About the middle of January 1696 the troops left Guatemala; Alzayaga, on arriving with his division at Los Dolores, found the village thriving, more than five hundred native converts being settled there. He then proceeded in search of the Lacandon towns and eventually discovered two, Peta and Mop, each containing more than a hundred families. The people readily received the faith. And Alzayaga, concluding that he had found all the Lacandon villages, went in quest of the Itzas by way of the Lacandon River.
After descending some thirty-two leagues the expedition came to another and larger river, which they ascended for many leagues,[XXXVI‑31] making inquiries whenever possible for a road to the Itza capital; but all in vain; and finally, after fifty-seven days of search they returned to Los Dolores,[XXXVI‑32] where they arrived the 29th of April 1696. A report was sent to the president, Berrospe, and from him orders were received to leave a company of soldiers with some priests at Los Dolores and return to Guatemala, as no further expeditions would be undertaken in that direction, unless so ordered by the king.
The expedition under Amézqueta encountered a more tragic fate. Reaching Mopan about the last day of February, and taking Velasco into his confidence, Amézqueta intrusted him with the command of a company of twenty-five Spanish soldiers, which was increased at San Pedro by a similar number sent in advance, together with thirty-six Zalamá archers. Velasco was to proceed to his former camping-ground on the Chajal, and there, or in that neighborhood, to open communication with the Itzas by means of the cacique Quijan, who had been detained as a prisoner since the occupation of Los Dolores. Disregarding these instructions Velasco, without waiting for the main body, pushed on. The subsequent fate of his command and of the priests was never ascertained with certainty, as none of them were ever seen afterward.
The general made every effort to discover the lost detachment, and following their footprints arrived with a small escort at Lake Peten. Although he entered into communication with the Itzas he could obtain no information of Velasco. The Itzas made every effort to induce him and his company to pass over to their city. This he was too cautious to do; and ordering a final blast of bugles, retreated. The hostility of the natives now became evident, and a swarm of canoes, with warlike demonstrations, put off from the island. Amézqueta, however, successfully effected his retreat, and rejoined the main body, which was encamped at the Chajal, where he awaited orders from the president.[XXXVI‑33]
The Itzas frequently attacked the Spaniards by night, and in such increasing numbers that retreat became necessary. Amézqueta therefore withdrew to the savanna of San Pedro Mártyr, where he fortified himself. At this juncture despatches arrived from Alzayaga announcing the failure of his expedition, whereupon the president ordered the withdrawal of the troops, not only from San Pedro but from Mopan.
Meanwhile the expeditions despatched from the north were progressing more favorably. When Ursua heard that Barrios had started for the Indian country, he hastened to participate in the work, and sent an advance corps to coöperate under the president's instructions. Alonso García de Paredes was placed in command of the company, which consisted of fifty Spanish soldiers and a larger number of natives. Leaving Campeche he advanced to the frontier of Yucatan, but while reconnoitring he was assailed by a large force of Quehaches, and a fierce encounter ensued. The Quehaches were defeated, whereupon they fled, and from some captives taken during the encounter Paredes ascertained that the mountain people were assembled in force. Not daring to press on with his slender band he returned to Campeche. Ursua now applied for fresh troops and supplies. Volunteers were numerous, and by June Paredes had a much larger force under his command. "This expedition," says Villagutierre, "reached the boundary and frontier of Christianity in that direction" on the 11th of June 1695.
By the middle of July Paredes arrived at Zucthock, and here for the first time natives visited the camp, and the friars entered vigorously upon their missionary work. Here also reënforcements arrived from Ursua, and despatches ordering Paredes to march on Los Dolores and there establish a fort.
The expedition left Zucthock on the 10th of August, and passing through several abandoned villages, crossed the Ucun or Concepcion River, and arrived at the plains of Chuntuqui, where they found another deserted village.[XXXVI‑34] Eighty-six leagues of road had now been cut through the forest, and the path lay open almost to Lake Peten; but in the beginning of September the rains set in and further progress was impossible. Paredes, therefore, withdrew to the north of Zucthock, and there awaited the return of the dry season.
