While the confederated tribes were thus again being brought under subjection, an expedition directed against the stronghold of Uspantan[VI‑21] met with signal failure. Shortly after Orduña's arrival the reduction of this place was decided on by the cabildo; and a force of sixty foot and three hundred experienced Indian auxiliaries[VI‑22] was despatched for that purpose under command of the alcalde Gaspar Arias.[VI‑23] The mountainous district in which this fortress was situated lay on the borders of the present departments of Vera Paz and Totonicapan, and was inhabited by fierce roaming tribes that were continually urging the conquered Quichés to revolt. Surrounded with deep ravines, and occupying one of those naturally fortified positions that were ever selected by the natives as a refuge against the Spaniards, Uspantan was deemed almost as impregnable as Patinamit and the mountain stronghold of Sinacam. No sooner had Arias taken up his position in front of this fortress, after capturing several towns that lay on the line of his march, than he received news that Orduña had deposed him from office and appointed another alcalde in his place.[VI‑24] Indignant at this proceeding, he resolved to return at once to Santiago,[VI‑25] delegating his command to Pedro de Olmos, a man in whom he had confidence, but who, as the result proved, was unfitted for the post. Heeding not the instructions left him, or the advice of his fellow-soldiers, he determined to carry the place by storm, hoping thus to win for himself a reputation. The result was most disastrous. While the assault was being made at the single point where an entrance could be effected, his rear was assailed by two thousand of the enemy placed in ambush in anticipation of the attack. The surprise was complete. In the brief conflict which ensued a large portion of the Spaniards were wounded, Olmos himself among the number, while the slaughter of the auxiliaries was fearful. To complete their discomfiture a number of prisoners captured by the enemy were immediately stretched upon the altar in sacrifice.[VI‑26] Then the allies fled and made their way back to Santiago.
Nothing now remained but retreat; and sullenly the small remnant of Olmos' command, ill-provided with food and overladen with baggage, turned their backs upon the stronghold of Uspantan to fight their way homeward. Day by day they pressed onward, constantly assailed by the enemy posted in ambuscade along the route. The final struggle occurred on approaching the district of Chichicastenango. Here three thousand of the enemy had collected to dispute with them a mountain pass through which lay their only line of retreat. No hope for the Spaniards now, unless they could cut their way through this dense throng of warriors. Provisions and baggage were cast aside and each soldier, grasping his weapons, prepared for the conflict which was to determine his destiny. The fight was obstinate and bloody, but sword and arquebuse prevailed as usual against the rude arms of the natives, and at length the Spaniards rested unopposed on the opposite side of the range, the survivors finally reaching Utatlan, haggard and gaunt with famine.
Orduña, recognizing that his indiscretion had been the cause of this disaster, hastened to repair his mistake. He met with much difficulty in raising a sufficient force, as he had already made himself unpopular with most of the colonists, but at the beginning of December he left the city accompanied by forty foot-soldiers, thirty-two horse, and four hundred Mexican and Tlascaltec allies,[VI‑27] the latter commanded by Spanish officers. As Orduña had little faith in his own abilities as a leader, and his soldiers had none, the command of this force was intrusted to the treasurer Francisco de Castellanos, a man of spirit and ability. On arriving in Chichicastenango Orduña sent envoys to Uspantan with a summons to surrender.[VI‑28] The reply was of a practical nature: the emissaries were immediately put to death.
The natives must now be brought under subjection by force of arms, and Orduña sent forward Castellanos with the greater portion of the troops to undertake the fighting, while he himself remained in safe quarters at Chichicastenango.[VI‑29] The latter first directed his march against the important stronghold of Nebah. On arriving at the river Sacapulas he found for some time an impassable obstacle, on account of the precipitous nature of the ravine down which it flowed. By moving up stream, he discovered at last a spot where he could descend, and throwing a bridge over the river made good his crossing. Ascending the opposite slope, he encountered on the summit a body of five thousand warriors gathered there from Nebah and neighboring towns. They retired on his approach, and took up a position at a narrow mountain pass, whence they were driven only after a sharp and protracted struggle.
