FOOTNOTES

[I‑1] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xiii.-xiv., says 80 men. Francisco de Jerez, Pizarro's secretary, Conq. del Peru, in Barcia, iii. 179, places the number at 112 Spaniards, besides Indians; Zárate, Hist. del Peru, in Id., at 114 men. For minor statements and discrepancies compare Gomara, Hist. Ind., 141; Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. vii.; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 118; Oviedo, iii. 382-90; Quintana, Vidas, Pizarro, 50.

[I‑2] This letter picturing the horrors of the situation, and begging from the governor relief, was signed by the writer and his comrades; after which was a doggerel, current for years thereafter in the Indies, which ran as follows:

And may be rendered thus:

In Balboa, Histoire du Pérou, Ternaux-Compans gives a French rendering by Beaudoin:

[I‑3] Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xi., tells the most extravagant stories concerning Tumbez. 'Avia gran numero de Plateros, que hacian Cantaros de Oro, y Plata, con otras muchas maneras de Joias, asi para el servicio, y ornamento del Templo, que ellos tenian por Sacrosanto, como para servicio del mismo Inga, y para chapar las planchas deste Metal, por las paredes de los Templos, y Palacios.' See also, Xerez, Conq. del Peru, Barcia, iii. 169-81; Zárate, Hist. del Peru, Barcia, iii. 2, 3; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 143; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 138; Benzoni, Hist. Mundo Nvovo, 120; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xii.; Oviedo, iii.

[I‑4] Some affirm that, while in Spain, Cortés and Pizarro became great friends; that much fatherly advice was given by the former to the latter. Cortés, they say, although the younger, could teach his brother-conqueror many things, and warned Pizarro against admitting another to a share in the supreme authority, which advice, indeed, was hardly necessary.

[I‑5] Historians of the Peruvian conquest point with emphasis to political disruption as the agency which gave the country to the Spaniards. Of course we cannot tell what would have been the accidents or incidents of this invasion under other conditions. As it happened, I fail to perceive how the civil war of necessity was the cause of success, or that without Peruvian disruption the Spaniards could not have accomplished their purpose. Atahualpa at the head of a powerful army in the full flush of victory could have crushed this handful of Spaniards as easily as might have done a Peruvian host tenfold greater. Pizarro could have performed his imperial cozenage as easily when peace reigned as at another time. Compare Naharro, Relacion, in Col. Doc. Inéd., xxvi. 232-7; Real Cédula, in Id., 256; Castañeda, Informacion, in Id., 256-9; Jaren, Informacion en Panamá, in Id., 259-60; Candía, Informacion, in Id., 261-5; Pedro Pizarro, in Id., 201-10; Almagro, Informacion, in Id., 265-74; Sámano, Relacion, in Id., v. 193-201; Col. Doc. Inéd., in Id., l. 206-20; Ovalle, Hist. Chile, in Pinkerton's Voy., xiv. 154-6, and in Churchill's Col. Voy., xiv. 154-6; Leon's Travels, Hakluyt Soc.; Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, ii. 13-20; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 127-9; Xerez, Conq. del Peru, 179-81; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 141-7; Oviedo, iv. 147 et seq.; Zárate, Hist. Peru, 17-23. The last-mentioned document is by one of the conquerors. According to some reports the inca was undetermined what course to pursue. Immediately after the capture of Huascar some of his counsellors were for sending an army and destroying the invaders at once. Others wished to take them alive and by making slaves of them ingraft their superiority into their own incipient civilization. Others more timid represented the strangers as exceedingly fierce and powerful, to conquer whom would be difficult and dangerous. 'Vnos querian, que fuesse vn capitan a ello con exercito, otros dezian, que aunque los estrangeros no eran muchos, eran valientes, y que la ferocidad de sus rostros, y personas, la terribilidad de sus armas, la ligereza, y brabura de aquellos sus cauallos pedian mayor fuerça.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. ix. According to Balboa the arrival of the Spaniards caused some anxiety among the Peruvians at Cuzco. 'Cette nouvelle inquiéta tout le monde. Atahualpa essaya de tranquilliser ses sujets en leur disant que ces étrangers étaient probablement des envoyés de Viracocha, et depuis cette époque ce nom est resté aux Espagnols.' Hist. du Pérou, Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. iv. 309. Benzoni affirms that Atahualpa who was at Caxamalca, sent messengers to Pizarro threatening to make him repent if he did not leave his vassals unmolested and return to his own country. 'In questo tempo Attabaliba Re del Peru si trouaua in Cassiamalca, e inteso com' era entrato nel suo paese gente con la barba, con certi animali terribili e scorreuano i luoghi, ammazzando, e depredando il tutto, mandò vn' ambasciatore à Francesco Pizzarro, minacciandolo, che se non lasciaua i suoi vassalli, e se ne fosse ito al suo paese, che lo farebbe mal contento.' Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 121.

[I‑6] Herrera says 24; others 20. In the narratives of these early adventurers rarely two are exactly alike concerning any occurrence. Among them all, however, we can usually arrive near the truth.

[I‑7] There were in reality, according to the 'Spanish Captain,' 80,000 warriors in the encampment of the inca, but the cavaliers reported to their comrades only 40,000 in order not to dishearten them! 'Li Capitani ritornorno al signor gourenator, e gli disseno quel che era seguito del cacique, e che li parea che la gente ch'egli haueua portriano esser da quaranta mila huomini da guerra. Et questo dissono per dar animo alla gente, perche erano piu di ottanta mila, e dissono ancora quello che li haueua detto il cacique.' Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo, in Ramusio, iii. 373.