Thus far all was well; but the work was now threatened with interruption from political causes. Ursua was only acting governor. A suit had for some time been pending with regard to the respective claims of Ursua and Roque de Soberanis to the governorship of Yucatan. This was decided in favor of the latter, Ursua being appointed his successor. The law required that in future one holding the title of governor could not reside in the province; but Ursua contended that the new road had been advanced so far beyond the settled limits of Yucatan as to exempt him from the rule, and considered that the future control of it belonged to him. As Soberanis was still detained in Mexico, he continued his preparations for the campaign of the ensuing year.
At this time news was brought by the Tipus, who had returned to their allegiance, that the Itzas were anxious to be reconciled with the Spaniards, and a Tipu messenger, Mateo Bichab, was sent with presents to the canek.
Although Bichab found the Itzas mustering for war, the canek expressed his wish to enter into peace with the governor of Yucatan, as the time for the fulfilment of the prophecies had now arrived. Ursua consequently sent presents,[XXXVI‑35] and a suitable reply in the Maya language, by the hand of the father comisario, Andrés de Avendaño, who was accompanied by two brother friars. No sooner had Avendaño departed than news came that an embassy was already approaching from the Itzas, headed by Can, a nephew of the canek. Its reception was made as impressive as possible, and the governor and his chief officers met Can outside the city and conducted him and his colleagues with a military escort to the cathedral of Mérida, where mass was performed. At the official interview which followed, Can presented to Ursua, in behalf of the canek, a crown of feathers of divers colors, in token of submission, and requested that he and his companions might be baptized. His request was granted, and the name of Martin Francisco Can was given to the ambassador, Martin de Ursua acting as godfather. The embassy was dismissed with presents for the canek, and an escort of thirty men at arms, under Captain Hariza, with seven priests, was assigned to accompany them home.
Paredes was now directed to take possession of the Itza country in the name of the king of Spain, and the like instructions were given to Hariza, should he arrive first at the capital of the great lake. Meanwhile Avendaño and his companions had met with an unfriendly reception from the Itzas, who on their arrival at the island conducted them into a hall where were exposed the sacrificial table and the seats of the twelve officiating priests. The sight was not encouraging, but the calm bearing of the father comisario secured him a hearing, and he was permitted to read Ursua's address to the excited multitude which thronged around the building. The conciliatory tone of the message made a favorable impression, and the friars now received better treatment. There was, however, a faction, headed by the cacique Coboxh, averse to any dealings with the Spaniards, and several days were consumed in considering the answer to be sent to Yucatan, during which time the lives of the priests were more than once in peril. They were finally suffered to depart with a peaceful reply in which the canek promised to surrender the islands of the lake to the Spaniards.[XXXVI‑36] No allusion was made to Martin Can's mission, nor did the friars know anything of the matter until their arrival in Yucatan. On their return homeward the fathers lost their way, and for several weeks strayed amidst the mountains. When almost at the point of death from starvation, two natives of Yucatan who had accompanied them discovered the road which was being opened by Ursua. Help was obtained from a passing mule-train, and the exhausted friars were conveyed to the camp of Paredes, whence they proceeded to Mérida.
Soon after the departure of Avendaño from Mérida, Paredes was ordered to proceed to Lake Peten, but falling ill transferred his command to Pedro de Zubiaur, who with sixty troops, and accompanied by father Juan de San Buenaventura, started forth about the time Avendaño was lost in the mountains. On arriving at the lake the hostile intent of the Itzas was speedily disclosed. Buenaventura, accompanied by Agustin de Sosa and a lay brother, endeavored to pacify them. All were seized and carried off to the canoes so swiftly that recapture was impossible. The Spaniards charged and killed about forty of the Itzas; but numbers were against Zubiaur,[XXXVI‑37] who after maintaining the fight for some time retreated in good order. Francisco de Hariza heard at Tipu of this change of affairs at Peten, and Martin Can and his comrades, who were under charge of Hariza, also hearing the news, took an early opportunity of making their escape. It was proved later, however, that they had acted in good faith.