Castellanos then advanced without further opposition to Nebah, which like many other Indian towns he found to be a natural stronghold. Such reliance did the natives place on the protection of the precipices which surrounded it, that they did not think it necessary to post sentinels, and all collected to defend its only entrance. This over-confidence wrought their destruction. While the assault was being made, a few Tlascaltecs and Mexicans succeeded, by clinging to tendrils and creepers, in scaling the height in the rear of the town. Then approaching unobserved they set fire to some houses. The conflagration spread; the defence was soon abandoned; and the Spaniards rushing through the narrow entrance were soon masters of the town. On the following day all the inhabitants were branded; and such was the effect of the fall of this fortress, that the neighboring villages as well as the large town of Chahúl surrendered without opposition.
The Spaniards then marched on Uspantan, where ten thousand warriors belonging to that district, aided by an equal number of allies, disdained submission. This place was also practically impregnable, and again but for excess of confidence the garrison might have remained in security. But when they saw the little army under Castellanos impudently sitting down before their door, the men of Uspantan resolved to go forth and sweep them from the earth. The Spaniards took up their position, the infantry being divided into two equal bodies, and stationed on the wings, while the horsemen occupied the centre somewhat in advance. As soon as the onset was made and the assailants were engaged with the cavalry, the foot, rapidly deploying to right and left, fell upon the enemy's flanks simultaneously and overthrew them with great slaughter. So many prisoners of high position were taken that the submission of Uspantan and the allied towns was secured, and Castellanos, having branded and reduced to slavery a large number of his captives, returned to Santiago about the beginning of 1530.
During the same year the confusion caused by Orduña's maleadministration held out a hope to the stubborn Cuzcatecans of even yet winning back their independence, and once more they rose in revolt. Diego de Rojas was sent by the captain general with a small force to aid the Spanish settlers in that part of the province in suppressing the insurrection. His efforts were successful; but when about to accept the surrender of a fortress that lay beyond the river Lempa he heard the unwelcome news that a party of Spaniards were approaching from the south. Rojas determined to reconnoitre in person, and his curiosity was soon gratified, for while doing so he was made prisoner with a number of his followers. The intruders proved to be a party of two hundred men despatched by Pedrarias Dávila, under Martin Estete, for the purpose of making possession of Salvador and making that province an appendage to Nicaragua. If a man of ability had been in charge of this expedition it is not improbable that its purpose might have been accomplished; but Estete, though by name a soldier, had neither courage nor military skill. In the hour of trial he deserted his men; and it has already been related that about half of his force joined the colonists of Guatemala.
At the foot of a precipitous mountain range near Gracias á Dios is the circus of Copan, where lie the ruins of an ancient town which are yet an object of interest to travellers. Fuentes, writing about the close of the seventeenth century, describes it as a space surrounded by pyramids of stone, eighteen feet in height, at the base of which were sculptured figures attired in Castilian costume. The place was garrisoned by thirty thousand troops well supplied with provisions, and was guarded, at the only point where approach was possible, by a deep fosse and a barricade of earth, pierced with loop-holes. To this stronghold Hernando de Chaves, who had been ordered to quell an uprising in the adjoining province of Chiquimula, now resolved to lay siege. Drawing up his forces in front of it he approached within bow-shot of the town at the head of a small band of horse and demanded its surrender. He was answered with flights of arrows directed with such good aim that he was glad to make his escape.
