[XXXIII‑15] 'Y Su Magestad Católica no permitirá que los vasallos de Su Magestad Británica ó sus trabajadores sean inquietados ó molestados con cualquiera pretexto que sea en dichos parajes, en su occupacion de cortar, cargar y trasportar el palo de tinte ó de campeche; y para este efecto podrán fabricar sin impedimento y occupar sin interrupcion las casas y almacenes que necesitaren para sí y para sus familias y efectos.' Calvo, Recueil Traités, ii. 371.
[XXXIII‑16] Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 235-6.
[XXXIII‑17] Anderson, Hist. Commerce, iv. 47, quotes the London Gazette of this date, in which it is stated that the English government had received a duplicate of an order censuring the government of Yucatan.
[XXXIII‑18] Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 240-3; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 269-73. Squier, States Cent. Am., 577-8, erroneously attributes this attack to the prevalence of 'smuggling and other illicit practices' among the wood-cutters, making no mention of the fact that England and Spain were then at war.
[XXXIII‑19] Castellon, Doc. Nic. Hond., 51-2; Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 243-50; Squier's States Cent. Am., 578-80; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 472-77.
[XXXIII‑20] Full text of treaty may be found in Castellon, Doc. Nic. Hond., 52-6. See also Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 251-6; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., 477-82.
[XXXIII‑21] Grimarest, Informe, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 394-402.
[XXXIII‑22] Henderson's Hond., 9; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 503-8; Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 380; Squier's States Cent. Am., 581; London Soc. Geog., xi. 81.
[XXXIII‑23] Squier's States Cent. Am., 581; London Soc. Geog., xi. 81.
[XXXIV‑2] John Twitt, in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 568-9.
[XXXIV‑3] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 194-6.
[XXXIV‑4] Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 601. In Ogilby's Amer., 231, the year 1576 is given as the date of this expedition; and it is there stated that soon afterward Trujillo was captured by Van Horn, a Hollander, and two thirds of the town destroyed by an accidental fire, the spoils of the raid being insignificant.
[XXXIV‑5] The date of this transfer is variously given as 1558, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xv. 468; 1561, Juarros, Hist. Guat., 333, and Calle, Mem. y Not., 127; 1562, in Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 306; and 1588 in Ogilby's Amer., 230.
[XXXIV‑6] See p. 303 et seq. this vol.
[XXXIV‑7] Cerda was promoted to Las Charcas in 1577. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 306.
[XXXIV‑8] His administration was one of great benefit to the diocese. Soon after his arrival he wrote the king concerning its urgent necessities, and his Majesty sent him 50 pictures and 50 missals, and instructed him to found a professorship, which was done Sept. 29, 1602. The bishop made many gifts to the principal chapel of the Merced convent, and was buried there. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 307.
[XXXIV‑9] Id., 305. The total number of these Indians is stated at 8,000 in Calle, Mem. y Not., 126.
[XXXIV‑10] In 1629 Galdo solicited the padre-general of the Jesuits to send a few of his order to Honduras; but the experience of the Jesuits in Granada and Realejo a few years before led to a refusal. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 176.
[XXXIV‑11] See p. 446 et seq., this vol.
[XXXIV‑12] The name of the prelate who was in charge at the time is a matter of doubt. In 1651 Doctor Juan de Merlo was consecrated bishop of Honduras in Mexico, but did not proceed to his diocese until December of the following year. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i. 190, 228. How long he held office is not known. In 1671 the see was offered to Pedro de Angulo, who declined the mitre. Robles, Diario, in Id., série i. tom. ii. 114. The next appointment mentioned is that of Martin de Espinosa, who died suddenly in 1675, while in the act of dispensing alms after mass. He was a centenarian, but apparently in good health. Id., 210. According to Vasquez, he foretold his death eight days before; its approach being revealed to him in a vision. Chron. de Gvat., 215-16. No other reference is made to the episcopate of Honduras until the close of the century, when it is stated that Angel Maldonado, who had received the mitre, was transferred to Oajaca. Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. iii. 256-7.
[XXXIV‑13] 'Y aũque se libraron despachos, para que remitiesse lo actuado el Señor Obispo, ... no los remitio, porque quizas podian reconocerse falidos ... y post tot discrimina rerum, fuè declarado el Señor Obispo por estraño.' Chron. de Gvat., 215.
[XXXIV‑14] The names of the governors of Honduras in the order of their succession from 1561 to 1781 are given in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 177-80.
[XXXIV‑15] Neither Pelaez nor Zamacois makes any mention of this first attack, but D. Galvez in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ii. ép. 243-5, is so clear and specific in his narrative that we must consider it an omission on their part.
