[V‑16] Remesal infers that he was in Guatemala on the 26th of August 1526, Hist. Chyapa, 8; though we know that he was at that date a regidor of the city of Mexico. Consult Libro de Cabildo, MS., 152; and Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 547.

[V‑17] The session was held in the valley of Almolonga, and it is significant that this is the first meeting mentioned in the books of the cabildo as being held there. Of the instability of this so-called city there is sufficient proof. Sancho de Barahona, in arguing against the payment of tithes, says: 'Lo otro digo, que para se pagar los dichos diezmos ... habia de haber pueblo fundado, donde los españoles tuviesen poblacion sentada.' Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 27. The valley of Tianguecillo or Tianguez was the same as the present Chimaltenango. Juarros, Guat., ii. 304.

[V‑18] Remesal states that in July 1530 the cabildo ordered one bull to be bought for 25 pesos de oro, a price which indicates the scarcity of cattle at that date. In 1543 six were purchased. Hist. Chyapa, 27. This author is of opinion that Santiago was chosen as the patron saint only because of the devotion of the Spaniards to that apostle. Id., 4. Fuentes gives as the reason that the Spanish army entered the Cakchiquel capital on his anniversary day, and states that he personally took their city under his protection, by appearing on horseback with sword in hand at the head of the army, while marching along the valley of Panchoy. Juarros, Guat., ii. 273. For further opinions and information on this subject consult Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 74-5; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 20-1; Juarros, Guat., ii. 275-7; Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 12; and Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 223-7.

[V‑19] The former received the name of the 'hospital de misericordia,' and the chapel and shrine were to be dedicated to Nuestra Señora de los Remedios.

[V‑20] In April 1528 Santiago was made the capital of the province, Puga, Cedulario, 27; and in 1532 was granted armorial bearings, which are thus described by Juarros: 'A shield charged with three mountains on a field Gules, the centre one vomiting fire, and surmounted by the Apostle St James on horseback, armed, and brandishing a sword; an Orle with eight shells; Or, on a field, Azure; crest a crown.' Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 105. For other descriptions see Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 37; and Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 5-6. A lithograph of the shield faces page five of this last authority, and a wood-cut of it, somewhat different, is to be seen in Gonzalez Dávila, Teat. Ecles., i. between pp. 138 and 139.

[V‑21] It has already been observed that the names of the same persons often appear in more than one list of enrolled citizens. This was done in order to obtain new grants without prejudice to previous ones. Citizens were enrolled in 1527, 'sin perjuicio de las otras vecindades antes recibidas en esta dicha cibdad.' Actas Ayunt. Guat., 39. And again in 1528, 'sin perjuicio de las vecindades que se han hecho en esta cibdad, despues de la que se fundó en esta provincia en tiempo de Pedro de Alvarado.' Id. 42. Remesal says: 'Muchos estan escritos dos vezes, porque no tuuieron por suficiente para adquirir dererecho a esta segunda vezindad, estar alistados en la primera.' Hist. Chyapa, 33.

[V‑22] The caballería was the amount of land granted to a cavalryman, and the peonía that bestowed on a foot-soldier, who was termed 'peon.' The former received 600 by 1,400 pasos, or about 174 acres, and the latter half that quantity. Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 48. Remesal states that the caballería was 600 by 300 feet, and otherwise gives an account that is not in accordance with the book of the cabildo. Hist. Chyapa, 39. Even the more accurate Juarros is in error in stating that the grant to a cavalryman was 1,000 by 600 pasos. Guat., ii. 341.

[V‑23] As these grants were considered as rewards for services rendered to the king for a period of five years, the deeds were confirmed at a later date upon the holder proving that he had served for that length of time.

[VI‑1] Garcilaso de la Vega asserts that Charles in his royal gardens at Aranjuez chanced to see Alvarado pass by, and struck with his appearance asked who he was. On being told that it was Alvarado he said, 'No tiene este hombre talle de aver hecho lo que de él me han dicho,' and ordered the charges against him to be dismissed. Hist. Peru, ii. 58.