On the following morning an assault was made upon the intrenchment, but without success; and though the attack was renewed again and again during the day, and the arquebuses and cross-bows of the Spaniards spread havoc among the defenders, at nightfall no impression had been made, and Chaves was compelled to draw off his forces sorely discomfited. He had exceeded his orders and was acting on his own responsibility in attempting the subjugation of Copan. He was compelled to admit his rashness; but the question was now which way should he turn in his present dilemma? To capture the stronghold with his slender force was all but impossible, while failure and retreat would bring disgrace upon the Spanish arms and dishonor on himself. When brooding over the difficulties of his position the welcome news was brought that a spot had been discovered where the depth and width of the fosse were comparatively small, and on the following day he again led his men to the attack. The struggle was long and doubtful. The Spaniards obstinately refused to withdraw, though time after time, as they attempted to scale the rampart, they were repelled by lance-thrusts, or crushed under falling rocks.
The day was at last decided by the desperate courage of a cavalry soldier, one Juan Vazquez de Osuña, who, enraged at the repulse of his comrades, plunged the spurs into his horse and rode him straight at the ditch. The steed cleared the fosse, striking the barricade with his barbed chest. The works could not withstand the shock: palisades and earth gave way; the frightened horse, urged on by his impetuous rider, struggled through the debris and plunged amidst the mass of warriors, scattering them in every direction. Other horsemen came to Osuña's support. The whole Spanish force followed, swarming through the breach, and formed in line inside the defences. The contest which ensued was no exception to the usual issue of Spanish warfare in America. The horsemen spread terror and death through the ranks of the natives, while the foot-soldiers followed up the work of carnage. The cacique rallied his scattered troops upon a strong body of reserves posted in a favorable position, and attempted to retrieve the day, but the resistance was brief; their ranks were soon broken, and Copan was in the hands of the victors. Not even yet, however, did the chieftain abandon hope. Leaving his capital to the foe, he retreated to Sitalá, on the confines of his domain. Here he rallied all the men he could muster, and soon at the head of a formidable army he made a desperate effort to win back Copan. Twice he assailed the Spaniards with desperate courage, and twice was driven back, his best warriors being left dead on the field. At length, convinced of the uselessness of further resistance, he tendered his submission, and from his mountain retreat sent the tributary offering of gold and plumage. His surrender was graciously accepted by Chaves, who received him with the condescension and courtesy becoming a conqueror.[VI‑30]
About the middle of 1530, Pedro de Alvarado returned to Guatemala, having at length extricated himself from the net spread by his adversaries. Complaints that the audiencia was misinterpreting the king's instructions remained unheeded; representations that he was being unjustly deprived of opportunities to prosecute new conquests, and to reap some benefit from the great outlay he had incurred, had brought to his enemies a secret satisfaction. But later the political aspect of affairs had favored him. The audiencia and a strong party of their supporters were hostile to Cortés and spared no effort to prevent his return to Mexico.
None of the enemies were more active than the king's factor, Gonzalo de Salazar, who seized and imprisoned a number of the leading men of the opposite faction, and among them the brothers of Alvarado. Indignant at this proceeding the latter challenged Salazar to mortal combat,[VI‑31] and insurrectionary movements in the city excited the alarm of the oidores and their partisans. At this juncture information was received that Cortés was already on his way to Mexico. A compromise was agreed upon, and Alvarado was at last permitted to continue his long-delayed journey to Santiago.[VI‑32]
Such is the version given by Remesal of Alvarado's escape from the investigation, but it is probable that he was compelled to disgorge much of his ill-gotten gains in making so-called presents to oidores and influential personages, and that he angrily shook the dust from his feet when he left Mexico, stripped of his wealth. Alas Tonatiuh! He was indeed a much injured highwayman who had fallen among thieves.[VI‑33]
On the 11th of April 1530 the adelantado arrived at the capital and was heartily welcomed; for to his absence were attributed all the evils wrought by Orduña. On the same day he presented to the cabildo his original appointment under the royal signature. The document was acknowledged with becoming gravity. It was passed round, kissed and otherwise honored, and finally enthroned in turn on the head of each member, all promising to obey it as a royal command. Then placing his right hand on the cross of the order granted to him by the emperor, Alvarado spoke the customary oath and took his seat as president of the cabildo.