[XXXIV‑16] Carta de Galvez, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., 2da ép. Very different accounts of this affair are given by Pelaez and Cavo. The first in Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 107, says that the commander and the rest of his officers made no resistance, but left as hostages the second in command and two chaplains; the soldiers and many of the inhabitants were banished. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 35-6, says that on the last day of the defence, when the drums were about to beat to quarters in the castle, the British scaled the walls, and before the guards had recovered from their surprise over 100 Englishmen had already mounted the battlements; at the sight the negroes fled, leaving the English masters of the fortress. He adds that the castellan forseeing such a disaster had carried off 40,000 pesos and other valuables by a road unknown to the enemy, and would have saved all else had he been permitted to do so.
[XXXIV‑17] The three merchant ships taken had on board 3,000,000 pesos, belonging to merchants of Guatemala. Zamacois, Hist. Méjico, v. 628.
[XXXIV‑18] In Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v. 631-4, it is stated that 500,000 pesos were sent from Mexico for war purposes. Cavo, in Tres Siglos, iii. 37, says that the viceroy sent 200,000 pesos, though 1,000,000 were asked for, but that he had quite recently expended 600,000 pesos on the other provinces.
[XXXV‑1] Page 383 this vol. Juarros says, 'Gobernó con toda equidad.' Guat., i. 262.
[XXXV‑2] They claimed the right of direct address and petition to the king, which was restricted in every way by the audiencia; and on April 19, 1601, petitioned his Majesty to issue a cédula to the effect that they might send a procurador to the court without the necessity of the audiencia's approval. They, moreover, complained that the alcaldes ordinarios were constantly opposed in matters of jurisdiction by the corregidor del Valle, who was always a relative or friend of the president. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 90, 100-3. This office of corregidor del Valle de Guatemala had been previously suppressed. By royal order of July 7, 1607, his duties were assigned to the alcaldes ordinarios of Guatemala in rotation. Calle, Mem. y Not., 118. The leading citizens had always been in the habit of taking cushions to kneel upon in church, whether oidores were present or not. This the audiencia had forbidden. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 93. The president was also accused of having appropriated the principal apartments of the cárcel de corte and entertaining there the oidores by night and day. Id., 95.
[XXXV‑3] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 728; Juarros, Guat., 316.
[XXXV‑4] So called from an Indian village of that name. The inhabitants were of the Toquepa nation. Id., 314.
[XXXV‑5] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 728; Squier's MSS., xvii. 1-11; Calle, Mem. y Not., 119.
[XXXV‑6] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 100-1.
[XXXV‑7] Remesal, ubi sup., gives the number of vessels as 12, and states that hostilities lasted 11 days. Juarros says 9 days. But a more reliable version of the affair is to be seen in a letter of the cabildo to the king: 'This year at the new port of Santo Tomás two or three small fragatas manned by 35 or 40 men with very little artillery defended themselves against eight Dutch ships of the Conde Mauricio, most of them vessels of from 400 to 500 tons, well supplied with artillery, and having over 1,000 men. Our people did the enemy much damage, sinking one of his ships and driving him off, themselves receiving but little hurt, for they were sheltered by a great rock near the shore, on which rock part of the artillery was placed.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 106-7.
[XXXV‑8] 'Fué sepultado en la Iglesia Catedral.' Juarros, Guat., i. 262.
[XXXV‑9] Thomas Gage states that when he retired from office he was 'worth Millions of Duckats.' New Survey, 282.
[XXXV‑10] He enlarged and beautified the plaza de la Candelaria so extensively that it acquired the name of plaza del Conde. This president was the first to whom was given the title of 'Muy Ilustre Señor' instead of 'Magnífico Señor.' Juarros, Guat., i. 262-3. According to Escamilla, Not. de Guat., 3, he held office till 1627, when he returned to Spain.
[XXXV‑11] Gage, who was in Guatemala at the time, in New Survey, 267-8, 282-4, is specific in his statement concerning Guzman as the immediate successor of Gomera and is minute in other references to his conduct. By Juarros the name of Guzman is not mentioned, but 'Diego de Acuña, formerly president of San Domingo,' is named as succeeding Gomara, Guat., 263; and as also in Escamilla, Not. Guat., 3, without any additional particulars however. These authors evidently refer to the same person.
[XXXV‑12] Called by Gage, ubi sup., 'Gonzalo de Paz y Lorençana.' According to Juarros, he entered office in 1634, the year after the retirement of Guzman, who, Juarros states, was president for seven years. loc. cit.
[XXXV‑13] Gage, New Survey, 282. An incident of his administration was the founding of San Vicente de Austria. Juarros, Guat., i. 263.
[XXXV‑14] Gage remarks that 'the city of Guatemala was so well supplied with provisions and they were so cheap that a mendicant was not easily found.'
[XXXV‑15] Gage states that there was in his time 'a Grazier that reckoned up going in his own Estancia and ground, forty thousand heads of Beasts.' New Survey, 278-9.
[XXXV‑16] New Survey, 278, 280-81.
