead to an upper room, where Pizarro is at dinner with several friends. Suddenly the diners hear a shout from below, "Long live the king! Death to tyrants!"
Accustomed to danger Pizarro acts on the instant, directs his chief officer Francisco de Chaves to make fast the door, and steps into an adjoining room with his half-brother, Martinez de Alcántara, to arm himself. Chaves springs forward and closes the door, but instead of securing it he parleys with the assailants who are now at the top of the stairs. A sword thrust into the officer's breast cuts short the conference, and the body is flung below. Perceiving blood, most of the guests fly, climbing over a corridor and dropping to the ground; two or three who had come forward with Chaves are quickly despatched by the conspirators. Although his armor is ill-adjusted Pizarro springs forward sword in hand. "How now, villains! would you murder me?" cries this veteran of a hundred fights. Then to Alcántara, "Let us hold bravely against these traitors, for I swear to God we two are enough to slay them all." The men of Chile fall back before him, but only for a moment; again crowding forward one after another of the conspirators is stretched on the ground. The conquest however is too unequal to continue; yet after Alcántara, the two pages of the governor, and every person present except the chief lie dead upon the floor, Pizarro still fights on. At length Rada, exasperated, grasps one of his comrades, named Narvaez, and hurls him against Pizarro's sword. It is death to Narvaez, but it is victory for Almagro; for while the sword of Pizarro is sheathed in the body of the luckless conspirator, the weapon of another strikes him in the throat, and brings him to the floor. "Kill him! kill him!" cry the assailants as they close round the fallen chieftain, thrusting into his body their swords.[I‑35] True to his religious instincts, the expiring hero raises himself on his arm, traces with his own blood upon the floor the sacred emblem of his faith, sighing "Jesu Cristo!" then while he bows his head to kiss the cross which he had made, a blow more dastardly than all the rest terminates his eventful life. Thus perish in sanguinary brawl, each by the hand of the other, these renowned chieftains, whose persistent steadfastness of purpose and manly courage under difficulties were equalled only by their avarice, treachery, and infamous cruelty.
The bloody work accomplished, the conspirators rush forward and cry, "Long live the king! The tyrant is dead! Long live our lawful governor Almagro!" The Almagroists continue in power till the latter part of 1542, when they are exterminated by Vaca de Castro, sent as commissioner by the crown to quiet the country. Almagro is executed, and the name becomes extinct. Juan Pizarro is killed by the Indians while capturing the fortress of Cuzco, and after the defeat of Vasco Nuñez Vela at Añaquito had been avenged by the execution of Gonzalo Pizarro at Xaquixaguana, the affairs of Peru lapse into the hands of the viceroys.[I‑36]
Administration of Pedro de los Rios—He is Superseded by the Licentiate Antonio de la Gama—Barrionuevo's Reign—A Province in Nueva Andalucía Granted to Pedro de Heredia—He Sails for Cartagena—Conflicts with the Natives—Treasure Unearthed—The Devil's Bohío—Prosperity of the Settlement—Alonso Heredia Sent to Rebuild San Sebastian—Is Opposed by Julian Gutierrez—Capture of Gutierrez—The Golden Temple of Dabaiba Once More—Expeditions in Search of the Glittering Phantom, Francisco César and Others—Audiencia Established at Panamá—Maleadministration—Complaints of the Colonists—Destitution in the Province—Bishops of Castilla del Oro—Miraculous Image of the Virgin—Bibliographical.
Mention has already been made of the appointment of Pedro de los Rios as governor of Castilla del Oro in place of Pedrarias Dávila, of the arrival of his fleet at Nombre de Dios in 1526, and of the death of Pedrarias at Leon in 1530. The new governor was instructed that the conversion of the natives rather than their conquest should be his main purpose; they were to be treated indeed as vassals of the crown but not as slaves; and his Majesty the emperor Charles V. was pleased to declare that in the foundation of new colonies he had less regard for his own aggrandizement than for the spread of the holy Catholic faith. Pedro de los Rios was a man unfit to govern a community of wild and turbulent adventurers in a strange and half-settled territory. Instead of pursuing the right course at the right moment, he seemed to go out of his way to commit blunders. As occurred at his meeting with Salcedo in Nicaragua, when the mere threat of a fine made him beat a hasty retreat to Panamá, he was often found wanting in the hour of trial. His lack of ambition and ever-present regard for his own personal ease and safety, caused his administration to prove tame and uneventful.