Orduña's administration was now at an end, and on his return to Santiago no time was lost in instituting proceedings against him. He was ordered to give bonds in the sum of thirty thousand pesos de oro, and thereafter his name appears no more in the chronicles of his age. But we may conclude that one who had shown such animosity toward the Alvarado party, and had been so successful in winning the hatred of a community, would not escape unharmed from the fire which he had built around him. Either this, or he had been doing that which best pleased those in power, in which case his punishment can scarcely be severe.
To wring redress from Orduña was, however, an easier matter than to correct the disorder which he had produced. The colonists were divided into numerous cliques, entertaining bitter animosities toward each other. The unfair distribution of repartimientos had developed feuds which threatened bloodshed at any moment; and those who had taken part in the conquest of the country saw with anger new-comers preferred before them in election to public office.
The independent spirit of the artisan and operative placed them in direct antagonism to the more aristocratic orders, who hated them for the extortions they practised and the disrespectful indifference they displayed. Numbers of mechanics, having acquired repartimientos and wealth, charged what they pleased, in defiance of law, and worked only when they felt inclined.[VI‑34] But even this class was divided against itself, and year by year the religious processions were attended with disgraceful tumults caused by those engaged in rival trades being thus brought together. The community was even threatened with dissolution. Many had left the province in disgust to settle in Mexico or Nicaragua, or to engage in mining ventures, and others were preparing to depart. The sites allotted for residences were unoccupied by their owners; the streets were almost impassable, and horses and hogs roamed at large, causing destruction of crops, while blood-hounds were let loose and permitted to hunt down the unfortunate natives almost within sight of Santiago.
Such was the condition of affairs when Alvarado returned, and there is no doubt that his timely arrival saved the colony from destruction.[VI‑35] He recognized at once that the occasion required prompt and vigorous action, and struck at the root of the evil by prohibiting, under pain of death and confiscation, all serious quarrelling, whether by word or writing. Other measures for the correction of abuses and the reorganization of the affairs of the province quickly followed. A new distribution of repartimientos was ordered, and the conditions of military service were regulated. Whoever had two thousand Indians assigned to him must always be provided with a double set of weapons and two horses, and be ready to take the field at an hour's notice. He who had one thousand must possess a single set of arms and one horse. The encomendero of five hundred natives must be provided with a cross-bow or arquebuse, and with sword and dagger, and must furnish a horse if he could.
The laws existing in Guatemala as to the acquisition, tenure, and conveyance of land would, under a proper administration, and in a territory rich as was that province in natural resources, have assured prosperity to all but the unthrifty and improvident. Gold-mining met with fair return, and notwithstanding the ravages of wild beasts, the industries of stock-raising and agriculture were successfully conducted.[VI‑36]
Though the settlers were few in number,[VI‑37] they were sufficient, when acting in concert, to hold the natives in subjection. The citizens were for the most part required to do duty as soldiers in time of need. None but citizens could obtain a title to land; nor was that title confirmed until after a long term of service; nor could any acquire, even by purchase, more than his due share of the public domain.[VI‑38] But such was the mischief wrought by the maleadministration of Orduña that most of the Spaniards were on the verge of destitution.
On the 25th of September 1529 we find that the payment of debts was suspended for four months by order of the cabildo, on the ground that the horses and arms of the colonists would else be sold to others and the services of their owners lost to the province. Moreover the high price of all imported commodities added greatly to the distress of the more impoverished settlers. A dozen horseshoes sold for fifteen pesos, a common saddle for fifty, and a cloth coat could not be had for less than seventy pesos. The distance from the confines of Guatemala to Mexico, whence all such articles were obtained, was two hundred and seventy leagues. Two portions of the road, one of forty-five and the other of sixty leagues, led through a wilderness impassable during the rainy season, except to Indians, on account of the swollen rivers and marshes.