[XXXV‑17] In 1604 the city contained 890 principal families, comprising encomenderos, merchants, traders, machinists, agriculturists, and others. The tax-list aggregated 4,500 tostones. The amount fell less than 2,000 tostones during 1607 to 1612, inclusive; and increased to 5,195 in 1613. In 1614 the amount was 7,180 tostones, and in 1626 it reached 15,980 tostones. The mode of assessing the people was so offensive that in 1625 dissensions became rife and the complaints against the assessors were so bitter that one of them, Márcos Estopiñan, alcalde ordinario, was thrown into prison. The excessive taxation ceased soon after; for in a cédula dated August 3, 1629, the alcabalas were rented for eight years to the cabildo for 10,000 tostones annually. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 226-9.
[XXXV‑18] The president's salary was 5,000 ducats yearly; that of each of the oidores 2,000 ducats. Calle, Mem. y Not., 117. Gage says 12,000 ducats was the president's salary. New Survey, 282.
[XXXV‑19] The salary of each of these officers was 300,000 maravedís. Calle, Mem. y Not., 118.
[XXXV‑20] Each corregidor received 200 pesos de mina a year. Id.
[XXXV‑21] In 1617 the office of alguacil mayor was sold for 18,000 tostones, and in 1643 for 49,000 reales. In 1645 the receivership of fines and court fees was sold for 6,000 pesos, while the offices of the escribanos de camara were regularly sold for 20,000 pesos each. Other offices commanded corresponding prices. Id., 119.
[XXXV‑22] Selecting a few instances to illustrate these sales, I find that in 1636 the office of alférez real sold for 3,998 ducats; that of escribano publico was sold in the same year for 11,000 pesos; of the receiver-general of fines and fees in 1616 for 28,500 tostones, and in 1642 for 6,000 pesos. Id.
[XXXV‑23] They were the following: 'Procurador Sindico ... Mayordomo, Fiel Executor, Correduria, Portero, con 30,000 marauedis de salario. Mojoneria, Pregoneria.' Id.
[XXXV‑24] Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 136, 448; Juarros, Guat., 150.
[XXXV‑25] The provincial of the Dominicans, writing in 1724, says that to repair the damage to their convent and church at Guatemala by the late earthquake cost the order more than 25,000 pesos; that the loss of yearly income has been at least 9,000 pesos; and that it took a considerable sum to repair the mills and put in order the estate belonging to the order. Guat., Sto Domingo, en 1724, 10
[XXXV‑26] Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 4. His appointment was made in 1653 for eight years; he arrived at Vera Cruz Sept. 30th; and on Jan. 15, 1654, left for Guatemala. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i. 261, 274.
[XXXV‑27] 'He espoused the party of the "Mazariegos,"' says Juarros, Guat., i. 264, meaning probably one of the active participants.
[XXXV‑28] The right to bear the city flag on public occasions belonged to the officers of the cabildo, but the audiencia usurped the momentous prerogative and gave it to the alguacil mayor. The king was requested to interfere. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 126-7.
[XXXV‑29] These cédulas bear date Nov. 6, 1604; Nov. 6, 1606; July 7, 1607; May 23, 1673; and Dec. 10, 1687. Philip II. had named the city 'most noble and most loyal,' and styled the corporation 'Muy Noble Ayuntamiento,' and Felipe III. gave the city the privilege of having mace-bearers on all occasions of public ceremony. Juarros, Guat. (London, 1823), 129-30.
[XXXV‑30] In a letter dated Jan. 30, 1667, from Guatemala, it is said that Caldas arrived and took possession of the office Jan. 18th in that year. Caldas, Carta sobre el Lacandon, 1. In Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 4, 1668 is given as the year in which he became president.
[XXXV‑31] Caldas in his letter to the king suggests that his Majesty should order the viceroy of Mexico and the governor of Campeche to gather together all vagabonds and evil-doers, and send them to Caldas, as also the lesser criminals, that they might serve in the conquest; moreover, negro slaves and mulattoes, whose owners desired it, would be enrolled. He also states that Guatemala and Campeche are the most directly interested, as their commerce could be conducted by a direct road of 80 leagues instead of 600, the length of the existing route. Caldas, Carta sobre el Lacandon, 5-6. Briefly confirmed by Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 297; Ximenes, lib. v. cap. xx.
[XXXV‑32] It was the first official document printed in Guatemala. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 261.
[XXXV‑33] The cabildo in a letter to the king dated April 1, 1669, speak of Caldas as 'gobernador tan atento y cristiano.' About Santillan they remark, 'semejante Ministro como el suspenso, nunca serà conveniencia, Señor, lo sea en esta Ciudad.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 128.
[XXXV‑34] He died in 1673 and was buried in the cathedral. Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., 4.
[XXXV‑35] The government was now composed of the following officers: The president, governor, captain-general, and five oidores, to be at the same time criminal judges, a treasurer, alguacil mayor, and other necessary ministers and officers. To the jurisdiction of the audiencia belonged Guatemala, Nicaragua, Chiapa, Higueras, Cape Honduras, Vera Paz, Soconusco, and the islands on the coast. The limits in the east were Tierra Firme; on the west, Nueva Galicia; on the north and south, the oceans. Recop. de Ind., i. 325-6.