There were now but eight leagues of unexplored country between the terminus of the road under construction from Yucatan and Los Dolores; but this portion presented the greatest difficulty, and could not be finished until the Itzas were reduced. An active contest was now going on between Ursua and Soberanis for the honor of completing it. Eventually the viceroy Ortega Montañez, bishop of Michoacan, decided that to Ursua properly belonged the completion of the work, and Soberanis was enjoined to render all possible aid. Letters soon afterward arrived from the king commending Ursua's labors and assuring him of protection. A cédula was also addressed to Governor Soberanis ordering him[XXXVI‑38] to render all possible assistance. The president of Guatemala was instructed to aid the enterprise by directing a body of soldiers against Peten from the south, while the viceroy of New Spain was to furnish at cost the provisions and ammunition necessary for the undertaking.
Sending his infantry and artillery in advance, Ursua on the 24th of January 1697 left Campeche with the cavalry. The forces reached Lake Peten without encountering any serious obstacle, and the construction of a galliot was at once begun. The Spaniards were harassed by the Indians, who plied them with missiles, but Ursua would not allow his men to retaliate, and treated kindly the Itzas whom he captured, so that in time their countrymen began to visit the encampment. Among the first to enter the camp was Martin Can, who explained that the reason of his previous flight was fear of unjust punishment for his countrymen's assault on Zubiaur's command. He, moreover, informed Ursua that the Itzas were preparing for war. Not long afterward a flotilla of canoes approached, the largest of which bore a white flag which betokened the presence of the high priest, Quincanek, cousin-german and next in authority to the canek. A guard of honor was drawn up for his reception, and the chieftains were escorted to the general's tent with due formality. Mutual assurances of friendship were exchanged, and Quincanek declared that the Itzas were willing to open a road from the lake to that which led to Guatemala.
A day was named on which the canek himself would visit the encampment, but the promise was not kept. In his place a tempting bevy of attractive women was sent, evidently meant to captivate and beguile; but their deportment betrayed the purpose for which they were sent, and strict discipline was maintained. An almost unanimous feeling prevailed that kindness would not pacify the Itzas. This was evident from the opinions of the captains expressed at a council of war; but the general was firmly determined to abide by the spirit of the king's cédulas, to employ only peaceful measures until all resources in that direction were exhausted; and being ready to sail to the island of Peten, he proclaimed that the penalty of death would be inflicted upon any one who should enter upon hostilities under any provocation without his express order.[XXXVI‑39]
On the 13th of March 1697, after confessing their sins and celebrating the solemn rites of the church,[XXXVI‑40] one hundred and eight men set out for the island on board the galliot, every soul on board being stirred by religious enthusiasm. On their approach to Peten they were surrounded by countless canoes, whose occupants ceaselessly plied the Spaniards with arrows, until a soldier, named Bartolomé Duran, being painfully wounded, discharged his arquebuse. This was followed by a general volley. Ursua, who had hitherto endeavored to convince the Itzas of his peaceful intentions and had restrained his men by voice and example, could no longer control them. The galliot was nearing the island, and the Spaniards in their impatience to get at close quarters leaped into the water and fought their way to land. Then forming in close order they charged the Itzas with such fury that they, already panic-stricken, broke and plunged by thousands into the lake.[XXXVI‑41] Great numbers were drowned, or shot from the pursuing galliot, on which had remained twenty men besides the rowers. So great was the terror inspired that those in the canoes lost their presence of mind, and casting away weapons and paddles jumped overboard, the surface of the lake, from the island to the shore, being thickly covered with the heads of the swimmers.[XXXVI‑42]
Ursua now planted the standard of Castile upon the summit of the temple, which after due thanksgiving was converted into a church, and consecrated by the vicar-general in full canonicals. The chief island received the name of Nuestra Señora de los Remedios y San Pablo. The natives were gradually induced to return to their habitations. On the last of March Chamajcuca, chief of the Alain nation, came in, bringing the fugitive canek with all his family, and an era of good-will was inaugurated. The unfinished road to Guatemala was meantime pushed forward, and Captain Paredes was sent with despatches to the audiencia. The tidings were received by the oidores with rejoicing, and appropriations were made for the maintenance of a garrison of fifty soldiers at Los Remedios, as Ursua's means were nearly exhausted.