During the remainder of the year 1530 few incidents worthy of note occurred in the province. The natives were frequently in revolt; but to describe each petty insurrection would be but tiresome repetition. One Luis Moscoso was despatched with a hundred and twenty men to the district beyond the Lempa, and after pacifying the natives founded there a settlement which Juarros declares to have been the town of San Miguel.[VI‑39] Diego de Alvarado, at the head of a hundred and seventy men, conducted an expedition to Honduras and founded in the northern part of that territory the town of San Jorge de Olancho,[VI‑40] but owing to famine and misfortune in April of the following year he was obliged to return with the shattered remnant of his command in such sorry plight that he was forced to ask the cabildo to receive and provide for them.
Ship-building in Guatemala—Alvarado Prepares an Expedition to the Spice Islands—But Turns his Attention toward Peru—Opposition of the Treasury Officials—The Pilot Fernandez Brings News of Atahualpa's Ransom—Strength of Alvarado's Armament—He Lands at Puerto Viejo—Failure of his Expedition—His Return to Guatemala—Native Revolts during his Absence—The Visitador Maldonado Arrives at Santiago—He Finds No Fault in the Adelantado—But is Afterwards Ordered to Take his Residencia—Alvarado in Honduras.
One of the first matters which engaged Alvarado's attention on his return to Santiago was the discovery of a site adapted to ship-building, for he was now resolved to carry out his intended voyage in search of the Spice Islands. In accordance with the emperor's instructions, he sent parties to explore the seaboard for that purpose. At a distance of fifteen leagues from the city, near the modern port of Istapa, a suitable spot was found, in the vicinity of which was an abundant supply of excellent timber, and the work was at once begun.
According to the terms of his commission from the crown, his discoveries and conquests were limited to the islands and mainland of that portion of the south sea bordering on New Spain, and thence in a westerly direction, and he was forbidden to form any settlement on a territory already assigned to others.[VII‑1] He was appointed governor and alguacil mayor for life, and until otherwise ordered was to be intrusted with full civil, military, and judicial powers over all new lands which he might find. During the royal pleasure he was also to receive a twelfth of all profits which might in the future result from his explorations. Whether the expedition was to be fitted out entirely or only in part at the adelantado's expense is a matter not easily determined;[VII‑2] but in a letter to Charles V. sent in 1532, wherein he states his intention to build and equip a fleet of twelve vessels and raise a force of four hundred men, he declares that the cost of his armament will exceed forty thousand castellanos, and that this outlay will exhaust his private means. He claims of course that he is thus expending all his resources solely with his usual desire of serving the emperor, and avers that he has information of rich islands near the coast from the discovery of which his Majesty must derive great benefit.
While the construction of his fleet was yet in progress, rumors of Pizarro's conquest and of the fabulous wealth which had fallen to his lot were noised throughout the province. Alvarado was not over-scrupulous as to ways and means, as we well know. Already he had proved false to him through whose friendship and favor he had been raised to his high station; could he not now replenish his depleted purse, and also win glory in the land of the incas? Was it not better thus to employ his armament than go on a wild-goose chase for islands no one had ever yet seen? And surely with a few ship-loads of Peruvian gold, which it would not take him long to gather, he could serve his sovereign as well as with never a maravedí in his treasury. It was fortunate, it was indeed providential, that now, when the fleet was almost ready, and the men equipped and prepared to embark, this princely quarry should have been started to the south of him.
On the return of a vessel despatched for supplies to Panamá the reports of the immense treasures discovered in Peru were confirmed, and the enthusiasm knew no bounds. "Come," said Alvarado to the colonists, "come with me and I will make you so rich that you may walk on bars of gold."