[XXXV‑36] During the interval between the death of Caldas and the installation of Barrios, the presidency had been held by the bishop of Guatemala, Fray Fernando Francisco de Escobedo, and Enrique de Guzman. Escobedo's administration gave great dissatisfaction, and he underwent a residencia; but before it was completed he was called to Spain as grand prior of Castille. Later Escobedo became a member of the council of the Indies, and as such, favored the petition of Guatemala for free trade with Peru and like measures. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 209. In Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. ii. 416, it is said that Escobedo was made grand prior de San Juan, and was mulcted in the sum of 32,000 pesos as the result of his residencia.
[XXXV‑37] Gavarette, Cop. Doc., MS., 46; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 259.
[XXXV‑38] Especially as to the performance of rites in the new districts of Ocotenango and Chimaltenango. Several parishes were taken from the Mercenarios and Dominicans, it being alleged that there were none among them acquainted with the native speech. Ayetta, Informe, in Prov. del Sto Evang., MS.
[XXXV‑39] May 28, 1688, a shot was fired at the oidor Pedro de Selva, and while the audiencia was in session discussing the matter, the bishop called on the president and informed him that under the seal of confession it had been revealed to him that the carabine had been loaded with blank cartridge only. The shot was meant as a warning to the oidor to amend his views regarding a case then pending, wherein many innocent persons were interested. When the president endeavored to show that the oidor had acted throughout with fairness, the bishop gave way to anger and left the palace, exclaiming with a loud voice: 'The country is being ruined by the iniquity of its rulers!' Gavarette, Cop. Doc., 55.
[XXXV‑40] In Gavarette, loc. cit., it is said that the bishop was removed, but all other authorities describe his proceedings as bishop of Guatemala until his death in 1701, or 1702.
[XXXV‑41] Scals requested that an order be issued to the effect that Venegas 'en sus peticiones y escritos trate con decencia al señor presidente,' and states that Venegas repeatedly asserted that he, Scals, had usurped the presidency. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 209-10.
[XXXV‑42] One expedient was to plead ignorance concerning matters discussed, and refusing therefore to vote. This the president met by ordering that the oidores be notified of motions about to be made. Another was the pretence of illness, and consequent inability to attend; to obviate this he directed that votes should be accepted in writing. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 269-70.
[XXXV‑43] Oviedo brought his claims before the council, but notwithstanding his appointment was dated first in order of time, they decided against him. Diego Oviedo y Baños, sobre Presidencia. This pamphlet, the date of which is not given, was probably published in or about 1705, and seems to be part of a larger work containing the full case of Oviedo, edited by the licentiate Baltasar de Aseredo.
[XXXV‑44] Robles, Diario, iii. 252.
[XXXV‑45] According to Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., MS., 5, he was restored to office in 1700 and returned to Spain in 1701. Juarros, Guat., i. 268, says 'el Señor Berrospe murió, antes que se serenase la borrasca.'
[XXXV‑46] See p. 380, this vol.
[XXXV‑47] In a session of the cabildo during 1607, his Majesty is informed that Bishop Ramirez has for some time past kept the chapter in great excitement by his conversation and sermons in which he uses harsh and terrible language. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 112. Compare Juarros, Guat., i. 279-80; Calle, Mem. y Not., 116.
[XXXV‑48] The date given by Pelaez is 1607. Mem., i. 295; Morelli, Fast. Nov. Orb., 348; and Calle, Mem. y Not., 116. In Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 46, the year 1608 is named; and Squier in Cent. Am., 561, states 1609. Remesal suggests a later date.
[XXXV‑49] Gonzalez Dávila, Hist. Ecles., 164.
[XXXV‑50] Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., 168, says he was appointed July 5, 1645, and arrived in Guatemala September 16th of the same year. In Juarros, Guat., i. 283, the date given for the king's appointment is 1641, which is the year Dávila gives for the transfer of Saravia. According to Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 9, Bishop Soltero entered Guatemala at the end of the year 1644 or the beginning of 1645. He agrees with Dávila in stating that he took possession of the office Sept. 16, 1645. We may conclude that there was an interval between the administrations of Saravia and Soltero of some three or four years.
[XXXV‑51] On the 31st of May 1647 the Santiago cabildo in a letter to the king stated that during the recent pestilence he rose from a sick-bed to visit all parts of the province and care for the people, dispensing alms, and by his example inciting others to good works. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 119-120.
[XXXV‑52] In 1608 the king released this hospital from an indebtedness of 17,411 tostones which had been loaned to it by the crown. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 152.
[XXXV‑53] A mine of silver was made over to it in 1633; its income was at that time at least 30,000 ducats a year. Gage, New Survey, 283.
[XXXV‑54] Obtained entirely from contribution. President Escobedo was especially liberal and donated more than 55,000 pesos toward the expense of the new buildings. He also secured to the order a revenue of 300 dollars: 'pues dexò situados de renta segura mas de trecientos pesos.' García, Hist. Beth., ii. 28-31; also Medina, Chron. San Diego Mex., 37.