[I‑8] The story is told in as many ways as there are historians. Some say that the inca entered Caxamalca as a conqueror, others as falling into the trap of the Spaniards. All are partially correct. Undoubtedly he would capture the Spaniards if he could, while they would prevent it by securing him if they were able. According to Zárate, seeing but a few men in the plaza when he entered he asked, 'Have these men surrendered?' and his people answered, 'They have!' 'Y como viò tan pocos Españoles, i esos à pie (porque los de à Caballo, estaban escondidos) pensò, que no osarian parecer delante de èl, ni le esperarian; i levantandose sobre las andas, dixo à su Gente. Estos rendidos estàn. Y todos respondieron que si.' Zárate, Hist. del Peru, Barcia, iii. 21.

[I‑9] Some say a cross and a breviary, others a cross and a bible. 'Llego entonces a el Fray Vincente de Valuerde, dominico, que lleuaua una Cruz en la mano, y su breuiario, o la biblia, como algunos dizen.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149.

[I‑10] 'Lui exposa longuement les mystères de notre sainte religion, en citant son discours plusieurs passages des évangiles, comme si Atahualpa avait su ce que c'était que les évangiles, ou eût été obligé de le savoir.' Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. iv. 315.

[I‑11] 'Respondio Atabaliba muy enojado, que no queria tributar siẽdo libre.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149. 'Ma che non gli pareua come Re libero di dar tributo à chi non haueua mai ve duto.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. 'Soi libre, no debo tributo à nadie, ni pienso pagarlo, que no reconozco por superior à ningun Rei.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I‑12] 'Y que Christo murio, y el sol, y la luna nunca morian.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 150.

[I‑13] 'Et che il Pontefice doueua essere vn qualche gran pazzo, poi che daua cosi liberamente quello d'altri.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. 'Que no obedeceria al Papa porque daua lo ageno, y por no dexar aquien nunca vio el reyno, que fue de su padre.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149-50.

[I‑14] 'Poi gli dimandò, come sapeua, che'l Dio de Cristiani di niente haueua fatto il mondo, e che fosse morto in Croce. Il frate rispose, che quel libro lo diceua, e lo porse ad Attabaliba, ilquale lo prese, e guardatoui sopra, ridendo disse; à me non dice niente questo libro; e gettatolo per terra, il frate lo ripigliò.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. 'Le moine en fut si irrité qu'il réclama à grands cris vengeance pour l'offense faite à Dieu et à sa sainte loi.' Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, 315.

[I‑15] Pizarro y Orellana mildly affirms that the inca threw the book from him in such scorn, that the monk was obliged to call upon the Christians to fight for their law. 'Y poniendole la biblia en las manos, la arrojò el Inga con tã gran vituperio, que obligò al Religioso à dar vozes à los Cristianos, diziendoles, que bolviessen por su ley, que la ultrajava aquel barbaro gentil, de quien no avia ya que esperar.' Varones Ilvstres, 155.

[I‑16] 'Et subito ad alta voce cominciò à gridare; vendetta, vendetta Cristiani, che gli Euangelij sono disprezzati, e gettati per terra. Vccidete questi cani, che dispreggiano la legge di Dio.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. Gomara says: 'Los Euãgelios en tierra, Vẽgãça Christianos, a ellos, a ellos que no quiere nuestra amistad, ni nuestra ley.' Hist. Ind., 150. While Garcilaso de la Vega renders it thus: 'Ea, ea, destruidlos, que menos precian nuestra lei, y no quieren nuestra amistad.' Com. Reales, ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I‑17] 'De Monick selfs hielt oock niet op den gantschen tydt dat sy doende waren met dit Dolck te vermoorden, vamrasen en tieren, vermanende de spaenjaerden dat sy niet houwen maer steken souden, om de Lemmets te bewaren, dat sy niet braecken, mits sy de Degens in nacomende moorderyen souden van noode hebben.' West-Indische Spieghel, 362.

[I‑18] 'Cargauã todos sobre Atabaliba, que todauia estaua en su litera, por prenderle, desseando cada vno el prez y gloria de su prision.' Gomara, 150. 'Ses gardes prirent la fuite de tous les côtés, et les Espagnols, ayant entraîné l'Inga dans leur camp, lvi mirent les fers aux pieds.' Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, 316.

[I‑19] The 'Spanish Captain' places the number at over seven thousand besides many who had their limbs cut off and were in other ways mutilated. 'Rima sero in quel giorno morti da sei ouer sette mila Indiani, oltra molti che haueano tagliate le braccia, e molte altre ferite.' Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo; Ramusio, iii. 374. 'Decimos, que pasaron de cinco mil Indios los que murieron aquel dia. Los tres mil y quinientos fueron à hierro, y los demas fueron viejos invtiles, mugeres, muchachos, y niños, porque de ambos sexos, y de todas edades avia venido innumerable gente à oir, y solenniçar la embajada de los que tenian por dioses.' Garcilaso de la Vega; Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. 25. This brutal massacre is dignified by Pizarro y Orellana, as one of the most important battles of history, remarkable for the loss of so little Christian blood! 'Se vencio una de las mas importantes batallas, y con menos gente de quantas en las historias divinas, y humanas se han visto; no sacandose mas sangre de los Cristianos, que la de una pequeña herida que le dieron en la mano à nuestro valeroso capitan salia.' Varones Ilvstres, 156.

[I‑20] 'Cosi bauuta la sanguinolente e terribil vittoria di quella misera gente infelice; stettero tutti la notte in balli e feste, lussuriando.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 124. 'Als de Spaenjaerden desen bloedighen neerlaghe aengerecht hadden van dit ongheluckighe Volck, hebben sy den naestvolgenden nacht met dansen en springhen, en bancketeren overghebrocht.' West-Indische Spieghel, 362.