The auri sacra fames was a vice so prevalent among the rulers of Castilla del Oro that it is but a tiresome iteration again to allude to it; but Rios' thirst for riches far surpassed the greed of all his predecessors. His avarice was only exceeded by that of his wife, who, as Oviedo tells us, held him under complete control and governed the province through the governor. He appropriated all that he could lay hands on, whether public or private property, and his malefeasance in office soon became so notorious as to attract the attention of the emperor. He was enjoined from crossing the boundaries of his province, ordered to surrender to the royal treasurer the Pearl Islands, the revenues of which, it will be remembered, were placed under his control by the crown, and to give all needful aid to Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Almagro in the prosecution of their exploring expeditions.
But it was no part of the policy of Rios to build up other territories at the expense of his own, and his neglect of these instructions, united with the malign influence of the crafty Pedrarias, whom the slender-witted Rios never ceased to persecute, soon wrought his downfall.[II‑1] Such, finally, were the complaints laid before the council of the Indies, that some time before the expiration of his three years' term of office, the licentiate Antonio de la Gama was sent to take his residencia, and the governor, dissatisfied with the result, proceeded to Spain and demanded justice. His cause came up before the council of the Indies, Oviedo acting as attorney for the city of Panamá, and Pedro de los Rios was fined, despoiled of office, ordered home, and forbidden ever to return to the Indies.[II‑2] His wife, whom he had left behind, refused to make the journey to Spain without the company of her husband, and as he declined to return for her, she remained at Panamá to the day of her death.
After the condemnation of Rios in 1529, the licentiate refused to surrender his badge of office, retaining his post as governor for about five years. Notwithstanding some complaints of his summary method of dealing with judicial matters, a few even going so far as to say that if Rios chose to return he might do so with impunity, the general verdict of the colonists was in his favor, and during his administration many public improvements were made. An inordinate craving for wealth was, as usual, the cause of his removal,[II‑3] and in the spring of 1534 he was superseded by Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo, a soldier who had gained some distinction at Cartagena. Barrionuevo had received his commission nearly two years before, and set sail from Spain in command of a force of two hundred men, furnished at the expense of the crown. He was ordered to touch at Española, where the governor was instructed to furnish all needed supplies; and the expedition arrived at Nombre de Dios with ranks somewhat thinned by disease, and by casualties incurred through rendering assistance in quelling an Indian revolt in Santo Domingo.
Amidst the throng of adventurers who, dazzled by marvellous reports of the wealth of the incas and of the fabled treasures of Dabaiba, petitioned the emperor for grants of territory south of Castilla del Oro was Pedro de Heredia, who had already done good service at the settlement of Santa Marta and elsewhere in the Indies. To him was assigned in Nueva Andalucía a province whose limits extended from the River Atrato to the Magdalena, and from the North Sea to the equator. Sailing from Spain in 1532 with three vessels and about one hundred men, he landed at a port then called Calamari, but to which he gave the name of Cartagena.[II‑4] It was hereabout that Ojeda's command was annihilated in 1509, and here that Nicuesa avenged the defeat of his late rival by putting to the sword the people.
After a brief rest the Spaniards marched inland and came ere long to a town where they met with stout resistance. The natives made good use of their poisoned arrows and clubs of hard wood, man, matron, and maid fighting side by side, and though all destitute of clothing or any defensive armor, confronted the fire-arms and swords of the Europeans without flinching. A few prisoners were taken during the skirmish, one of whom, on the return of the party to Cartagena, offered to act as guide to some of the largest towns in that vicinity, thinking that his captors must surely be there overpowered and exterminated. On the way they were attacked by a large body of natives who, after a sharp contest, were driven into a neighboring stronghold, enclosed with several thickly planted rows of trees. In hot pursuit the Spaniards followed, and forced their way into the enclosure side by side with the fugitives. Fresh bands of Indians soon arrived and, turning the scale, drove out the invaders, and in the plain beyond, where was room for the use of artillery and cavalry, even here pressed them so hard that they held their ground with difficulty. During the fight Heredia, becoming separated from his men, was surrounded, and would surely have been killed had not one of his soldiers forced his way through the enemy's ranks, and thrusting his sword through the body of one, and cutting the bowstring of another, held the foe in check till others could come to his assistance. Finally the savages were driven back, leaving their town in the hands of the captors, who found there provisions and a little gold.