[VI‑2] Alvarado petitioned the king for the government of Guatemala and other provinces, which he represented to have been conquered and pacified at his own cost. The adelantado Montejo declared before the king on the 13th of April 1529, that in no portion of his statement did Alvarado speak the truth, which assertion he said would be corroborated in the report of the president and oidores. Montejo, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 89. A similar statement was made at a session of the cabildo of Mexico held Jan. 29, 1529, and Vazquez de Tapia and the chief procurator were empowered to take steps in the matter to counteract Alvarado's false statements. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 248.

[VI‑3] 'Y que por el poco camino que auia hasta la mar del Norte, seria facil el comercio.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iii.

[VI‑4] Remesal says that he had before been ironically dubbed comendador by the soldiers, because he had been in the habit of wearing at feast days the cloak of an uncle who held that title. Hist. Chyapa, 16. See also Hist. Mex., i. 74, this series.

[VI‑5] Cortés was much displeased with this agreement, as he considered the search for the Spice Islands and the navigation of the South Sea to be his exclusive right. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, p. xvi.

[VI‑6] 'Cortés le embiaba siempre Españoles, Caballos, Hierro, y Ropa, y cosas de Rescate, y le favorecia mucho, porque le avia prometido de Casarse con vna su Prima-Hermana, y asi le hiço su Teniente, en aquella Provincia.' Torquemada, i. 322.

[VI‑7] Doña Francisca lived but a short time after the marriage. Remesal says that her death occurred a few days after marriage; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iv. 485, and Ramirez that she died on her arrival at Vera Cruz. Herrera only mentions that Alvarado became her suitor. He afterward married her sister Beatriz, and the first named author, pages 42, 49, imagines that this second marriage took place shortly after the first, whereas it was at least ten years later. Consult Arévalo, Doc. Antig., 179, and Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 245, 252. Brasseur de Bourbourg makes the same mistake. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 701.

[VI‑8] Remesal correctly points out a mistake in the books of the cabildo, the year 1527 being carelessly copied for 1528. Hist. Chyapa, 39; Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 83.

[VI‑9] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 42.

[VI‑10] Only two of these remain to our knowledge. For the discovery and preservation of the Proceso de Residencia contra Pedro de Alvarado, we are indebted to the licentiate Ignacio Rayon, 'oficial mayor' in the Mexican archives. The confusion of the immense pile of documents in that office had become so great that in 1846 the government decided to reduce them to some order, and entrusted the work of so doing to the director Miguel María Arrioja, whose co-laborer was Rayon. In a bundle of old papers, marked 'useless,' was the Proceso contra Alvarado, the historical value of which was at once recognized. The first intention of the finder was merely to copy and add it to his collection of manuscripts. His friends, however, advised him otherwise; and through their assistance—Ignacio Trigueros generously offering to pay expenses, and José Fernando Ramirez having obtained permission from the government—he published it in Mexico in 1847. The Proceso is the official investigation into Alvarado's conduct in Mexico and Guatemala, and consists of the several charges, mainly bearing on his cruel treatment of the natives, his extortions, and embezzlement of royal dues, and the testimony of the witnesses on both sides. Though there is much conflicting evidence, it is of great value in establishing numerous historical points narrated by the early chroniclers. This volume contains, besides the Proceso, a biographical sketch of Alvarado's career by Ramirez; fragments of the Proceso contra Nuño de Guzman, preceded by an account of his life by the same author; and notes explanatory of four copies of Aztec paintings, one of which represents the death of Alvarado. The account given by Ramirez of Alvarado's expedition to Peru is the same as that of Herrera and incorrect, as are also the reasons he assigns for the Honduras campaign. It is well known that Ramirez was minister of state during the empire under Maximilian.

[VI‑11] There is a copy of this document in the Actas Ayunt. Guat., 80-4. Alvarado, his officers and lieutenants were to be subject to the audiencia and chancillería real of the city of Mexico, appeal in civil and criminal causes to lie from Alvarado and his officers to the president and oidores of Mexico, with some exceptions in civil cases. He had power to appoint and remove officers of administration at will, and to try and decide all causes, civil and criminal, to make general laws, and particular ones for each pueblo; to establish penalties, and enforce them; to order persons whom he might wish to send away from his province to appear before their Majesties, and in case of their refusal, to visit them with penalties which their Majesties in anticipation confirmed. His annual salary was to be 562,500 maravedís.