[XXXV‑55] The bishop Saenz Mañosca having endeavored to soften 'the severe rules of the order against the wishes of Fray Rodrigo, the latter resolved to prevent any alteration by obtaining the pope's ratification of the rules. One of the Bethlehemite brothers, at that time in Spain, was ordered to proceed with that object to Rome, where he succeeded, according to the bull signed by Pope Clement X. on May 2, 1672.' García, Hist. Beth., ii. 60-70.
[XXXV‑56] The bishop's rejoinder is very voluminous and controverts most of the statements made by his adversary. Ribera, El Maestro, no. i. 1-42; no. ii. 28; no. iii. 1-56.
[XXXV‑57] In Medina, Chron. S. Diego Mex., 241, it is said he died in Guatemala on the date given in the text, and Juarros, Guat., i. 285, adds that he was buried in the cathedral there. Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., 4, states that he had left for La Puebla before his decease. The author last cited gives his name as Mallorca y Murillo, and Juarros as Mañosca y Murillo.
[XXXV‑58] 'I may say it,' Chiapas, 'exceedeth most Provinces in the greatness and beauty of fair Towns, and yieldeth to none except it be to Guatemala.' Gage's New Survey, 219.
[XXXV‑59] According to an official census taken in 1611 the population of Chiapas amounted to a little over 100,000. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., iii. 400-35.
[XXXV‑60] Speaking of the inhabitants of the town of Chiapas, Gage says 'they are as dexterous at baiting of Bulls, at juego de Cannas, at Horse-races, at arming a Camp, at all manner of Spanish dances, instruments, and musick, as the best Spaniards.' New Survey, 234.
[XXXV‑61] Consisting of not more than 400 Spanish householders and about 100 Indian houses. Id., 221.
[XXXV‑62] The poison was administered in a cup of chocolate or some sweetmeat; hence arose the proverb, 'Beware of Chocolatte of Chiapa.' While Gage was in Ciudad Real—called by him Chiapa Real—the bishop Bernardino de Salazar died with every symptom of having been poisoned. The ladies of the capital were accustomed to have chocolate served to them in the cathedral during mass. This habit the bishop attempted to suppress, and even proceeded to excommunication, but without effect. Then a disgraceful tumult occurred in the cathedral, and shortly afterward the bishop was taken ill, and the physicians agreed that he had been poisoned, which opinion he fully believed in at his death. Gage calls Ciudad Real 'that poisoning and wicked city.' Id., 229-33.
[XXXV‑63] For a list of the governors of Chiapas who ruled from 1590 to 1713, see Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 183.
[XXXV‑64] 'He,' the governor, 'tradeth much in Cacao and Cochinil, and domineers over both Spaniards and Indians at his will and pleasure.' Gage's New Survey, 228.
[XXXV‑65] Gage estimated the bishop's stipend, derived chiefly from offerings received from the great Indian towns, at 8,000 ducats a year. The account of one month's offerings was kept by Gage; they amounted to 1,000 ducats, besides fees due from sodalities and confraternities. Id., 229.
[XXXVI‑1] San Miguel Manche contained about 100 houses; Asuncion Chocahaoc the same number; the other villages less. Juarros, Guat., 270.
[XXXVI‑2] The meaning of Peten is island. 'La palabra Petenes, que es lo mismo que Islas.' There were five petenes in the lake, one large and four smaller ones. When finally subdued the population of these islands was estimated at 24,000 or 25,000 persons. Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 279, 401-2.
[XXXVI‑3] Situated on the large island.
[XXXVI‑4] 'Tziminchac, q̃ quiere dezir, Cavallo del Trueno, ò Rayo.' Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 100. For an account of the origin of this idol see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 561, this series.
[XXXVI‑5] The canek does not seem to have regarded the action of Orbita with anger, having merely told them that the time for their work had not yet come, permitting them meanwhile to depart in peace. An Itza chieftain, however, pursued them, and they would have been slain but for the intercession of the Tipu cacique, to whom the Itza leader replied 'con grande enojo: Pues no traygas mas acá otra vez à estos Xolopes, que assi llaman à los Españoles, à desde que vieron à los primeros comer Anonas.' Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 107.
[XXXVI‑6] 'Mitotes, ò bailes, y borracheras.' Id., 121. Consult also my Native Races, ii. 289.
[XXXVI‑7] Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 505-6, 'Llevaronlos ... como arrastrando ... al Embarcadero: Embarcaron el primero al Padre Orbita tirandole en la Canoa por muerto.' Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 123.
[XXXVI‑8] Villagutierre says: 'Esto dizen las Historias que seria, porque debian de estar sin Armas;' but he does not believe it credible that Spanish soldiers would go unarmed. Id., 136. Compare Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 544.
[XXXVI‑9] Squier's account of this expedition is quite at variance with that of Villagutierre. He says that the priests, who accompanied it, alone crossed over to the island. Mirones then retreated; and being pursued, the whole Spanish force was destroyed. He, moreover, gives the date as 1662. Cent. Am., 548. Consult Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 544.