Returning to Cartagena, Heredia fell in with a vessel newly arrived from Española with troops on board that raised his command to one hundred foot and as many horse. Thus reënforced, he penetrated the province as far as the town of Cenú, in the valley of a river which still bears that name. Here was found in two boxes or chests gold to the value of 20,000 pesos, and in a place which went by the name of "El bohío del diablo,"[II‑5] a pit with three compartments, each about two hundred and fifty feet in length, was a hammock supported by four human figures, and containing gold to the value of 15,000 pesos, amid which, according to Indian tradition, his sable majesty was wont to repose. In a sepulchre near by, gold-dust was unearthed to the amount of 10,000 pesos.
Well satisfied with the results of his expedition Heredia returned to head-quarters, and was soon afterward joined by a fresh reënforcement of three hundred men. The tidings of his success soon attracted numbers of dissatisfied colonists from Castilla del Oro, and toward the close of the sixteenth century Cartagena became a place of considerable note,[II‑6] the fleet that supplied the New World with the merchandise of Spain touching there on the way to Portobello. The latter was but a small village, tenanted chiefly by negroes, and possessing, next to Nombre de Dios, the most sickly climate of all the settlements in Tierra Firme. So deadly were the exhalations from its rank and steaming soil that a small garrison maintained there to guard the fleet was changed four times a year. Notwithstanding its unwholesome atmosphere an annual fair was held there lasting forty days, during which time its streets were crowded with merchants from every quarter of the Indies. Not many years afterward the Peruvian herder, climbing the mountain side in quest of his stray llama, discovered the silver-mines of Potosí,[II‑7] and the place became, for a few weeks in the year, the most redundant mart of commerce in the world. A fleet, freighted with all that was required to supply the real and artificial wants of an opulent community, called there once a year, and as soon as it appeared in sight the treasures of the mines and pearl-fisheries were conveyed by land from Panamá to Cruces, and thence down the Rio Chagre to Portobello.
Castilla del Oro.
When the conquest and exploration of his territory had been partially effected, Pedro de Heredia despatched his brother Alonso to the gulf of Urabá to rebuild there the town of San Sebastian.[II‑8] The site selected was some leagues south of the ruins of the settlement which Ojeda had founded, and where his lieutenant Francisco Pizarro and his band suffered from hunger and pestilence before Vasco Nuñez led them to the South Sea. On a spot distant about half a league from the eastern shore of the gulf, among some hillocks near which were groves of tall cocoa-nut palms,[II‑9] the settlement was founded, sorely against the will of Julian Gutierrez, who, having married the sister of the cacique Urabá, had accumulated a fortune by bartering for gold such cheap baubles as the natives most preferred.[II‑10] Inciting the natives to harass Heredia's party at every opportunity, Gutierrez proceeded to build a fort on the banks of the Rio Caiman, at no great distance from San Sebastian. In this enterprise he was joined by a number of malecontents from Castilla del Oro, who had been on the point of embarking for Peru, but were persuaded to take service under Gutierrez. Chief among them was one Francisco César, who soon afterward figures prominently in the history of Cartagena.
Heredia at once marched with all his forces against Gutierrez, and bid him withdraw from the limits of his province. The latter replied that he was acting under instructions from the governor of Castilla del Oro and could not neglect his orders. Heredia pretended to be satisfied with this answer and withdrew his troops, but returning after nightfall stormed the enemy's camp and put most of the garrison to the sword. Gutierrez and his Indian wife were carried captives to Cartagena. César with a few of the survivors escaped to the woods and afterward took service under Heredia. News of the disaster soon reached Panamá, whereupon Barrionuevo immediately crossed over to Nombre de Dios, took ship for Cartagena, procured the release of his lieutenant, and concluded an arrangement with Pedro de Heredia by which the Atrato was made the southern boundary of Castilla del Oro.