[VI‑12] And somewhat contemptuously added: 'é que no quiere usar dellos, si de derecho lo puede é debe hacer.' Id., 84.

[VI‑13] Francisco de Orduña was Cortés' secretary in 1523, and was sent by him to negotiate with Garay. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vi. In 1524 he was elected secretary of the cabildo of Mexico, and shortly afterward returned to Spain. We next find him procurador of Mexico in 1526. Ocaña, Carta, in Icazbalceta, i. 530, 532, and the governor Alonso de Estrada made him regidor in 1528. From this time his friendly relations with Cortés seem to have been interrupted, as his evidence taken in February 1529, in the residencia instituted against that conqueror, is far from favorable. In the same testimony he also displays antipathy to Alvarado.

[VI‑14] In the minutes of the cabildo dated 15th September, it is stated 'al presente estàn los mas de los españoles de guerra sobre el pueblo del Tuerto, é sobre el pueblo de Xumaytepeque à donde han muerto ciertos españoles, y estamos al presente de camino para la provincia de Uxpantlan, é Tesulutlan, é Tequepanpo y Umatlan, que estàn todas é otras muchas de guerra.' Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 128. The Libro de Actas de Ayuntamiento de la Ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala comprises the minutes of the cabildo of Santiago during the first six years of its existence, copied literally, by Rafael de Arévalo, secretary of the municipality, from the original records in the archives of the city. The work was published in Guatemala in 1856. There can be no doubt that the records of many of the sessions are wanting in this work, owing to their loss or illegibility. It is to be regretted that the transcriber did not indicate in his publication where he considered the originals were defective, or remark upon the obliteration of different portions, the only instance of his doing so being on page 7. Remesal states that until the year 1530 the cabildo had no bound book of records, but simply loose sheets, many of which must have been lost, Hist. Chyapa, 33; and Juarros refers to minutes which do not appear in Arévalo's edition. I cannot, therefore, agree with Brasseur de Bourbourg, who asserts that it 'comprend tous les actes du conseil communal ... durant les six premières années.' Bib. Mex. Guat., 15. Though many of the ordinances are of minor interest, the work is of value, inasmuch as a portion of them reflect to a great extent the condition and social state of the colonists, while from others an idea is derived of the continual state of warfare in which the Spaniards lived. A considerable number afford information relative to the holding of and succession to property, to restriction regarding the sale of it, and the amount of land to be possessed by a single owner. These and other regulations for the internal government of the community afford much information with regard to its system. The book is additionally valuable as conclusive in assigning correct dates in many important instances. It also throws much light on many historical events, and is particularly serviceable in supplying a vivid conception of the arbitrary proceedings and violent character of Francisco de Orduña.

[VI‑15] The natives of Xumay, Xalpatlahua, Cinacantan, and Petapa. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the two former were identical with the Chortis. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 698.

[VI‑16] Dardon had accompanied Alvarado from Mexico, and was appointed by him a regidor of the city of Santiago, founded in 1524. This office or that of alcalde he held for many years. He served with distinction as a subaltern in many campaigns. Juarros, Guat., i. 348-9.

[VI‑17] The present town of Cuajiniquilapa is situated a few miles from the right bank of this river.

[VI‑18] Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that it was surmounted by a fortress.

[VI‑19] Tonaltetl by name.

[VI‑20] Juarros, Guat., ii. 88-90. This author makes the rather doubtful assertion that the place was called Los Esclavos from the fact that these were the first rebels whom the Spaniards branded. Brasseur de Bourbourg more reasonably assigns the origin of the name to the great number branded.

[VI‑21] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'The town of this name situated between the lofty mountains of Bilabitz and Meawan preserved more than other places the ancient rites of Hunahpu and Exbalanqué, and the temple of these gods annually received a certain number of human victims.' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 699.

[VI‑22] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the number of Indian allies as three thousand. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 700.