Among Alvarado's numerous enemies the most powerful and active were the treasury officials of Guatemala, who, though frequently divided among themselves, were constant in their opposition to the governor. Already they had reported him to the home government, charging him with neglect of duty, with levying forced contributions, and with disobedience to the royal ordinances. They now addressed a letter to the emperor, informing him of Alvarado's designs, representing the evil consequences that must ensue from an invasion of Pizarro's territory, the danger of withdrawing from Guatemala so large a force of Spaniards, and requesting that there be sent out to the province some trustworthy person with power to prevent the departure of all who held repartimientos and to act as governor during the adelantado's absence. They also informed the audiencia of Mexico of his purpose, and of the strength of his armament. Though fully aware of these proceedings, Alvarado gave no heed to them. He calmly continued his preparations, informing the royal officials that Guatemala was too limited an area for his ambition, and that he must now seek elsewhere a wider field of action. Meanwhile he would insure the safety of the province by putting on board his fleet all the principal caciques, whom he had already secured for that purpose.
At this juncture came a mandate which even Alvarado did not dare to disregard. It was an order from the audiencia of Mexico forbidding him to sail until he had received his final instructions from the emperor.[VII‑3] Though sorely vexed at this interference, which he attributed to the machinations of Cortés, he must nevertheless submit to further delay. He again addressed a letter to Charles, asking permission to go to the assistance of Pizarro, assuring him that, from what he had learned of the difficulties encountered by that conqueror, he was convinced of his inability to complete unaided the conquest of Peru. In a previous despatch, wherein he had asked for his final instructions, he prayed that they be granted as speedily as possible. "For," he says, "after exhausting my private means, I have contracted heavy debts in order to save your Majesty all expense." The fleet, he informs him, is well provided with stores and provisions, the force of men almost complete, and, the better to insure the success of the expedition, he declares that he will take command of it in person, leaving a sufficient number of Spaniards in the province to guard against any possible uprising of the natives. He considers, however, that there is little danger of an outbreak, "for," as he remarks with refreshing assurance, "I have ever obeyed your Majesty's orders regarding the kind treatment of the Indians."[VII‑4]
Meanwhile Alvarado had found it necessary to remove his fleet for shelter to the bay of Fonseca, whence he despatched García Holguin with two ships to Peru for the purpose of ascertaining the actual state of affairs and the nature of the country.[VII‑5] The adelantado soon learned to his cost that the bay of Fonseca was no secure haven, and after losing two of his vessels there during a heavy gale, sailed with the remainder for Puerto de la Posesion in Nicaragua, the modern Realejo.[VII‑6] While here awaiting the return of Holguin, he fell in with the pilot Juan Fernandez, one who had long been engaged in fitting out vessels for the trade between Nicaragua and Castilla del Oro. While transacting business in Panamá, Fernandez had listened to the marvellous stories of Pizarro's conquest, and journeying thence to Peru had there conversed with men who had been present at the capture and ransom of Atahualpa. No wonder that the tidings which the pilot now brought from the land of the incas fired the imagination of these gold-loving adventurers. More than 1,300,000 castellanos! Not even the treasures of Montezuma had yielded such a harvest. If Pizarro, with his diminutive force, had secured such booty, what might not Alvarado now hope for with his powerful fleet and veteran army?
Neither king nor audiencia should now thwart his purpose; nevertheless he must have ready some pretext for entering Pizarro's territory, if indeed he could not obtain permission. This was soon furnished by Fernandez, who informed him that the province of Quito, believed to be the principal depository of the treasures of the incas, had never yet been visited by Spaniards. It was no difficult matter for Alvarado to persuade himself that this region lay without the domain granted to Pizarro, and the self-interest of Fernandez, now appointed pilot of the expedition, prompted him to encourage such a delusion.