In the vicinity of a temple in the valley of the Cenú River the colonists of San Sebastian discovered numerous tombs, some of them of such ancient date that their contents betokened the lapse of centuries. Here the natives buried their caciques in a sitting posture, side by side with their favorite wives, best trusted servants, and dearest friends; and in the vaults which contained the remains were placed all their gold, gems, and armor. This, perchance, may have been the golden temple of Dabaiba, the quest of which had already cost the lives of so many Spaniards, and was yet to cost the lives of hundreds more as they pursued this glittering phantom far south toward the verge of the province. South-east of the gulf of Urabá lay the territory of the cacique Dabaiba, whose name is still applied to the sierra that skirts the bank of the Atrato, forming a western spur of the cordillera. Between the gulf and the town of the cacique was a forest ten or twelve leagues in length, dense with palm-trees, and matted with tropical undergrowth, through which flowed to the sea mountain streams, dammed in places with fallen trees, and covering the neighborhood with vast tracts of lagoon and marsh land. Through this region the natives, with their light portable canoes, made their way with little difficulty, but to the Spaniard with his heavy armor and cumbersome accoutrements the forest was almost impervious. Beyond it lay a rugged and broken country in which roads were unknown and where the tortuous bed of a mountain torrent afforded for a brief space during the dry season the only means of access to the realms of the Indian chief. The sierra of Dabaiba had for many years barred the progress of Spanish exploration and conquest, but there, if report were true, lay hidden stores of gold that outshone even the riches of an Atahualpa or a Montezuma. Closely guarded indeed must be the treasure that could escape the keen scent of the Spaniard, and great the obstacles that could stay his path when in search of his much loved wealth.
The first to attempt the conquest of this territory was Francisco César, now a captain of infantry, and one whose skill and gallantry had gained for him the confidence of his men. Starting from San Sebastian in 1536, in command of eighty foot and twenty horse, he travelled southward through a pathless wilderness. Ten months the party journeyed, and arriving at length at the Guaca[II‑11] Valley were suddenly attacked by an army of twenty thousand natives. While thus surrounded and cut off from all hope of retreat, there appeared above them in the heavens the image of Spain's patron saint. Three hours thereafter the enemy was routed, and the Spaniards proceeded at once to look for gold. After much tedious search, a crumbling sepulchre was discovered, wherein was hidden treasure to the value of thirty thousand castellanos. The remnant of César's band then returned to San Sebastian, accomplishing their homeward journey in seventeen days.
Less fortunate was Pedro de Heredia, who in the same year organized an expedition to invade the realms of the cacique Dabaiba and to gain possession of his treasures. At the head of two hundred and ten mail-clad men, Heredia set out from San Sebastian, and directed his course along the banks of the Atrato. He soon arrived at the verge of the forest through which he must cut his way as best he could, with frequent and vexatious delays for the felling of trees and the construction of rafts to bridge the marshy ground, impassable else for man or beast. Rain fell in torrents; poisonous snakes and swarms of wasps and mosquitoes haunted the gloomy solitudes. No fires could be kindled, and famine and pestilence soon became familiar guests in the Spanish camp. Some natives who served as guides were accused of having purposely led them astray. They answered: "We go from the river to the mountains in three days, while you and your horses require as many months."
When the storm cleared away a detachment of Spaniards was sent in advance to reconnoitre, the rest remaining in camp to await their report. After a few days' march they arrived at a spot where the smoke of expiring embers and the skins of animals indicated a recent encampment of savages. After diligent search huts were discovered built amidst the boughs of the forest-trees, the natives thus securing themselves from venomous reptiles. After a slight resistance two of the natives were captured, and from their information the party brought back news to their comrades that they were travelling in a wrong direction. Heredia and his men, too much dispirited to make any further effort, turned their faces homeward and arrived at San Sebastian empty-handed and in sorry plight, the return journey occupying forty days, and the entire expedition about three months.
The survivors of the two Spanish companies soon became clamorous for fresh adventure, and in 1538 Francisco César, with Heredia's permission, equipped a force about equal in number to his first command, resolved this time to penetrate at all hazard the fastnesses of the mysterious sierra. After leaving San Sebastian, César marched along the coast in the direction of the Rio Verde, thence turning eastward toward the cordillera. The party suffered severely, and on arriving at the Guaca Valley mustered but sixty-three men capable of bearing arms. Nevertheless César advanced boldly on the first town which fell in his way after ascending the sierra. The inhabitants, assured by interpreters that the invaders had no hostile intent, brought forth an abundant supply of roots, corn, fruit, and such other provisions as they possessed. The horses were treated with special care, and homage was paid to them as to superior beings.