[I‑21] No greater monument of blind adulation is found in Spanish-American history than the Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo Mvndo, Madrid, 1639, of Pizarro y Orellana, a descendant of one of the great Pizarros. Not only the brutal Francisco Pizarro is made a saint, but the accounts of the eight heroes of the conquest, which occupy the greater part of a folio volume, are little else than a covering of defects by so-called glorious deeds, which serve besides the purposes of fame as a special plea for the confirmation of grants conferred upon the conqueror. This plea is embodied in the author's later Discurso Legal, and is in some degree made weightier by his position as member of the royal council.

[I‑22] 'Y se fue enterando de ellos del discurso de su venida, y de la Fè Catolica, que oìa muy buen: como hombre que tenia muy bien entendimiento.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156.

[I‑23] 'Hallaron en el baño, y Real, de Atabaliba cinco mil mugeres, que aunque tristes, y desamparadas, holgaron con los Christianos, muchas y buenas tiendas, infinita ropa de vestir.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxvii.

[I‑24] 'Valiò en fin la bajilla sola de Atabaliba, cien mil ducados.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxvii. 'Los Soldados no se descuidaron en visitar los quarteles del exercito del Inga, donde hallaron grandissimas riqueza de oro, y plata.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156.

[I‑25] 'Tratò Ataulpa de su rescate, y ofrecio tan gran cantidad de oro, que parecia impossible cumplirlo.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156. 'Prometiò, porque le soltasen, cubrir de vasijas de plata y oro, el suelo de vna gran sala donde estava preso.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxviii.

[I‑26] 'J'attends avec impatience l'arrivée de votre frère, pour savoir quels sont ses droits, rendre justice à chacun et tâcher de vous mettre d'accord.' Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, 317.

[I‑27] Benzoni was told that Pizarro intended from the first to take the life of Atahualpa, as by this means he expected to be able better to subdue and govern the country. 'Però io ho inteso, da poi che Pizzarro l'hebbe fatto prigione, l'intento suo fu sempre di leuarselo dinanzi à gli occhi, per meglio potere soggiogare, e dominare il paese.' Hist. Mondo Nuovo, lib. iii. fol. 125.

[I‑28] 'Il était, dit-on, épris d'une des femmes d'Atahualpa, que la crainte qu'inspirait l'Inga empêchait de se rendre à ses désirs.' Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, 322. 'Sobre estas causas se examinaron à algunos Indios, à tiempo q̃ el Interprete Filipillo, zeloso de que una muger de Ataulpa le huviesse desdeñado, interpretò los dichos de los testigos, escriviendolos demanera, que el Padre Fray Vicente de Valverde dixo, que el firmaria la sentencia de muerte.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 166.

[I‑29] 'En la suma deste rescate, andan diversos, Agustin Çarate, y Francisco Lopez de Gomara, historiadores de aquellos tiempos, creo, que son erratas del molde: pondrè aqui algunas dellas, para que se vean mejor.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxxviii. I have taken the lowest estimate of this treasure as being in all probability as near the truth as any. Many different amounts are given, some of them as high as four millions. 'Hallaron cinquẽta y dos mil marcos de buena plata, y vn millon, y trezientos, y veynte y seys mil y quiniẽtos pesos de oro, suma, y riq̃za, nunca vista en vno.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 154-5.

[I‑30] The 'Spanish Captain' says that every foot-soldier received 4,800 ducats, equal to 7,208 castellanos, while horsemen received double. Those who were left at San Miguel received 200 pesos each. 'Il signor gouernatore fece le parti, e toccò a ciascuno fante a pie, quattro mila e ottocento pesi d'oro, che sono ducati. 7208, e a gli huomini a cauallo il doppio, senza altri vantaggi che gli furon fatti.... A quelli Christiani che erano restati in quel luogo doue haueua fondato il ridotto de San Michele, dette due mila pesi d'oro, acciocche lo partissero, che ne toccò dugento pesi a ciascuno.' Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo, Ramusio, iii. 377. 'Chaque cavalier reçut neuf cents pesos d'or et trois cent soixante marcs d'argent. Chaque fantassin eut la moitié de cette somme.' Hist. du Pérou, 327-8.

[I‑31] Pizarro well knew that the inca's death was certain if the matter were left to the soldiers, while by so doing he might be able to throw off some of the odium which otherwise would be fastened upon him. As he had anticipated, the majority was in favor of killing the prisoner. Others would have him sent to Spain, while a few were in favor of granting him his liberty. 'Dit also volbracht zÿnde, door Pizarro, en Almagro vergaderen de Krÿchsraedt, en beraetslaghen met malcanderen, wat men met Attabaliba soude uytrechten: Eenighe sloeghen voor, datmen hem soude om den hals brenghen, eenige vonden goet datmen hem los laten soude: Veele waren van meeninghe, dat het goet was datmen hem nae den Keyser soude senden. Ten laetsten, de stemmen vergadert synde, prevaleerde die, datmen hem soude ombrenghen.' West-Indische Spieghel, 365.

[I‑32] The philosophy as well as the religion of the early writers is ever found equal to the emergency. 'Y aunque parecio sin causa, y como tal lo pagaron los que intervinieron en ella, no sin culpa; pues tan sin ella avia sido fratricida del Guaxcar, como queda dicho.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 166-7.

[I‑33] 'Començaron vnos à desentablar las paredes del templo, que de oro, y plata eran: otros à desenterrar las joias, y Vasos de oro, que con los Muertos estavan: otros à tomar idolos que de lo mesmo eran.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. vii.

[I‑34] 'Acerca de los quinientos hombres, que estos autores dicen, que llevò consigo D. Pedro de Alvarado, se me ofrece decir, que à muchos de los que fueron con el, les oì, que fueron ochocientos Españoles.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. ii.

[I‑35] His relative, Pizarro y Orellana, says he was at this time nearly 80 years of age, and that he killed five persons and wounded others before he was stricken down. 'Como eran tãtos los que les ayudavan, aunque avia muerto a cinco, y otros muchos heridos, y como la edad llegava acerca de ochenta años, no pudo defenderse tanto, que no le diessen una estocada en la garganta, con que se desalẽtò, y desangrò, y vino à arrodillar.' Varones Ilvstres, 185-6.