[VI‑23] Called by Juarros, Gaspar Arias Dávila. Guat., i. 363. This officer may be identical with a certain Gaspar Arias de Avila or Dávila, whom Alvarado while in Honduras sent to confer with Pedrarias at Panamá. The name of Gaspar Arias appears in the minutes of the cabildo of Oct. 4, 1525, and not again till March 18, 1528, when he was nominated for the office of alcalde. The omission of his name for so long a period may be explained by his absence in Panamá.

[VI‑24] According to Bernal Diaz, Gaspar Arias was a firm supporter of Alvarado and his party. Hence, probably, his dismissal from office.

[VI‑25] The reception which Arias met with at Santiago is a good illustration of Orduña's character. On appearing before the cabildo and petitioning that the wand of office be restored to him, Orduña passionately called him a disturber of the peace, laid violent hands on him, and, while ordering him to be carried off to prison, struck him in the face. 'Delante de todo el cabildo, y en gran menosprecio y desacatamiento de su magestad y de su cabildo.' In January 1530 Arias again petitioned for redress, but though the voting was somewhat in his favor, he does not seem to have obtained it, as his name appears no more as alcalde. Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 139-42.

[VI‑26] 'Plusieurs Espagnols et surtout beaucoup d'alliés, ayant été pris vivants, se virent emmenés dans la place et sacrifiés solennellement à la divinité barbare.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 700. The name of the idol was Exbalanqué.

[VI‑27] According to Herrera the number of Spaniards consisted of 31 horse and 30 foot. dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI‑28] In Herrera, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xiv., is a copy of the requerimiento ordered by the king to be delivered to the natives when summoned to allegiance as noticed elsewhere. A similar form existed in the archives of Guatemala in Remesal's time. This formal summons was frequently omitted, or evaded. A priest, who at the beginning of the conquest of Guatemala had taken part in the war while a layman, thus describes the form and mode of proceeding. At night one of the soldiers with sound of drum, said: 'You Indians of this town! we inform you that there is one God, and one pope, and one king of Castile, to whom this pope has given you as slaves; wherefore we require you to come and tender your obedience to him and to us in his name, under the penalty that we wage war against you with fire and sword!' The priest then briefly describes the sequel: 'At the morning watch they fell upon them, capturing all whom they could, under pretence that they were rebels, y los demas los quemauan, ô passauan à cuchillo, robauãles la hazienda, y ponian fuego al lugar.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 413-14.

[VI‑29] Juarros states that Orduña shortly afterward returned to Santiago on account of sickness; but I find that Castellanos arrived there before him. Consult Actas Ayunt. Guat., 138, 142-3, from which it appears that the treasurer was in Santiago on the 19th of January 1530, and Orduña on the 12th of February.

[VI‑30] Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 300-7. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 703-4.

[VI‑31] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 48. Cavo makes this remark upon Remesal's account: 'It seems to me more probable that the disagreement was between an oidor and that conqueror, since it is certain that three years previously the emperor ordered the factor to leave Mexico,' Tres Siglos, i. 104-5. A letter of Bishop Zumárraga to the king dated August 27, 1529, disproves Cavo's inference that the factor was not in Mexico at the time. The bishop also gives a different version of the challenge. He states that the president Guzman, Salazar, Alvarado, and others while out riding discussed the news lately received that Cortés had been highly favored by the king and was on his way back to Mexico. Guzman remarked that he believed he would soon return, whereupon the factor passionately exclaimed, 'El rey que á tal traidor como á Cortés embia es hereje y no cristiano.' For a few days nothing was done to call the factor to account for such treasonable language, but on the 18th of the month Alvarado appeared before the audiencia and requested permission to send him a formal challenge. That body, however, defended Salazar, and on the following day their president Guzman made reply to this effect: 'Pedro de Alvarado miente como muy ruin caballero, si lo es, que el Factor no dijo tal, porque es servidor de Vuestra Majestad y no habia de decir tal palabra,' and Alvarado was ironed and thrown into prison. The bishop adds, 'y no sé qué harán dél,' and that he has three witnesses worthy of all trust and of the order of Santiago, who heard the factor use the language. Zumárraga, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, xiii. 176-7. Zamacois gives almost the same account as the above. Hist. Méj. iv. 485-6.