Soon after the arrival of the fleet in Nicaragua, Holguin rejoined the adelantado at Puerto de la Posesion and confirmed the statements of the pilot. A year had almost elapsed since Alvarado despatched a letter to the emperor requesting his final orders, but still no answer came, and his patience was well-nigh exhausted. He had long since been compelled to mortgage his private estate in order to meet the expense of maintaining his large force, and the cost of his armament had been vastly increased during all these weary months of waiting, the total outlay reaching the sum of 130,000 pesos de oro.[VII‑7] Provisions were becoming scarce; the vessels were threatened with destruction from the teredo; and his followers, beginning to lose faith in the enterprise, were on the point of desertion. At last a messenger arrived bringing the long looked for despatches. The instructions made no change in the original capitulation except in regard to route. He was now authorized to explore the land lying to the south of Pizarro's territory, between the thirteenth and twentieth degrees of latitude.[VII‑8]
The fleet now numbered twelve sail, eight being vessels of one hundred tons or more.[VII‑9] Three had been built on the shore of Guatemala; several had been purchased from the estate of Pedrarias Dávila; and the remainder were procured from the colonists of Nicaragua.[VII‑10] His troops consisted chiefly of well tried soldiers. Many of them, weary of an inactive life, or of the now tame and bootless warfare of the conquered provinces, were enthusiastic over the prospect of renewing their deeds of conquest in a new land of promise.
Among the many distinguished persons who took part in the expedition were Gomez and Diego de Alvarado, brothers of the adelantado, and Captain Garcilaso de la Vega, father of the future historian of Peru. The total number was little short of three thousand. Of these two hundred and seventy were infantry, and two hundred and thirty cavalry, all well equipped. The ships were manned by one hundred and forty sailors, and on board the fleet were two hundred negro slaves,[VII‑11] and two thousand natives, male and female. Experienced pilots were engaged, the services of a bachiller were secured, and several friars were added to the expedition, "in order," says Alvarado, "that through the influence of these holy men our consciences may be cleared of guilt." Final preparations were then made for departure.
During the absence of Alvarado his brother Jorge was again to be placed in charge of the province of Guatemala, and the cabildo of Santiago was enjoined to preserve harmony, and to render due respect and obedience to the lieutenant-governor. In a final letter to the emperor the adelantado, while repeating his assurances of devotion to the crown, dwells on the enormous expense of the expedition; but assures his Majesty that it has been willingly incurred in view of the vast importance of the undertaking, the success of which he promises shall eclipse all previous achievements. "God willing," he writes, "I set sail this very day, and my course shall be in accordance with your Majesty's wishes."
On the 23d of January 1534 the largest and most powerful armament that had hitherto been equipped on the shores of the South Sea set sail from Puerto de la Posesion, and the following month entered the bay of Caraques, proceeding thence ten leagues farther south to Puerto Viejo. The adelantado afterward excused himself to the emperor for thus trespassing on Pizarro's territory by stating that contrary winds and currents prevented his sailing further toward the south, that the safety of his fleet was endangered, that his supply of water was almost exhausted, and that ninety of his horses had perished at sea.[VII‑12] His march across the sierra, during which he lost a large portion of his men, the transfer of a part of his ships and his entire force to Almagro and Benalcázar, the associates of Pizarro, have already been mentioned in these pages.[VII‑13] He had boasted that he would lead his army through the province of Peru and drive Pizarro from the city of Cuzco.[VII‑14] He was now glad to return to Guatemala after disposing of his armament for a sum that barely covered the cost of the fleet. To add to his mortification he found on arriving at Santiago, at the beginning of March 1535, that the silver bars given him in payment were one half copper.
No sooner had Alvarado sailed for Peru than the natives in many portions of the province rose once more in revolt. Bands of Cakchiquels, thirsting for the blood of their oppressors, roamed over the central sierra; in the districts of Sacapulas and Uspantan seven Spaniards and numbers of their slaves and servants were murdered; the Indians on the southern seaboard both of Guatemala and Salvador were in open rebellion; and war and war's turmoil again prevailed throughout the land. The struggle was brief but desperate. Crushed though they had often been, the dreadful sufferings of these unfortunate people drove them to madness, and they fought with sullen indifference to life, but with the usual result. In January 1535 Gonzalo Ronquillo was sent with a sufficient force to quell the uprising in Salvador; in Guatemala the insurgents in district after district were again compelled to taste the bitterness of hopeless bondage; and by the time of the adelantado's return resistance was well-nigh ended.