[I‑36] It is scarcely necessary to say that the best history of the Peruvian conquest, indeed the only one that can lay claims to fairness and completeness, is Mr Prescott's. The chief original authorities have already been given. Pizarro forms a leading figure in Quintana, Vidas de Españoles Célebres, published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, in three volumes, reprinted at Paris in 1845. Celebrated as a poet and dramatist since 1801, Quintana intended to produce a lengthy series of biographies of the national heroes who had already entered into his song; but the demands of other studies and of his public duties as censor, director de estudios, and as senator, interfered with his work, and nine lives are all that have been recorded. While declaring his intention to be impartial and instructive he is often led by his innate predilection for hero and word painting, to mingle poetic fancy with biographic facts. The list may be greatly swollen by such works as Acosta, Hist. Ind.; Velasco, Hist. Quito; Ercilla, La Araucana; Levinius Apollonius, Peruuiæ Regionis; Burney's Dis. South Sea, i. 120; Galvano's Discov., 34-9; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 151; La Harpe, Voy., x. 259-458, xi. 5 et seq.; Voys., Nouv. Bib. des Voys., xii. 131-67; Kerr's Col. Voy., iv. 328-464; Harris, Col. Voy., i. 788-97, iv. 464-512, v. 1-217; Molina, Hist. Chile, Madrid, 1788, i.-ii.; March y Labores, Hist. Marina, ii. 123-5; Russell's Hist. Am., i. 264-301; Francisco Pizarro, in Quintana, Vidas, 71-171; Andagoya, Carta al Rey, Oct. 22, 1536; Voy. Cur. and Rare, 34; Campbell's Span. Am., 44-9; S. Am. and Mex., i. 45-9; Descrip. de Am., 38-40; Helps' Span. Conq., iii. 419-58; Snowden's Am., 141-7; Sammlung aller Reisebesch., xv. 36-46; Voys., A New Col., i. 365-7; Guzman's Life, 84-134; Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 798-9; Piedrahita, Hist. Gen., 438-40; Harper's Mag., xix. 434; Domingo de Eraso, in Doc. Hist. Esp., l. 220-31; Barrionuevo, Inform., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., x. 144-52; Torquemada, i. 611; and the many royal cédulas and letters of the Pizarros and others.

[II‑1] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ix. Although the charges against Pedrarias were pressed by Oviedo in person, there is no doubt that they were brought at the instigation of Rios.

[II‑2] He died at Córdoba. Oviedo, iii. 123-4.

[II‑3] Of his subsequent career it is known that he served under Pizarro in Peru and afterward retired to his estates in Cuzco. Cartas de Indias, 761-2.

[II‑4] On account of its resemblance to the harbor of Cartagena in Spain. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii.

[II‑5] Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii. This is the Spanish translation for the phrase applied to it by the natives. The word 'bohío' belongs to the dialect of the country.

[II‑6] In Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., it is stated that the city was then very populous, had a considerable commerce, and contained two castles heavily mounted with artillery, a cathedral, a custom-house, a government-house, and other public buildings.

[II‑7] This incident occurred in the year 1545. Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., 206-10.

[II‑8] According to Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., the new town was named San Sebastian de Buena Vista.

[II‑9] In Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., we have the somewhat remarkable statement that the nuts were of such size that two of them were often a sufficient burden for a man. He probably adheres to fact, however, when he states that on such food the Spaniards subsisted many days, at the first discovery of the country, alluding perhaps to Pizarro's fifty days' sojourn in that neighborhood when waiting for the return of Ojeda.

[II‑10] And paved the way for large bands of adventurers who afterward carried on a lucrative traffic with the natives. Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 133.

[II‑11]

[II‑12] In Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 142, it is stated that during this expedition César reached the town of the cacique Dabaiba, but no mention is made of his finding any gold there.

[II‑13] So named on account of the swarms of troublesome insects in its neighborhood. Id., 252.

[II‑14] Spelled also Nore. Id., 254.

[II‑15] In 1535, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 25, confirmed by Clemente, Tablas Chronológicas, 204.

[II‑16] Carta al Emperador, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 64-82.

[II‑17] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. v., it is stated that Berlanga succeeded Peraza on the death of the latter in 1531, or earlier, but this is probably a mistake. There is much conflict of authorities as to the succession of bishops about this date. In Alcedo, iv. 33, Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., and Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., it is stated that Vicente de Valverde was elected in 1533, and after holding office for a few months was promoted to the see of Cuzco, Berlanga taking his place at Panamá in 1534 as stated by Fernandez, who is probably the most accurate authority in church matters, and according to Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., x. 237, officiating in August of the following year, as 'juez comisario por su Majestad,' at an investigation into the conduct of Francisco Pizarro and other officers.

[II‑18] So says Gonzalez Dávila, Berlanga died August 8, 1551. Teatro Ecles., ii. 57-8.

[III‑1] 'Chripstóbal Colom, declaró á este almirante, su nieto, por duque de Veragua y marqués de la isla de Sanctiago, alias Jamáyca, é almirante perpétuo destas Indias, é le hizo merçed de lo uno y de lo otro por título de mayorazgo, é con ello le conçedió otras merçedes.' Oviedo, ii. 498-9. See also Charlevoix, Hist. San Domingo, i. 447.

[III‑2] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., it is stated that the vireina asked permission of the Consejo de Indias to arm vessels for the purpose of subjugating the natives, but that her request was refused because the fisco had not as yet decided the question of privilege.