[VI‑32] This release must only be considered as conditional, and not as a rejection of the charges brought against Alvarado. We learn, however, from Remesal that in 1531 the second audiencia acquitted him. Hist. Chyapa, 42.

[VI‑33] Bishop Zumárraga states that the president and oidores robbed Alvarado of all the valuables which he had brought from Spain, 'que fué tanto aparato y cosas ricas como un conde principal desos reinos pudiera traer;' all his silverware, tapestry, horses, and mules, 'de todo no le han dejado un pan qué comer.' He also furnishes a list of articles given as presents by Alvarado to the president and the oidores. He, moreover, makes the assertion that 'Desta manera han perseguido á quantos han sido de contraria opinion del Factor ... y lo que peor es, que en apellando ó sabiendo que querian apellar, los aprisionavan.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 136-40. Herrera leaves it to be concluded that Alvarado left Mexico at his pleasure: 'Hallaron al Adelantado don Pedro de Alvarado, que entendidos estos rumores en Mexico, auia ydo para defender su gouernacion, y lleuaua ochenta soldados de a pie, y de a cauallo.' dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI‑34] The cabildo frequently issued regulations with the object of correcting these abuses. The inconvenience caused by artisans closing their workshops was so serious that, on June 4, 1529, the cabildo passed an act ordering them to exercise their callings under penalty of having the service of their Indians suspended. In 1534 a similar decree was passed, and again in April 1536. Actas Ayunt. Guat., 88, passim; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 171.

[VI‑35] 'Fueron los atrassos grandes, los disgustos continuos, y las dissensiones, de muchas consequẽcias: que á no aplicar efficazes, y oportunos remedios el Adelantado ... pudiera ser, que se huviera despoblado la tierra.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 156.

[VI‑36] Vazquez states that in 1531 horses had so multiplied that the cabildo assigned the plains between Escuintla and Mazaqua as lands for brood-mares and foals. Remesal relates that the increase of the herds was much retarded by the ravages of wild beasts, which destroyed the young animals, and not unfrequently cows and mares. In February 1532 great destruction was caused by an enormous lion, whose haunt was the densely wooded slopes of the Volcan de Agua. The loss of cattle was so great that the city offered a bounty of 25 pesos de oro or 100 bushels of corn to any one who killed the monster. In March a large party headed by Alvarado went forth to hunt for it, but their efforts were unsuccessful. He was finally killed by the herder of the mares. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 173; Album Mex., 417. Notwithstanding the depredations of wild animals, live-stock increased so rapidly that in 1540 beef sold for three cents a pound and mutton for four and five cents. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 188. There are two competitors for the distinction of having first introduced horned cattle into Guatemala. According to Vazquez, the auditor Francisco de Zorrilla imported stock at his own expense, and had a feeding-ground for his herds assigned to him in 1530. Juarros ascribes to Hector de Barreda the honor of being the first importer, and to him was assigned in the distribution of lands a feeding-ground in the present Valle de las Vacas, which received its name from the fact that he there established a stock-farm. Chronica de Gvat., 162; Juarros, Guat., ii. 354.

[VI‑37] In 1529 the population of Santiago numbered only 150 according to the records of the cabildo, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 22; but in the neighborhood were many settlers who had not been enrolled as citizens.

[VI‑38] None were allowed to hold more than two caballerías.

[VI‑39] Juarros entertains no doubt of this: in the first place because its location exactly corresponds with that where Moscoso built his town; and secondly, because there is no evidence that any Spanish town existed on the other side of the Lempa previous to 1530, while the villa de San Miguel is proved by the books of the cabildo of the city of Guatemala, to have been in existence in June 1531. Guat., ii. 105. In May 1535 it is mentioned by Alvarado in a letter to Charles V. Cartas, Squier's MSS., xix. 7.

[VI‑40] Called by Juarros San Jorge de Olanchito.