Notwithstanding the ignominious failure of his expedition to Peru, the adelantado at once began preparations for further schemes of conquest and discovery. In a despatch to the India Council, dated November 1535,[VII‑15] he states that he has three vessels ready for sea and four others on the stocks, and that he has sufficient men both for his ships and for land service. "So many Spaniards," he says, "have returned from Peru in reduced circumstances that, if the expedition were only intended to furnish them with employment, it would be doing his Majesty a service."
Meanwhile the representations made to the emperor by the treasury officials had not been without effect. On the 20th of February 1534 a royal cédula was issued ordering that a visitador be at once despatched to Guatemala to examine into the condition of the royal treasury and the affairs of the government and church, and to hear complaints and rectify them when necessary. His authority fell short of that of a judge of residencia. He could not interfere with the ordinary jurisdiction of the governor or his lieutenant, nor was even the audiencia of Mexico allowed to decide in matters of graver import, but must apply for instructions to the India Council.
Thus it was that about the middle of the year 1535 the oidor, Alonso de Maldonado, arrived at Santiago, and publicly proclaiming in due form the object of his visit, assigned fifty days as the limit of the investigation. No complaints, however, either of a civil or criminal nature, were preferred against the adelantado; and the visitador having reported to the royal council to that effect, returned to Mexico, the former remarking with much inward satisfaction, not unseasoned with a little venom, that the oidor had accomplished nothing by his visit.[VII‑16] But the emperor's ministers were not satisfied that justice had been done; and Maldonado, being ordered in the following October to take Alvarado's residencia in strict form, returned to Santiago, and on the 10th of May 1536 presented his credentials to the cabildo and took charge of the government.
At the time of the oidor's arrival the adelantado was absent on an expedition to Honduras. The condition of affairs in this province had now become so distressful that, as will hereafter be related, the settlers were compelled to apply to him for aid. Nor was the appeal disregarded. He had for some time been in correspondence, as to an exchange of territory, with Francisco de Montejo, who, though already appointed governor of Honduras, was still residing in Mexico. Could he but gain a foothold there, his schemes for transcontinental commerce with the Spice Islands might yet be realized. Nothing definite had yet been determined; but now that he had an opportunity of rendering a service which would give him almost a claim to the king's consent to such an arrangement, he did not hesitate to go to the relief of the troubled province. There we shall hear of him again, founding new settlements and infusing fresh life into a community that was on the very verge of dissolution.
Francisco Marroquin Arrives at Santiago—He is Appointed Bishop—Godlessness of the Colonists—The Prelate Invites Las Casas to Join Him—Marroquin's Consecration in Mexico—The Church at Santiago Elevated to Cathedral Rank—Difficulty in Collecting the Church Tithes—The Merced Order in Guatemala—Miraculous Image of Our Lady of Merced—Bibliographical.
When Pedro de Alvarado was laying waste the fair province of Guatemala with fire and sword during the early years of the conquest, he paid little heed to the presence of the priestly order. One of the friars, named Pontaz, of whom mention has before been made, took up his abode at Quezaltenango, and there lived in security, instilling faith and hope into the native heart,[VIII‑1] while another, Juan de Torres, for a time at least, labored in the vineyard under less easy circumstances at Patinamit. The spiritual wants of the Spaniards themselves were ministered to by the army chaplains and parish priest. But the clerical staff was not large enough to attend to the religious welfare even of the colonists. On the 5th of November 1529, the cabildo of Guatemala represented to the royal officers that half the colonists, being usually engaged in war, required the services of the clergy during their campaigns, while the population of the city at that time was such that two friars at least ought to reside there. They requested, therefore, that a suitable number of ecclesiastics and a sacristan be appointed with fixed salaries, and that the necessary church furniture and ornaments be supplied. This demand was made with some urgency, and the treasurer and auditor were given to understand that, if it were not complied with, the tithes would be retained and devoted to that purpose; whereupon his Majesty's officers declared that they were willing to grant the tithes for the year then current, but that future necessities must be provided for in accordance with the orders of the king.