[III‑3] 'Felipe Gutierrez obtuvo concesion en 1535, para conquistar la provincia de Veragua.' Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 204. In Notas Biográficas, in Cartas de Indias, 771, it is stated that after being in the service of Charles V. he was granted the right to make the conquest of a tract of territory extending from Castilla del Oro to Cape Gracias á Dios.

[III‑4] Consisting of four navíos and one galleon.

[III‑5] Felipe Gutierrez set out in 1535, though some authorities make it 1553. The former date is probably correct, for in a letter addressed to the emperor in 1534 Andagoya states that he has been advised of his Majesty's orders to the governor of Veragua to recruit men in Panamá, and begs him to reconsider his command. Andagoya, Carta al Rey, Oct. 22, 1534.

[III‑6] This stream was the river Concepcion, about two leagues west of the river Veragua and four leagues west of the Belen.

[III‑7] 'Á aquella poblacion mandó llamar el gobernador Felipe Gutierrez la cibdad de la Concepcion, y tambien la pudiera llamar de la aflicion, porque él y todos tenian trabaxo extremado.' Oviedo, ii. 483-4.

[III‑8] An expedition must be fitted out. The governor being sick delegated the command to his lieutenant Alonso de Pisa, who was to be accompanied by the priest Juan de Sosa. This latter knew that Pisa was not a favorite with the men, and the clérigo was ambitious to represent the church militant as general of the expedition; but Governor Gutierrez reproved him severely, stating that it was unseemly for a priest to carry arms. Many profane words were interchanged, the Spanish language being remarkably rich in such vocabulary. Sosa gained his point, and received the appointment, Diego de Pisa, brother of Alonso, acting as his lieutenant. Oviedo, ii. 484-9.

[III‑9] 'Huuo algunos que mataron vn Christano enfermo, y se le comieron.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi.

[III‑10] In Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi., there is a severe and somewhat unjust stricture on the conduct of Gutierrez. He says that when the sufferings of the party became intolerable, their leader, being too cowardly to risk a final and desperate effort, deserted his men, thus forfeiting his former good name, and embarked secretly with a few friends for Nombre de Dios; but it does not appear what he would have gained by attempting any further enterprise with the remnant of his starving band.

[IV‑1] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 683 et seq., this series.

[IV‑2] At the former of the above-named sessions, a fresh enrolment of citizens took place, and it is worthy of note that Alvarado first became one himself on that date, as 'el Sr Capitan General' heads the list which contains more than forty names. Remesal erroneously gives August 23, 1526, as the date of the enrolment. Hist. Chyapa, 8.

[IV‑3] Remesal makes a sly allusion to his vanity. 'Le parecio al Capitan Pedro de Aluarado boluer a la ciudad de Mexico, a ver, y que le viessen,' and adds that at this time, though not so quick and active as formerly, he had a fine appearance and a handsome countenance. Hist. Chyapa, 7.

[IV‑4] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 581-2, this series.

[IV‑5] In the charges subsequently brought against Alvarado it was alleged that he had deposed the officers of the cabildo on account of their opposition. To this he replied that he had merely appointed a new cabildo at the beginning of the year, according to the usual custom. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 12, 60, 83.

[IV‑6] Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 12.

[IV‑7] Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16, 17. Remesal is of opinion that Alvarado himself petitioned for a body-guard to go with him to Mexico; but a more probable explanation of the matter is that the political disturbances in Mexico had extended to Guatemala, and that seditious movements were on foot. Consult Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 83; and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 7.

[IV‑8] Alvarado calls this city the 'city of Santiago,' and also the 'city of Guatemala,' Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guatemala, 102, by which expressions it must be understood to have been Patinamit. Brasseur de Bourbourg, on the authority of the Cakchiquel manuscript, states that Alvarado mustered his forces at Xapan, and that at the moment of commencing his march one half of his men mutinied and fled to Patinamit; whereupon Alvarado pursued them, and the two parties nearly came to blows at the latter place. He found means, however, to pacify them, but in the night the mutineers set fire to the city and escaped, the date being May 9, 1526. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 686.

[IV‑9] No two authorities agree as to the time of his departure. Vazquez states that he left in the month of January 1526, Chronica de Gvat., 69, and Juarros in February, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 433; while Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the 10th of May as the date. Remesal altogether ignores Alvarado's expedition to Honduras, and states that he remained in Santiago until he received news of the arrival of Cortés at Vera Cruz, whereupon he again brought forward the question of his own departure for Mexico. Hist. Chyapa, 8.

[IV‑10] Hist. Verdad., 220. The position of this town may have been in the neighborhood of the present Tegucigalpa. There is an affluent of the Choluteca River which bears the name of Malalaja, and the similarity of names leads to the conjecture that Alvarado reached the neighborhood of Tegucigalpa as the Malalaja flows into the main stream just above that town. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls the town Malacatan.

[IV‑11] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 571, this series.

[IV‑12] Both Sandoval and Cortés had written to Marin, but neither letter reached its destination. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 219.

[IV‑13] 'Y acuerdome que tiramos piedras a la tierra que dexauamos atras, y con el ayuda de Dios iremos a Mexico.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 219.

[IV‑14] 'E era de tal gordor, q̃ del se hizo vna canoa, que en estas partes otra mayor no la auia visto.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 220. The ceiba is the wild cotton-tree and grows to an enormous size.

[IV‑15] Bernal Diaz' memory has here failed him. He states that after crossing the Lempa they entered the Chaparristic—called by him Chapanastiques—province, and that here the Indians killed a Spaniard named Nicuesa, and wounded three others of his party who were foraging for provisions. The Spaniards had passed through the Chaparristic province when they had reached the Lempa, and therefore it was either in Cuzcatlan that Nicuesa was killed, or the river which Alvarado's men crossed must have been the Goascoran.