On hearing of this friendly assistance, Ursua caused a redoubt to be erected and mounted with artillery. Then leaving on the island a garrison of seventy-five men under Captain Estenoz, he returned with the remainder of his force to Campeche. The enthusiasm caused by his success was shared by all save his rival Soberanis, who, straining his prerogatives as governor, subjected Ursua to vexatious insults, and even temporary arrest. While in Campeche Ursua received letters from Peten, showing the necessity of finishing the work of subjugation. The larger isle was being deserted, and the smaller ones were under no control, while the tribes beyond the lake were hostile. Ursua was in a strait. He felt the necessity of immediate action, but the unfriendly feelings of Soberanis and his own reduced means delayed him until 1698, when cédulas were again addressed to the viceroy of Mexico and the governor of Guatemala and Yucatan,[XXXVI‑43] ordering them not to throw impediments in the way of Ursua; while a complimentary despatch was addressed to the latter,[XXXVI‑44] appointing him governor and captain-general of the whole country through which he had opened a highway, and making him answerable only to the viceroy of Mexico.
Ursua was now enabled once more to take the field, and having obtained assistance from the military commander of Campeche, began his march for Peten in January 1699. A simultaneous movement was also made from Guatemala by Melchor Mencos, with a force of two hundred men.
On Ursua's arrival at Los Remedios on the 11th of February following, he found the garrison almost out of ammunition, and in want of provisions. Accordingly he despatched messengers to hasten forward the forces from Guatemala, which were well provided with stores of all kinds. Meanwhile the latter had begun the campaign in two divisions, one of which, under the command of Melchor Mencos, was to unite with Ursua at Peten, by way of Vera Paz, and the other, commanded by Estévan Medrano y Solórzano, was to proceed through Los Dolores to the same destination.[XXXVI‑45] Mencos arrived at Peten on the 14th of March, but Medrano did not appear until the 1st of April.
The result of these combined expeditions was most unsatisfactory. The commissariat, which followed in the rear of the Guatemalan divisions, did not come up, and Ursua could not undertake the campaign with any hope of success. The foraging parties effected little, and sickness came. Ursua called a council of war, at which the general opinion was that a garrison should be left at Los Remedios, and that the rest of the troops should return. This resolution was carried out on the 11th of May, when Ursua and Mencos began their march for Yucatan and Guatemala respectively, each equally disappointed. Francisco Cortés was left in command of the fort with seventy men and officers, and with him remained the vicar-general Rivas, with other missionaries and some private families. Almost immediately after Ursua's return Soberanis died, and the former assumed the government of the province.[XXXVI‑46]
Of the future operations against Peten but little is known;[XXXVI‑47] of the Lacandones it may be remarked that to this day they have maintained their independence.
The Tzendal Rebellion—A New Miracle—Atrocities—A Novel Hierarchy—The Tzendales Repulsed—Segovia's Operations—President Cosío Assumes Command—Fall of Cancuc—Spread of the Rebellion—Its Suppression—Decadence of Chiapas—Earthquakes—Riots—Venality of the Clergy—Establishment of the Archbishopric—Heresy—Boundaries of Provinces—Abolition of Corregimientos—Another Great Earthquake—Quarrels Over Removal—Expulsion of the Jesuits.
When the storm raised by the Berropistas and Tequelies had subsided, a political calm appears to have prevailed for a period in Guatemala. Unfortunately, in other respects the colonists were far from enjoying repose, and the eighteenth century was the most calamitous epoch in the history of the country. Nor was the freedom from strife between church and state permanent, since humiliating contests for authority in time sprang up afresh.
The first important event which disturbed the quiet order of affairs, was the rising of the Tzendales[XXXVII‑1] in Chiapas during the presidency of Toribio José de Cosío y Campa.[XXXVII‑2] In 1712 the Tzendales formed an alliance with numerous kindred nations, and grafting some Christian rites upon their paganism, followed the lead of an Indian girl, who claimed inspiration from the virgin Mary.