[XXXVI‑10] Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 547.
[XXXVI‑11] 'Cerrando los Caminos, poniendo en ellos Estatuas, à traza de Españoles ridiculos, y delante de ellas otras de Idolos formidables, diziendo, eran los Dioses de los Caminos, y que se los estorvavan à los Españoles, para que no passassen à sus Tierras.' Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 144-5. Pinelo, Rel., 4-5, gives a brief though incorrect account of Mirones' expedition.
[XXXVI‑12] 'Otras mercedes para despues de conseguida la pacificacion de aquellos naturales.' Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 684.
[XXXVI‑13] The proceeds of his encomienda were deposited in the royal treasury of Guatemala, 'como en deposito, para el gasto que se auia de hazer en ella,' that is the expedition. Id., 685.
[XXXVI‑14] This messenger was a Spaniard, whom Vilvao almost succeeded in poisoning: 'teniendo modo como echar veneno en el pinole, que auia de beber por el camino, con que despues estuuo muy cercano à morir.' Id., 689.
[XXXVI‑15] 'Y viẽdo los Soldados que tenia, quan remiso estaba, se le huyeron en aquel tiempo, que solos cinco quedaron en su compañia.' Id., 696.
[XXXVI‑16] Infante and Gabaldá had some time previously been submitted to much ill-treatment by the Indians of Nohhaa, who after an idolatrous debauch compelled them to leave the town and betake themselves to the woods, whither the natives presently brought them their robes and the church ornaments. Id. Fancourt, Hist. Yuc., 232, erroneously states that the father was despoiled of his effects.
[XXXVI‑17] 'Que es tambien del Beneficio de Vçumaçintla, y distante de èl veinte y dos leguas.' Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 698.
[XXXVI‑18] 'Natural de la Imperial Ciudad de Toledo, y Cauallero de la Orden de Calatraua.' Id., 684.
[XXXVI‑19] Villagutierre states that one of the chief difficulties the missionaries had to contend with was the opposition of native pseudo-christians who monopolized a profitable trade with the more remote nations, whom they prejudiced against the Spaniards, that their gains might not be impaired. Hist. Conq. Itza, 161-2. Chico states that in consequence of the extortions practised on the christianized natives, they abandoned their settlements and relapsed into idolatry. Restitucion de los Chamelcos, in Doc. Orig. Chiap., 7.
[XXXVI‑20] The most outlying town of Vera Paz.
[XXXVI‑21] 'Y estando dormidos, bolvieron los Choles, y les dieron de palos, y aun debieron de matar al Indio Christoval, su Amigo, que nunca mas pareciò; y entonçes, solo vno bolvió.' Id., 171. Juarros states that the messengers were severely beaten with clubs and dismissed without reply. Guat., 278.
[XXXVI‑22] Fancourt conjectures that it 'was most probably the Selegua, known nearer its junction with the sea ... as the river Grijalva or Tabasco.' Hist. Yuc., 243. For map of the Lacandon territory see p. 362, this vol.
[XXXVI‑23] For copies of these orders and particulars, see Id., 192-9. Consult also Elorza y Rada, Nobil., 216.
[XXXVI‑24] The entire force was divided into 9 companies—5 Spanish and 4 Indian; 3 Spanish and 2 Indian companies made up the command of the president, and one of each, those of the other divisions. Juarros, Guat., 280.
[XXXVI‑25] According to Villagutierre the command of the Huehuetenango division was first given to Captain Tomás de Mendoza y Guzman, but later Guzman was put in command of one of the president's companies, and Mazariegos, who had volunteered to serve without pay, was placed in charge of the above named force. Hist. Conq. Itza, 229, 234, 245.
[XXXVI‑26] Id., 268. Fancourt states that 'there was nothing to fix its identity, not even a hut.' Hist. Yuc., 253.
[XXXVI‑27] 'Dexando doze Soldados, con algunos Indios de Guerra, en el Sitio de San Juan de Dios.' Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 270.
[XXXVI‑28] 'Con solo vna grande Viga, ù Madero por Puente.' Id., 272. Fancourt thus regards this sentence: 'where had formerly been a wooden bridge, in all probability one of those constructed by Cortés, but of which only a single beam or plank remained.' Hist. Yuc., 254.
[XXXVI‑29] This village had been named by Fray Diego de Rivas, San Pedro Nolasco.
[XXXVI‑30] The appointment of Amézqueta was strongly opposed by the fiscal, but ratified by the council on full deliberation. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 301, apparently from Ximenez, série v. tom. lxxvi.
[XXXVI‑31] Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 361, says 140 leagues.
[XXXVI‑32] The men began to sicken and provisions to fall short, and the rainy weather having begun they returned. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 301.