[IV‑16] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 22; Juarros, Guat., ii. 96-7, Id. i. 23, 253. The official gazette of Salvador erroneously gives Aug. 6, 1525, as the date of submission, and states that the conquest is yearly commemorated. Salvador, Gac. Offic., 4 Dic. 1877, p. 1123. It will be remembered that Alvarado in his first campaign in Salvador did not succeed in reducing the province of Cuzcatlan to allegiance. He, however, formed the determination of returning to complete its subjugation. There is evidence that this was accomplished previously to May 1525. Consult Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 12, 13, and Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 105-6.

[IV‑17] About ten miles from the river Paz in Guatemala territory.

[IV‑18] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 22. 'Los Españoles, que estaban en Olintepeque de Quetzaltenango no havîan tenîdo modo de dar aviso á los de Honduras.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 71.

[IV‑19] Fuentes states that it was either Pedro de Alvarado or the ordinary alcaldes to whom the disturbance was to be attributed. Recordacion Florida, MS., 20. Escamilla is of opinion that the lieutenant, Jorge de Alvarado, was the one to blame, Sucesion Chronologica., 12, while the former author remarks that Jorge was in Mexico at the time, and was confounded with Gonzalo. He also states that the latter was ordinary alcalde, but this was not the case, for as may be seen in Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16, 17, the alcaldes were Diego Becerra and Baltasar de Mendoza.

[IV‑20] Vazquez says 400 girls and as many boys. Chronica de Gvat., 69. Fuentes y Guzman, 200 boys. Recordacion Florida, MS., 21. The gold-washings were those of Chahbal and Punakil, the former word meaning, according to Vazquez, 'the washing-place,' and the latter, 'plateado ô dorado.'

[IV‑21] One castellano of tequio according to Fuentes. 'Vn cañutillo de oro lavado del tamaño del dedo menîque,' according to Vazquez, Id.

[IV‑22] In the native dialect 'Caxtok.'

[IV‑23] Juarros, Guat., ii. 289. The whole land from Cuzcatlan to Olintepec—a distance of over 90 leagues—revolted. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 21. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the confederated Indians comprised the Pokomams, Pocomchis, Quichés, Cakchiquels, Pipiles, and Xincas, but entertains some doubt as to the Quichés taking part in the league, as such action is at variance with the Cakchiquel manuscript and with Vazquez. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 690. At a council summoned by the chiefs of the revolting tribes there were present among others the caciques of Tecpan Atitlan (the modern Solola), of Ruyaalxot, Sinacam, and the Appoxahil, of Xilotepec, Zacatepec, Chimaltenango, and Zumpango. Fuentes supposes that Sinacam was at this time at Patinamit, whereas he had escaped to the mountains of Comalapa, occupying there the stronghold of Ruyaalxot. This author evidently knew nothing of the Cakchiquel insurrection in 1524, for he states that after concealing for two years his intention to revolt the cacique now took advantage of Alvarado's absence.

[IV‑24] Juarros disagrees with the account given by Vazquez because it leads to the conclusion that Santiago was abandoned, and argues that this could not have been the case, because sessions of the cabildo were held on the 23d and 26th of August. Guat., i. 351-2, note and ii. 306. Juarros was not aware that the so-called city had no permanent site till 1527. The books of the cabildo were but the record of the acts of a municipality that was continually changing its position. Besides, Alvarado had before the dates above mentioned rejoined Gonzalo at Olintepec, and the above sessions were held at that town. The account given by Fuentes and followed by Juarros differs materially from that of Vazquez which has been followed in the text. Fuentes states that at this unexpected crisis all attempts at civil government were abandoned, and energetic measures adopted for a vigorous defence; that Gonzalo with 60 Spanish horse and foot and 400 Mexican and Tlascalan allies took up a position at Olintepec, while Baltasar de Mendoza with the rest of the army remained for the protection of the city of Santiago, Gonzalo de Ovalle, with his companions, being stationed in the valley of Panchoy and Hernando de Chaves in that of Alotenango; that the troops were quartered in the open plains during the months of June, July, and August, and suffered much from the heavy rains; and that the detachment under Chaves sustained four attacks from the forces of Sinacam, while Ovalle engaged twice with Sequechul who had fortified his camp with earthworks and ditches. Recordacion Florida, MS., 22; Juarros, Guat., ii. 291. I cannot accept this version of Fuentes. Bernal Diaz makes no mention of Alvarado's being joined by any Spaniards in the series of engagements that took place during his march through to Olintepec. On the contrary he says 'fuimos por nuestras jornadas largas, sin parar hasta donde Pedro de Alvarado auia dexado su exercito, porque estaua todo de guerra, y estaua en él por Capitan vn hermano que se dezia Gonzalo de Alvarado; llamauase aquella poblacion donde los hallamos, Olintepeque.' Hist. Verdad., 220. From this it is evident that Vazquez' account is correct and that the Spaniards had been completely driven out of the Cakchiquel district.

[IV‑25] Meanwhile the other column had suffered severely. There is a list of those killed in Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 54. It is refreshing to know that their spiritual welfare was cared for, the cabildo on the 16th of Sept. 1528 securing to them their lots and lands and ordering the same to be sold for the good of their souls. Bernal Diaz was among the wounded: 'allí me hirieron de vn flechazo, mas no fue nada la herida.' Hist. Verdad., 220.

[IV‑26] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 23-4; Juarros, Guat., ii. 294-5.