The first outbreak occurred at Diasolo, where Fray Pedro Villena was beaten almost to death in the church while attempting to remove certain ornaments which were to be conveyed to a neighboring town by the bishop. This outrage was followed by the seizure of the Spaniards who resided there. They were, however, released two days afterward. Somewhat later the bishop visited the disaffected town, and was openly informed by the Indians that it was their intention to rise in arms.[XXXVII‑3]
About the middle of the year Simon de Lara, priest of Cancuc, was informed of the miraculous interposition, which was on the wrong side of his orthodoxy, a miracle of Satan's; and that the natives had erected a chapel near that town in consequence of the event. He immediately convened the inhabitants, who promptly assembled, bringing with them the Indian girl to whom the divine revelation had been made. Standing in their midst she calmly told how the virgin had appeared to her, and commanded that a chapel to her glorification should be built on the spot where she had made her presence visible. Had this divine display been free from the taint of aboriginal faith, much capital might have been made of it by the fathers. Padre Lara addressed the Indians on the matter and wished to destroy the chapel, but the Tzendales induced him to allow it to remain, that it might serve as a place in which to make bricks. In spite of the bishop's prohibition, religious rites continued to be celebrated there, and owing to the inertness of the authorities at Ciudad Real the hydra of rebellion grew apace. The neighboring towns entered into a compact with the people of Cancuc, and the league spread far and wide in the neighboring districts.
Thus passed the month of July. In the beginning of August the Cancucs sent messengers to all the Tzendales, in the name of the virgin, and with letters signed in her name, commanding them to bring to her chapel at Cancuc all the silver and ornaments of the churches, and all the money and books, for there was now neither God nor king of the Spaniards. On receiving this summons the leaders of the rebellion in each town artfully evoked the fanaticism of the low orders by calling upon them to hasten to the assistance of the virgin, who they asserted was going to be put to death.[XXXVII‑4] A multitude was gathered, and on the 10th a great feast was celebrated at the chapel of Cancuc, where a council of war was held in order to complete their plans for the extermination of the Spaniards. The towns of Tenango and Chilun were soon afterward attacked by a body of Tzendales, two thousand strong, who were called the "soldiers of the virgin." Tenango fell an easy prey; the fiscal Nicolás Perez was flogged till he died, and many others were put to death with every ingenuity of torture.[XXXVII‑5] At Chilun the feeble garrison defended itself for some time; but when their ammunition was exhausted and they had no hope of escape or further defence, they gave up their arms under assurances that their lives would be spared. Most of them were immediately clubbed or stoned to death, and the remainder died under the scourge.
In obedience to the commands of their prophetess the Tzendales then proceeded against Ococingo, but the Spaniards retreated in time to Comitán. Aware that neither woman nor child had been harmed at Chilun, they unfortunately left their families behind. When the Tzendales entered the town they were deceived by the women as to the direction their husbands had taken. On discovering the deceit the Indians were enraged, and returning to Ococingo they tore the children from the mother's arms and murdered them before their eyes; then after beating the women they sent them to Cancuc.
A high festival was held to celebrate their success, and over it presided their prophetess, whose word was law. In the chapel at Cancuc she issued her mandates. Before the spurious altar of the virgin hung a screen of Indian matting, behind which the priestess would retire; thence issuing forth she pronounced the commands of holy Mary.
The inventor of this imposture was a Tzendale, who henceforth assumed the name of Sebastian Gomez de la Gloria. He asserted that Saint Peter had taken him up to heaven and appointed him his vicar on earth, with power to elect bishops and priests. And he went on to the full completion of his holy mission. All the fiscals of the towns were summoned to Cancuc and the elect ordained. The only qualifications required were ability to read, and to perform the feat of kneeling for twenty-four consecutive hours, candle in hand, reciting the rosary; after which La Gloria sprinkled the priest-elect with holy water, and the ordination ended.
The hybrid faith spread apace. Sebastian celebrated mass; and on the first performance a great feast was held, bull-fights and games being celebrated in honor of the event, while the church was converted into a dancing-hall. The priestess also celebrated mass, and daily preached to the natives, dressed in sacerdotal robes; in the surrounding towns, too, the newly consecrated priests zealously plied their calling by discoursing from the pulpit and administering the sacraments.
But ere long murmurings began to prevail. The natives had been led to believe that the virgin had oracularly announced that there should be no more tribute and no more priests.