[VII‑1] 'Vos damos licencia ... para que por nos ... podais descubrir, conquistar é poblar, cualesquier Islas qué hay en la mar del Sur de la Nueva España, questán en su parage; é todas las que halláredes hácia el Poniente della, no siendo en el parage de las tierras en que hoy hay proveydas gobernadores; é así mismo ... podais descubrir cualquier parte de tierra firme, que halláredes, por la dicha costa del Sur, hácia el Poniente, que no se haya hasta agora descubierto, ni entre en los límites é parage Norte-Sur, de la tierra questá dada en gobernacion á otras personas.' Capitulacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 538-9.

[VII‑2] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 112, state that in these preparations Alvarado was provided by the emperor with a considerable amount of funds; but the adelantado in his official letters to the court, in Cartas, Squier's MSS., xix. 1-4, 13-27, while dwelling on the labor and expense these preparations involved, makes no allusion to outside aid. It is not probable, however, that a man of Alvarado's character would have fitted out this expedition purely from loyal motives or having in view only the remote contingency of the compensation to be derived from his twelfth of the profits.

[VII‑3] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 113, state that the audiencia ordered the fitting-out of his expedition to be stopped.

[VII‑4] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 113.

[VII‑5] Alvarado, Cartas, in Squier's MSS., xix. 13-27; Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i. Herrera mentions but one ship.

[VII‑6] There is no information, or none of value, as to the first settlement of Realejo by the Spaniards. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., states that Alvarado was compelled, through lack of ships, to leave 200 men there. This may have been the origin of the colony. Purchas, 1625, spells the word Realjo; Ogilby, 1671, Realejo; Dampier, 1699, Rialeja; Jefferys, 1776, Realejo, as bay and city. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 204, a.

[VII‑7] Equal in purchasing power to more than a million and a half of dollars at the present time.

[VII‑8] Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor from Puerto de la Posesion, January 18, 1534, says: 'Mi derrota será conforme á la merced de V. M. y desde los 13 hasta los 20 grados de la otra parte de la linea descubriré todos los secretos de esta Mar y las Yslas, y Tierra firme, y donde mas convenga conquistaré, y poblaré.' In view of this it is singular that Zárate, in Barcia, iii., and those who copy him, are the only authorities who concede that Alvarado had any right to sail in a southerly direction. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., Prescott, Conq. Peru, ii. 11, and others affirm that his capitulation required him to sail toward the west, and it is evident that they did not see the letter mentioned in Squier's MSS.

[VII‑9] The number of vessels is variously stated. Herrera mentions 11; Remesal, 10; Juarros, 8, Oviedo, 11, and Prescott, 12. The number and tonnage given above are taken from the letter in Squier's MSS., mentioned in note 18. This was written from Puerto de la Posesion on the eve of departure. One galleon was of 300 tons, another of 160, a third of 150, and a fourth, built by order of Pedrarias Dávila in the gulf of Chira, was of 100 tons.

[VII‑10] Alvarado is charged with the seizure in Nicaragua of two vessels in which a force of 200 men was about to be sent to the aid of Pizarro. This, however, was most likely in the form of an appropriation with the consent of the owners of the vessels. The adelantado in Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 13-27, denies this charge and forwards vouchers to prove, as he says, that they were bought at the request of the owners and paid for to their entire satisfaction. He adds however the saving clause, that, 'even had they been seized, such an act was justified by the importance of the undertaking.' This letter also appears to have escaped Herrera's notice.

[VII‑11] In the estimate of the total Spanish force authors mainly agree, but the number of cavalry is variously stated, and even the official letters of Alvarado are contradictory on this point. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., gives 500 as the total, of whom 227 were cavalry. Oviedo, iv. 240, mentions 600, with 240 cavalry. According to a legal investigation made in Guatemala in 1536 his whole force was 500 and his cavalry 230, Informacion echa en Santiago Set. 15, 1536; and this is the estimate here adopted. Alvarado, Carta, Squier's MSS., xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor a few days before his departure from Puerto de la Posesion, states that he had 450 men including 260 horse, and, a few weeks later, writing from Puerto Viejo to the governor of Panamá, says that he set sail from Nicaragua with 500 men of whom 220 were cavalry.

[VII‑12] In Squier's MSS., xix. 7-14, is a full account of Alvarado's report to the emperor, dated May 12, 1535, after his return from Peru.