[XXXVI‑33] Velasco and his company are supposed to have been induced by proffers of friendship to cross over to the island in small canoes. They were then either drowned in the lake or massacred as they landed. Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 370-1. Another account states that hearing signal shots fired by some of their party, 15 Spaniards rushed to arms, believing that an engagement had opened. They were assailed and slain. Id., 433. Fancourt accepts this story as probable. Still another statement is that the Itzas, 'avian muerto, ... à los de Guatemala, cogidos durmiendo en la Sabana, y que se los comieron, y las Cavalgaduras.' Id., 456. Their bones were afterward found and buried. Id., 485-6.
[XXXVI‑34] 'Y à aquel Parage de Chuntùqui, se le puso por Nombre, y por Patrona à Santa Clara.' Id., 319.
[XXXVI‑35] 'Y aora te remito vn Machete, muy lindo, con su Bayna, y su Cuchillo, y su Cinta ancha, y tres varas de Tafetàn encarnado, para que te põgas en mi Nombre.' Id., 336.
[XXXVI‑36] 'En cuya señal diò el Rey Canek dos Coronas, y vn Abanico.' Id., 394.
[XXXVI‑37] 'Se hallaron con mas diez mil Indios Infieles, que salian flechandolos; de las Canoas que estavan escondidas en los Manglares de la Laguna.' Id.; 405.
[XXXVI‑38] A private letter of Count Adanero, then president of the council, to Ursua, is exceedingly courteous and complimentary. Elorza y Rada, Nob., 243-7. Copies of the cédulas are given in Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 438-9.
[XXXVI‑39] 'Que ningun Cabo ... ni otra Persona alguna, de qualquiera Calidad que fuesse, pena de la Vida, ... fuesse ossado à romper la Guerra contra Indio alguno, aunque le diesse motivo para ello, hasta tener nueva orden de su General.' Id., 473.
[XXXVI‑40] A picture of Saint Paul also miraculously floated on the waves down upon the galliot. 'Y por este Prodigio, se le puso à la Galeota el Nombre de San Pablo.' Id., 474.
[XXXVI‑41] 'Desde el Rey, hasta la mas pequeña Criatura, que era capàz de executarlo, para ir à ganar la Tierra firme.' Id., 479.
[XXXVI‑42] 'Y se echavan al Agua; de tal suerte, que no se veìa otra cosa por la Laguna, desde la Isla, à Tierra firme, que no fuesse cabeças de Indios, Varones, Mugeres, y Muchachos, que iban nadando, como à porfia.' Id.
[XXXVI‑43] Copies can be found in Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 532-63.
[XXXVI‑44] The king says: 'Hè resuelto daros muy particulares gracias, por el desvelo, aplicacion, y cuidado con que vuestro valor, y constancia se dedica à conseguir Obra tan del servicio de Dios.' Villagvtierre, 556.
[XXXVI‑45] Eight missionaries and 25 Indian families, to be settled in the islands, with more than 1,200 head of cattle and horses, accompanied the expedition. A great quantity of tools, seed, and grain, as well as pay for the soldiers, was also sent. Id., 592.
[XXXVI‑46] Id., 591-658. Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi, conde de Lizarraga-Vengoa, was a member of one of the most noble houses of Navarre, and a native of Olariz in the district of the Valle de la Valdorba. He was knight of the order of Santiago, conquistador of Itza, and perpetual governor and captain-general of its provinces. Elorza y Roda, Nobiliario de el Valle de la Valdorba, 210-11.
[XXXVI‑47] After the conquest of the Itzas in 1697, the Spanish settlement in Peten was for half a century only a military outpost, with a small garrison from Guatemala. Afterward it became a criminal colony. Berendt in Smithsonian Report, 1867, 424. The conquest seems to have been completed, however, for in 1759 there were in the Peten district 7 villages, besides the principal settlement. Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed.), 299.
[XXXVII‑1] See Native Races, i. 645; v. 603-4.
[XXXVII‑2] Cosío entered upon the presidency in 1706, having been preceded by Alonso de Ceballos y Villagutierre, who was president after Berrospe from 1702 to 1703, and by José Osorio Espinosa de los Monteros. Juarros, Guat., i. 268.
[XXXVII‑3] Garcia, Sublevac. Zend., 47-8.
[XXXVII‑4] 'Que fueron al pueblo de Cancuc á remover á la Virgen Sma en la cruz en que habia muerto su hijo Jesus porque ya los Indios salian de Ciudad Real á matarla, y que fuesen á defenderla, y que supiesen que ya no habia tributo ni ley, ni Padres ni Obispo que alla los tomara á cargo para defenderlos.' Id., 61-3.
[XXXVII‑5] At Cancuc they had erected 34 whipping-posts, and the Spaniards were given 50 blows at each post, provided they held out so long against death. Some of the captives with their hands tied behind them were suspended with the neck in the fork of a whipping-post and scourged to death. Others again were simply hanged. Such as had been friendly to Spaniards were suspended over a slow fire until their feet were roasted. The fiscal of Oxchuc and friars Jorge and Marcos, together with other Spaniards, were thrown by the Indians into pits and stoned to death. Id., 65-7.