By dint of flogging the new hierarchy maintained order for a time, but as the discontent increased Nicolás Vasquez, styling himself captain-general, in the name of Gomez de la Gloria, envoy of Saint Peter, fulminated a proclamation against the malecontents.[XXXVII‑6]
The next action of the Cancuc ecclesiastics was the appointment of a bishop, and the individual selected was offered the pleasant alternative of accepting the bishopric or being hanged. The test of his ability to fill the office is curious. For three days and nights he was kept fasting in the chapel at Cancuc under threat of instant death at the first display of weakness. Having passed this ordeal he was consecrated by Gomez de la Gloria with appropriate solemnity and mummery.[XXXVII‑7]
A government was also formed, the head of which was Doña María Angel the priestess. She was assisted by twelve of the principal Tzendales, styled majordomos.[XXXVII‑8] Sessions were held in the chapel where contributions were received with which to defray the expenses of government, and to propitiate the virgin. Thither also were conveyed the gold and silver taken from the different churches.[XXXVII‑9]
The new régime did not long give satisfaction. Discontent soon showed itself among the multitude, and dissension among the members of the government. The Tzendal angel took offence at one of her chief supporters, and caused him to be flayed alive; other offending officials were publicly scourged, and an Indian named Juan Lopez was hanged for having in the division of plunder taken at the sacking of a town appropriated the virgin's share. Disputes arose, and it was only by dividing among the confederated towns the money in the chapel treasury that the inhabitants of Cancuc avoided war with their neighbors.
At this juncture an opposition miracle was announced at Yajalon by Magdalena Diaz, an aunt of Doña María Angel. Magdalena considered that she had not received the attention to which she was entitled, and denouncing the Cancuc miracle as false proclaimed herself a divinely inspired agent of heaven. This apostasy and counterfeit imitation of the original miracle was too criminal to go unpunished. The Cancuc priestess therefore sent a strong force of the soldiers of the virgin to Yajalon to bring the false prophetess to her. With some bloodshed this was accomplished. Magdalena Diaz was hanged, and with her an Indian of Tila who proclaimed that he was Christ. So perish all who oppose the true faith!
Meanwhile the Spaniards were making preparations to suppress the rebellion. When it first broke out there were not more than thirteen hundred armed men in the province, and these were scattered in the different garrisons. It chanced at this time that there was no one at the head of the government as chief executive, and the alcalde's ordinaries of Ciudad Real did not consider that they had the power to act in such an emergency. One of them, however, despatched a message to Pedro Gutierrez, the commanding officer in Tabasco, informing him of the state of affairs and soliciting aid. Gutierrez at once hastened to Ciudad Real, and having presently received from the president and audiencia of Guatemala his appointment as lieutenant-general and chief-justice of Chiapas, called the panic-stricken inhabitants to arms.
While Gutierrez was on his way to Ciudad Real the alcalde Fernando del Monje had marched with one hundred and fifty raw recruits to Huistlan—the nearest town in the direction of the revolted districts. Here he had fortified himself, but was besieged by the Tzendales in great force,[XXXVII‑10] under the leadership of Nicolás Vazquez,[XXXVII‑11] who made several fierce assaults upon the place but was repulsed with severe loss.
Gutierrez hastened to the relief of Huistlan with one hundred and forty Chiapanecs and two hundred men of Ciudad Real. Forcing his way through the Tzendales he united his troops with the besieged Spaniards, and a sortie being made the besiegers were thrown into confusion and many slain. The Tzendales abandoned the siege,[XXXVII‑12] and Gutierrez at once prepared to pursue them, but the timidity of the people of Ciudad Real fettered his movements. News had reached the capital that Sinacantlan had revolted and that an immediate attack upon Ciudad Real was determined upon by the Tzendales. This intelligence struck terror into the pusillanimous inhabitants and Gutierrez was implored to return.
Meanwhile the parish priest of Sinacantlan, Padre José Monroy, who was at Ciudad Real when these events occurred, went to his disaffected flock and urged their return to allegiance. The news of the disaster before Huistlan had so discouraged the Sinacantlans that the padre had little difficulty in effecting his object.[XXXVII‑13]
Thus matters remained for some weeks, Gutierrez being unable to organize any expedition against the insurgents, through want of means and the lack of spirit in the people he had come to support. The magnitude of the revolt was now realized by President Cosío, and in October he appointed Nicolás de Segovia, an officer experienced in Indian warfare, commander-in-chief of the operations against the Tzendales, and despatched him with troops to Ciudad Real. This able officer was soon prepared for an active campaign, and about the 20th of the month took the field at the head of four hundred Spaniards, fifty-four negroes, and one hundred and fifty Chiapanec warriors, accompanied by a number of Dominicans, whose order had rendered great assistance in supplying men, horses, and money. Segovia marched to Occhuc, while Gutierrez in command of a strong force[XXXVII‑14] proceeded to San Pedro Chimalco.