While the Spaniards were enjoying here a few days of repose the chief of the district, Nutibara by name, quietly assembled an army of two thousand men, thinking to crush this presumptuous little band, for no tidings had yet reached him of the dread prowess of the strangers. A stubborn conflict ensued, terminated only by the death of Quinunchú, brother of Nutibara, who fell by the hand of César. Santiago on his white horse again appeared in behalf of his followers, and to him was ascribed the glory of the carnage that followed. The conquerors soon ascertained that the country for many leagues around was rising in arms against them, and having now secured treasure to the value of forty thousand ducats they returned by forced marches to San Sebastian.[II‑12]
News of César's expedition was soon carried to Cartagena, whence in December 1537 the licentiate Juan de Badillo set forth to explore further the region south of the gulf of Urabá. A force of three hundred and fifty men was collected, with five hundred and twelve horses, a number of Indians and negroes, and ample stores of provisions and munitions of war. Francisco César was second in command, and the treasurer Saavedra one of the captains. Starting from the port of Santa María near the mouth of the Atrato they arrived, with no adventure worthy of note, at the valley of Los Pitos[II‑13] where was a fort defended by a large force of natives. Saavedra, leading an attack on this stronghold at the head of sixty men, was beaten back, and César, coming to his support about nightfall, posted his men in readiness to renew the assault at daybreak. The defenders, perceiving their design, determined to anticipate them, and fell on the Spaniards unawares, but after some sharp fighting were repulsed.
Badillo then continued his march through the Guaca Valley, arriving at the domains of the chief Quinachi. It was here that César, on his first expedition, had unearthed treasure to the value of thirty thousand castellanos, and hence one reason for selecting this route. In June the expedition arrived at the valley of Norí,[II‑14] with ranks somewhat thinned by famine and by ceaseless encounters with the natives. Meeting with a friendly cacique they questioned him as to the whereabouts of the great treasure of Dabaiba. He replied: "There is no treasure, for they have no need of any; but when they want gold to purchase food or redeem a captive, they pick it up in dry weather from under the rocks in the river-beds." Exploring parties were sent in all directions, but with little success. They could not scale the steep sierra or cross the treacherous marshes, and they were constantly harassed by bands of Indians. Acosta relates that one detachment sent out toward the mountains in a westerly direction passed underneath a village, built amidst the overhanging boughs of forest-trees, whence the natives plied them with arrows, rocks, hot water, and lighted fagots.
The cacique of Norí, anxious to be rid of the Spaniards, presented Badillo with gold to the value of two thousand pesos, and offered to conduct him to an auriferous region, then known as the Buritica Valley. After a six days' march they came to a native stronghold, which was captured after a sharp struggle, the chieftain, with his young wife, being taken captive. The latter was released on payment of a large ransom, accompanied with a promise from her husband to act as guide to a spot where rich mines were known to exist. With a heavy iron collar round his neck, and fastened by chains between four stalwart soldiers, the cacique led the way till he came to the verge of a precipice, whence he threw himself headlong, dragging with him his guards. Unhappily the fall did not prove fatal, and the Spaniards, though sorely hurt, had yet life enough left to drag their bruised victim into the presence of Badillo, who at once ordered his slaves to burn him alive.
Want, sickness, and the ceaseless hostility of the natives had now spread havoc in the Spanish ranks. Many who had come in search of wealth had found a grave; and the survivors, worn with hardship and disgusted with the meagre results of their long-protracted toil, threatened to abandon the expedition and set their faces homeward. The discontent was greatly increased by the death of Francisco César, a much loved and well trusted officer, and one who, had fortune cast his lot in a wider or nobler sphere of action, might have become one of the foremost captains of his age. Nevertheless, the march was continued, and on Christmas-eve, after a journey lasting one year and three days, the expedition arrived at the province of Calí, in the valley of the Cauca River. Here the soldiers well nigh broke out into open mutiny. Badillo confronted them with drawn sword, exclaiming: "Let him return who chooses; I will go forward alone till fortune favors me." Nevertheless the men crowded around him still clamoring to be led back to Urabá, whereupon he ordered a division to be made of the spoil, hoping thus to put them in better heart. To complete his discomfiture it was found that the treasure-chest had disappeared. This last was a heavy stroke, for the worthy licentiate was of course suspected of the theft. Alone and broken-hearted he stole away to Popayan, some twenty leagues to the south in the same valley. Thence he made his way to Panamá, was there arrested, and after being sent a prisoner to Cartagena, the city from which he had departed in pursuit of fame and riches, ended his days at Seville, before his trial was concluded, friendless and a pauper.
The charge of peculation against Badillo proved to be unfounded, for the chest containing two thousand six hundred castellanos was afterward discovered.
The share of each foot-soldier was ascertained to be five castellanos, from which it would appear that the Spaniards lost about half their number before arriving at Calí. The remainder of the band followed the course of the Cauca River northward as far as the Indian province of Umbrá, where most of them took service under one Jorge Robledo, who made further explorations on the right bank of the Cauca in the mountainous region which now bears the name of Antioquia.