[XXXVII‑6] The proclamation said: God was angry with the world because he was not venerated and feared as he ought to be, old customs being abandoned and new ones introduced. As murmurs had been heard because tribute, the order of Sto Domingo, the king, and the dominion of the Jews had not been done away with, San Pedro had ordered priests to be ordained for all the pueblos who should be responsible to God for their parishes. But for the masses celebrated by these priests the world would come to an end, and through them only would God's anger be removed. Children must be sent to the church to be instructed in God's law. The vicar-general would presently visit each pueblo in order to see if this order were obeyed. He who refused obedience should be brought to Cancuc and given 200 blows, after which he should be hanged. García, Sub. Zend., 74-5.
[XXXVII‑7] Secular distinctions were also conferred. Titles of 'Don' were given, the patents being signed by the priestess thus: 'Doña María Angel, Procuradora de la Vírgen Santisima.' Id., 77.
[XXXVII‑8] At a later date the rebel Tzendales considered that it was necessary to form their government on the plan of that of the Spaniards. They determined to found an audiencia with president and oidores at a place called Hueiteupan, to which they gave the name of Guatemala. Id., 82-3.
[XXXVII‑9] The Tzendales buried the silver belonging to the churches, and it has never been found. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., iii. 350.
[XXXVII‑10] 'The Tzendales, 15,000 strong, encamped at Huistlan with the further intention of marching on Ciudad Real.' Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., iii. 349. This estimate probably includes the other force which was to have started simultaneously against Ciudad Real, as mentioned later.
[XXXVII‑11] They had about 30 escopetas taken at Chilun. Their other weapons were long spears, the heads of which were made of tools taken at Ococingo, and other arms of ancient usage. Each Tzendale, moreover, carried a basket of stones. García, Sublevac. Zend., MS., 85-6.
[XXXVII‑12] The Spaniards lost nine killed and about the same number wounded. Id., 91-3.
[XXXVII‑13] Four of the Sinacantlan ringleaders were afterward hanged by Gutierrez. Id., 95-6.
[XXXVII‑14] When his force reached San Pedro Chimalco it consisted of 400 men; 150 of whom were arquebusiers, and the rest Chiapanec and Mexican Indian lancers, residents of Guatemala City. Id., 100-3.
[XXXVII‑15] These forces were sent by Gutierrez, who, after a small body of his troops had been repulsed by the enemy, had called a council of war, at which it was decided to return to Ciudad Real and send aid to Segovia.
[XXXVII‑16] The Dominican prior of Tecpatlan, Fray Franco Montoya, happened to be at Ciudad Real during Segovia's preparations for the campaign. He had never seen artillery other than that which was on the ship that brought him from Spain, but he offered to construct either a mortar or a cannon. He made a mortar which was of much service, chiefly because of the horror it caused among the Indians, who called it the madre de escopetas. Id., 99.
[XXXVII‑17] The president, who with the auditor de guerra, Diego de Oviedo, had arrived at Ciudad Real, sent to thank Segovia and his force at Occhuc and the Dominican padres with him for their success there. He also requested that Segovia and the padres would come to Ciudad Real as he wished to consult them.
[XXXVII‑18] This portion of García's manuscript here ends abruptly.
[XXXVII‑19] During the Tzendales' revolt the town of Chamolla was the most loyal of all in the province, although it had been the most injured by the city. At first some of the Chamolltecs had been inclined to rise, but this partial defection soon died out, and the people gave many proofs of loyalty. Id., 111. During this period a female leader had arisen at Guatinpan and greatly aided the priestess of Cancuc in infusing religious fanaticism into the insurgents. Id., 109.
[XXXVII‑20] The work from which I have chiefly gathered material for this sketch, quoted as 'Garcia, Sublevacion de los Zendales,' has for its full title Informe sobre la Sublevacion de los Zendales, escrito par el Padre W. Pedro Marselino García de la orden de Predicadores, Predor. General, Calificador del Santo Oficio y Vicario Provincial de San Vicente de Chiapa, dirigida al Ilmo. Señor Obispo desta diocesis y fecho en 5 de Junio de 1716, MS., 1 vol. in imperial 8vo, pp. 154. It contains a copy of testimony taken by PP. Frs Maxelina, García, and Diego de Cuenca, by direction of the bishop, concerning the death of the several Dominican friars at the hands of the revolted Tzendales; the details of these murders are given. The manuscript also contains copies of letters and journals of Padre García written at the time, which contain a very full account of the origin of the Tzendal rebellion, the singular religious schism which they sought to establish, and the various proceedings, civil, military, and ecclesiastical, which led to the final suppression of the rebellion. The continuity of the events related is not easily followed, since the manuscript was carelessly arranged for binding. In places, moreover, it is wanting, and is somewhat worm-eaten. It is therefore difficult at all times to decipher the facts, which are moreover hidden in the verbosity common to an ecclesiastical writer of that time.