A series of engagements followed. Segovia, who had divided his forces by sending two detachments of one hundred men each to occupy towns in the vicinity of Cancuc, was besieged in Occhuc by six thousand of the enemy; but every assault upon his position was repulsed with heavy loss to the Tzendales, who at last took to flight and were pursued with great slaughter. This was on the 22d of October; and shortly afterward a reënforcement of these men arrived under command of the maestre de campo, Juan de Lozada.[XXXVII‑15] On the 26th the Tzendales, hoping to effect a surprise,[XXXVII‑16] again assaulted Occhuc, but were beaten off with heavy loss. They then sought for a parley, and endeavored to induce the Spaniards to surrender their arms by the same specious promises that had been so fatally alluring at Chilun. But the two positions were not similar, and it was only through the efforts of the fathers that the indignant Segovia was restrained from firing upon the treacherous truce-seekers. The Tzendales were summoned to return to their allegiance, and one hour's cessation of hostilities was granted. The time of the armistice was occupied in burying their dead. They then retreated in the direction of Cancuc.
President Cosío, deeming it necessary to march against the rebels in person, on the 10th of November left Ciudad Real,[XXXVII‑17] in company with the auditor-general, Diego de Oviedo, in charge of a strong detachment destined for Occhuc. Though formidable intrenchments had been thrown up by the enemy on the line of march, the Spaniards by a skilful movement compelled the Tzendales to abandon them, and a juncture was effected with Segovia. The combined forces then advanced against Cancuc and encamped in front of the town. The enemy was strongly intrenched and several assaults directed against the fortifications were repulsed by the Tzendales, the officers being ill supported by their men. In one of these Segovia was wounded; many of the soldiers were also severely injured by the stones hurled against them with remarkable skill and force.[XXXVII‑18] Success eventually crowned the Spanish arms, and Cancuc fell into their hands.
Owing to the hiatus in García's manuscript, it is impossible to say what were the military movements on both sides during the remainder of the year; but it is certain that the rebellion spread widely, and that even the native population of Ciudad Real rose in revolt. With the exception of Chamolla, in fact, the whole province appears to have risen in arms.[XXXVII‑19]
At the beginning of 1713 the Spanish army was stationed at Chamolla, and the insurgents after a series of defeats had become dispirited. Sebastian Gomez de la Gloria had fled; dissension was rife in the ranks of the Indians; and the end of the struggle was drawing near. Marching from Chamolla at night, the president with his forces advanced against Ciudad Real. His approach was conducted with the greatest precaution and in silence, for strong fortifications had been erected by the enemy about three quarters of a league from the capital. These he passed unnoticed, and about an hour after midnight Ciudad Real was surrounded. The alcalde, who resided in the outskirts of the city, was surprised and seized, and forthwith despatched to warn the people to make no attempt at resistance. Bugles were sounded on all sides to intimate to the inhabitants how closely the city was invested, and the army moved silently on to San Pablo, where the Guatinpan female leader was captured. Henceforth the Spaniards were everywhere triumphant; the Indians returned to their allegiance; and about the month of March the Tzendal rebellion was at an end. All attempts to capture Gomez de la Gloria and Doña María Angel proved unsuccessful; they escaped into the woods and nothing more is known of them.[XXXVII‑20]
The effect of the Tzendal rebellion was disastrous in the extreme; and later in the century other causes tended to hasten the decline of the Spanish settlements in Chiapas. In August 1785 Ciudad Real with the surrounding country was flooded; numbers perished; houses were swept away; the churches and convents were injured, and the growing crops destroyed. The report of Intendente Sayas in 1800 represents a lamentable condition of affairs. Roads were almost impassable, bridges dilapidated, and churches falling in ruins; the country towns possessed no decent municipal buildings, and even the jails were so dilapidated that prisoners could not be securely confined. Sayas in fact describes the province as in a state of decay.[XXXVII‑21]