[IV‑27] The name of the chief is spelled by Fuentes Cazualan and Casualan. Juarros states that the word means 'The faithful will come,' and adds, 'nombre que parece profetico, pues en tiempo de este Cacique vinieron los fieles Christianos á predicar el Santo Evangelio.' Guat., ii. 292. Cazhualan had been one of the first to give in his allegiance, an act which offended the greater part of his subjects, who revolted against him, whereupon he resorted to arms. A fierce conflict ensued, which ended in the defeat of the insurgents, who fled to the woods. The rebels refusing to return to their allegiance, Cazhualan visited Alvarado, who promised him assistance. Thenceforward he remained a faithful ally of the Spaniards. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 19, 20. According to Fuentes and Juarros Alvarado shortly afterward sent a force to his aid, and Petapa was soon reduced to obedience and made submissive to its cacique. Fuentes states that the Guzmans of Petapa are descended from Cazhualan. Recordacion Florida, MS., 24-5; Juarros, Guat., ii. 296.

[IV‑28] This great battle is simply but graphically made mention of by Bernal Diaz in the few words, 'Y les hizimos yr con la mala ventura.' Fuentes, followed by Juarros, locates the scene of this battle elsewhere. He states that on reaching the valley where Guatemala stands Alvarado attacked and carried the intrenched camp of Sequechul, and that on the same night the army arrived in Guatemala. Recordacion Florida, 24. Vazquez correctly writes: 'En la vltima de las quales (batallas) entraron la Ciudad de Patinamit, los Españoles, que ... fué hazaña muy memorable esta victoria.' Chronica de Gvat., 73. This view corresponds with the account of Bernal Diaz.

[IV‑29] This capital had already been repaired, and the buildings elicit an expression of admiration from Bernal Diaz, who says: 'Y estauan los aposentos y las casas con tan buenos edificios, y ricos, en fin como de Caciques que mandauan todas las Provincias comarcanas.' Hist. Verdad., 220.

[IV‑30] Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests that the erection of these dwellings gave rise to the present city of Tecpan-Guatémala, which is to-day inhabited by the descendants of the citizens of Patinamit. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 693.

[IV‑31] Pelaez considers that this time was occupied in removing the inhabitants and destroying the city. Mem. Guat., i. 49. But Bernal Diaz makes no mention of so striking an event.

[IV‑32] Two of the brothers of Pedro de Alvarado now pass from the scene as prominent actors in Guatemala. Gonzalo came over to Mexico with Cortés, and took part in the conquest. On his return to the capital of that country it appears from the books of the cabildo that he was regidor in 1527 and 1528, and in the latter year received a grant of land for a fruit-orchard, on which occasion the cabildo graciously mentions that he had remitted the payment of 100 pesos previously loaned to the city. Bernal Diaz makes mention of him as having written an account of the conquest of Guatemala. At a later date he settled in Honduras and became alcalde of one of the towns founded there by his brother. He also resettled the city of Gracias á Dios. The second brother alluded to—Don Gomez—also came to Mexico with Cortés. What time he left Guatemala is not evident; his name, however, appears on the books of the cabildo on January 8, 1525. He was in Mexico in 1527. When Alvarado went on his expedition to Peru, this brother accompanied him, joined the Almagro faction, was made prisoner at the battle of Salinas, but was released by Pizarro. Later he was so disgusted at the assassination of that leader that he joined the standard of the viceroy Vaca de Castro and was present at the battle of Chupas. He died of sickness a few days afterward in 1542. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 215-16, 224; Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 12; Bernal Diaz, Hist., 176, 240; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog. Ap., i. 167.

[IV‑33] 'Cortés nos lleuò a sus Palacios, adonde nos tenia aparejada vna muy solene comida.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 220.

[IV‑34] The Recordacion Florida de la Historia de Guatemala by Don Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is a manuscript work in three volumes, two of which exist in the archives of the municipality of Guatemala city. They comprise seventeen books, the first of which relates to the history of the indigenous races, the substance of which is taken almost entirely from Torquemada. The six following books treat consecutively of the conquest down to the time of the Spaniards entering Guatemala; of its independence with respect to Mexico; of the destruction of old Santiago and Alvarado's life and career; of the founding of the second city of Santiago; of miraculous images existing in Guatemala; and of the privileges and ordinances of its capital city. The next nine contain descriptions of as many principal valleys of the province, among which may be mentioned those of Las Vacas, Mixco, Zacatepec, and Xilotepec. In these descriptions the author deals with all matters of interest connected with the valleys, including Indian games. The seventeenth book is devoted to the historiography of the spiritual administration of these valleys in the writer's time. According to Beristain the first volume was sent to Spain to be printed, but nothing more is known of it. Fuentes y Guzman was born in Antigua Guatemala, his family being descended from Bernal Diaz. Juarros states that he wrote in 1695. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 309. He had at his command a large number of rare documents, but did not make such use of them as an unbiassed chronicler would have done. His admiration of the conquerors was too great to admit of his making mention of the cruelties which such documents must have exposed. The same feeling urged him to indulge in invective against Las Casas. Such were his prejudices in this respect, that as regards the conquest, he could not be considered a reliable historian were there no other evidence of his inaccuracies; but when I find that in many instances his narrative is at variance with that given in Alvarado's own letters, the necessity of receiving his statements with additional caution is apparent. Brasseur de Bourbourg is, perhaps, extreme in saying: 'Le mensonge qui règne continuellement dans les récits de Fuentes,' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 690; but this latter author was as ready to accept Indian versions of events, as the other was disposed to ignore them. The style of Fuentes, though not wanting in elegance and descriptive power, often becomes flowery and sometimes inflated.

[V‑1] In a memorial of Mexicans and Tlascaltecs petitioning the king of Spain for redress of grievances, they said, 'Venimos a conquistar esta prov^a. bajo el yugo pesado del Ad^o. Alvarado, i D^n. P^o. Puertocarrero;' and again: 'i malos trat^os. de los Esp^s. q^e. ahorcaron i mataron m^s. de nos^s.' Memorial, 15 Marzo 1547; Squier's MSS., xxii. 41.

[V‑2] Fuentes says they reached Santiago on this day. He also states that Diego de Alvarado was captain of the garrison; but I think that some other officer was then in command, as a Diego de Alvarado was regidor of Santiago this same year. See Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16-18.

[V‑3] 'Que hoy no se encuentra el menor vestigio de èl.' Juarros, Guat., ii. 297.

[V‑4] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 4-12; Juarros, Guat., ii. 297-300. Many families are descended from Spaniards who distinguished themselves in this campaign. Bartolomé Becerra, one of the captains, left numerous descendants besides those bearing his family name. His daughter who later took a prominent part in the conquest of Copan, is represented in the female line by the family of the Villacreces Cueba y Guzman. From Sancho de Baraona, who filled the offices of procurator, syndic, and ordinary alcalde, are descended the Baraona de Loaisa. The cavalry officer Hernando de Chaves was ever placed in command when dangerous enterprises were to be undertaken. His daughter Doña Catarina de Chaves y Vargas married Rodrigo de Fuentes y Guzman, and a second one was wedded to Pedro de Aguilar. Juarros, Guat., i. 349-51.

[V‑5] Vazquez commits a twofold error in stating that Alvarado not only conducted the campaign about to be narrated, but on his arrival at Olintepec united his forces with those stationed there, and marched against Patinamit, which he took after a series of engagements, and then went in pursuit of the caciques who had escaped. Chronica de Gvat., 72-3. This is utterly at variance with the account given by Bernal Diaz, who took part in the campaign. Nor did Alvarado after his arrival at Olintepec undertake any further operations before his departure for Mexico, according to this latter authority, who says: 'y estuvimos descansando ciertos dias' (that is at Olintepec), 'y luego fuimos a Soconusco.' Hist. Verdad., 220.

[V‑6] Called by Vazquez the Nimanche, a word meaning 'great tree,' and derived from the enormous cedars which grew in the ravines. The range is situated about eight leagues from Comalapa and ten to the east of Tecpan Guatemala, near the site of Ruyaalxot. Chronica de Gvat., 70-71.

[V‑7] 'Passa el rio grande, q̃ se dize Nimaya, por sus muchas aguas.' Id.

[V‑8] For an account of a priest's descent into this ravine see Vazquez. Id.

[V‑9] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that this fortification had been previously built, 'dans la prévision d'une guerre avec les Quichés,' and adds that according to public rumor subterranean passages connected it with Patinamit. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 693-4. Vazquez, on the contrary, says that the Quichés aided in its erection in order to provide a safe retreat in case of being defeated by the Spaniards. Its ruins were still to be seen in the time of Juarros. Guat., i. 253.

[V‑10] According to Fuentes it consisted of 215 Spanish arquebusiers and cross-bowmen, 108 horsemen, 120 Tlascaltecs, and 230 Mexicans, with four pieces of artillery, under Diego de Usagre. Recordacion Florida, ii. 586. Brasseur de Bourbourg says the army was composed of 200 Spanish veterans and numerous Mexican, Tlascaltec, Zutugil, and Quiché auxiliaries. Vazquez followed by Escamilla asserts that the number of Spaniards scarcely amounted to 200 men. Chronica de Gvat., 72.

[V‑11] At a place called Chixot according to the Cakchiquel manuscript. Brasseur de Bourbourg has a note to the effect that this must be the same as the Ruyaalxot of Vazquez, as the etymology of this latter name corresponds with that of the Mexican word Comalapa, which he believes to have been afterward founded on the spot. Vazquez says the Spaniards took up their quarters so close to the mountain that they were hardly safe from the rocks rolled down upon them. Chronica de Gvat., 73.

[V‑12] Juarros states that the emissaries were put to death. Guat., i. 253.

[V‑13] 'Ellos como monos se descolgaban hasta donde querian, subian, como por vna escalera bien ordenada por aquellos riscos ... y dando bastantes cuydados al exercito Español.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 73.

[V‑14] Brasseur de Bourbourg is of this opinion.

[V‑15] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that Sinacam escaped by one of the subterranean passages before mentioned, and after living a wretched life for several years, wandering about the mountains, surrendered to Alvarado in 1530. Hist. Nat. Civ., 695-702. Vazquez has copied an act of the cabildo dated May 19, 1540, in which Alvarado is requested either to take Sinacam and Sequechul with him on his proposed voyage to the Spice Islands on account of their rebellious proclivities, or to execute them. Alvarado replied that he would do what was most convenient. As a matter of fact Sinacam died in Jalisco before the sailing of the fleet. Vazquez is of opinion that as they were not put to death in the heat of the moment, Alvarado would not be likely to execute them at the instigation of the cabildo. Chronica de Gvat., 30-2. The author of the Isagoge states that they lingered in prison for 14 years, that they were put on board the fleet, and probably perished during the voyage, as nothing more is known of them. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 77. Brasseur de Bourbourg's account of the fate of these princes is that Sinacam died in 1533, while Sequechul was put on board the fleet and perished miserably off the coast of Jalisco. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 790, 800-1. Fuentes gives so different an account to that of Vazquez relative to the capture of the stronghold, that, as Juarros remarks, every one would suppose it to be the narration of an entirely distinct event. Guat., ii. 302-5. The capture of Sinacam was yearly celebrated by 'the festival of the volcano,' at which a mimic representation of the event was performed. In the great plaza of Guatemala an artificial mound was thrown up and covered with branches of trees and rocks in imitation of a mountain, and on the top a miniature castle was built. Here the governor of Jocotenango stationed himself with the principal men of his village. He represented Sinacam, and in so high esteem was this privilege held, that in 1680 the ruler of Itzapa offered 500 pesos for the right of personating the character, but was refused. When the governor had placed himself at his post, two companies of Tlascaltecs commenced the mimic siege, and after a long display of prowess on both sides, the assailants stormed the height and captured Sinacam, who was secured with a chain and delivered prisoner to the president. Id., 301-3, note.