By a royal cédula of November 6, 1714, the term of Cosío's presidency was extended for a period of two years in acknowledgment of his able management during the Tzendal insurrection. He then meditated an expedition against the Mosquito Indians, but while engaged in preparations for the campaign was promoted to the presidency of the Philippine Islands, and was succeeded by Francisco Rodriguez de Rivas in 1716. This president continued in office until 1724. During his term occurred a destructive earthquake. There were also violent eruptions in 1702, 1705, and 1710 which occasioned much alarm and considerable damage to buildings, and in 1717 the city of Santiago was almost totally destroyed by shocks which continued for many days. Particulars of some of the events of this year are preserved in the official report of the licentiate Tomás Ignacio de Arana, oidor of the audiencia, and an eye-witness of many of the scenes described. From August 18th to September 27th, the Volcan de Fuego vomited fire and ashes, while intermittent shocks of earthquake kept the people in constant alarm. On the night of the last named date a shock more violent than any that had ever shaken the city occurred, and not a building of any importance was left uninjured. A scene of terrible confusion ensued. Men, women, and children rushed from the doors, or threw themselves from windows into the street in the wildest consternation. Even the ties of relationship were forgotten in the awful belief that divine judgment was at hand. The lamentations continued, as the people, carrying crucifixes and images of the virgin, thronged the churches and public squares. The bishop, holding aloft the host, solemnly exorcised the evil spirits of the human race.
The following day was the feast of San Agustin, and both civil and ecclesiastical authorities exhorted the people to prayer and confession; but while thus engaged, about sunset an eruption took place, and from the sides of the mountains sprung rivulets of fire. Again the people resorted to the sanctuaries, and an image of the Christ was borne in a procession to the church of Nuestra Señora de las Mercedes, which was thronged with an awe-stricken crowd, anxious to be near the sacred shrine. The bishop in sacerdotal robes implored the divine mercy, and when the flames died out there was the usual miracle attributed to the bishop and the sacred image.
Next day, before sunrise, subterranean noises and fresh flames, vomited from the mountain's crater, again struck terror to the inhabitants;[XXXVII‑22] and on the 30th a tremendous convulsion shook the earth,[XXXVII‑23] the sky being hidden by a dense black cloud, which hung over the city like a funeral pall. The instinct of preservation prompted flight, and the roads were covered with fugitives, even modest nuns mingling with the frightened throng and hurrying away on foot from the crumbling city.[XXXVII‑24]
The loss of life had been great; and when the convulsions had ceased the appearance which Santiago presented was that of a city crushed by the hand of omnipotence. The cathedral was in ruins, and the churches and convents more or less shattered. The wrecks of demolished houses were seen in every direction, and the few persons who remained were painfully impressed by the silence which had now succeeded to the busy hum of a populous community. Throughout all these distressing circumstances the president and the bishop displayed unflinching courage, and strove to alleviate distress and assuage alarm.[XXXVII‑25]
Many meetings of the audiencia were held to discuss the question of again locating the city. It was finally left to the decision of the king; but when a license for the removal at length arrived, the inhabitants had recovered from their panic, returned to their dilapidated dwellings, and repaired the greater part of the city.
On the 12th of April 1718 the cabildo of Santiago addressed a memorial to the king,[XXXVII‑26] setting forth the pitiable condition to which the city had been reduced, and the impoverishment of its citizens. His Majesty was petitioned to take liberal measures for their relief, and that the church edifices and public buildings might be restored or built anew.[XXXVII‑27] Pedro Antonio de Echevers y Suvisa succeeded Rivas in the presidency.[XXXVII‑28]
During his administration serious riots occurred, caused by the assassination of the presbyter Lorenzo de Orozco, and the barbarous murder of all his household for purposes of robbery. The evidence of a widespread conspiracy was brought to light, and though no arrests were made, many persons were implicated during the progress of the inquiry. Grave disputes also arose between the president and two members of the audiencia; and when the former attempted to banish them, they were rescued by a mob and took refuge in the cathedral.[XXXVII‑29]