[VII‑13] Chap. i., this volume.

[VII‑14] Informacion contra Alvarado, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., x. 152-236. Cuzco lies slightly to the south of the thirteenth parallel, and was therefore in the territory assigned to the adelantado; but it is not probable that he was aware of this fact.

[VII‑15] Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 21.

[VII‑16] 'Y asi él se volvió á la cibdad de Mexico sin hacer cosa ninguna.' Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 17. This investigation was attended with some circumstances difficult of explanation. Maldonado's official proceedings were anomalous, and were strictly neither those of a visitador nor a juez de residencia. The king's decree mentioned in the text enjoined secrecy as to the motives of his visit; yet he caused the object of his arrival to be publicly cried. The difference between a visita and residencia is as follows: The visita could be made at any time by special commission of the crown, but without suspending, in the exercise of his official duties, the person whose conduct was to be investigated. The inquiry was strictly secret, and the visitador had no power to pass sentence. His duty was to remit the original depositions to the India Council, by which tribunal judgment was passed. The residencia, on the other hand, was taken at the expiration of a person's term of office; the examination was public, and afforded every opportunity for defence. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. pp. xxviii.-xxx. The secrecy of witnesses and non-interference with the authority of the person whose conduct was investigated were not always maintained, however, in the visita. In that to which Viceroy Mendoza was subjected, in 1547, his authority was at first disregarded and the names of witnesses disclosed. Solórzano, Política Indiana, lib. v. cap. x. It may be remarked that the chroniclers seem to have been quite unaware of this first visit of Maldonado in 1535, and only record his arrival in Guatemala as juez de residencia in 1536. It is, however, fully substantiated by Alvarado's letter above quoted. For a full explanation of the term 'residencia,' see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 250-1, this series.

[VIII‑1] See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 638, this series.

[VIII‑2] Marroquin was a good Latin scholar and was the first to apply the system of studying that language to the Indian dialects. He translated the Catholic catechism into Quiché. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 150.

[VIII‑3] Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 142. Torquemada mentions that Francisco Jimenez, one of the 12 Franciscans who first arrived in New Spain, was appointed the first bishop of Guatemala, but declined the position 'por quedar en el estado humilde ... de Fraile Menor,' iii. 445. Vazquez, quoting a royal cédula dated May 24, 1531, proves that a bishop had been already appointed at that date. Chron. Gvat., 36-7. According to Remesal, the emperor appointed Domingo de Betanzos the first bishop, and as he could not be induced to accept the honor, the mitre was given to Marroquin at the request of Alvarado. Hist. Chyapa, 58-9. In Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., ii. 351-76, is a copy of the bull confirming the bishop's appointment, printed in Spanish and Latin.

[VIII‑4] Vazquez relates that Fray Toribio Motolinia, mentioned by Torquemada as the sixth of the first 12 Franciscan missionaries, resided in Guatemala during portions of 1528 and 1529; but this is extremely doubtful. According to the former chronicler he preached and baptized at Quetzaltenango and Patinamit in both years. Chron. Gvat., 20-1; but there is conclusive evidence that he was in Mexico some time during 1528 engaged in violent opposition to the audiencia. Santa María, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 92 et seq., and was also there on the 15th of April 1529 occupied in the same contention. Procès-verbal, in Id., 104 et seq. It is not very probable that, during the interval, he should have made a journey to Guatemala and as Vazquez claims even to Nicaragua. Consult also Ramirez, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. pp. xlv.-cliii. According to Torquemada, Toribio was sent to Guatemala in 1533 to found monasteries. iii. 489.

[VIII‑5] In 1527, according to Gonzalez Dávila, who states that a hospital was founded at the same time. Teatro, Ecles., i. 140. Remesal, who is more to be relied on in this matter, gives 1529 as the date of Betanzos' arrival in Santiago, and says that he came at the request of Alvarado on his return from Spain. Hist. Chyapa, 15, 42-5.

[VIII‑6] 'Celebrose su consagracion con ostentissimo aparato, assi por ser la primera q̃ en Yndias se hazîa, como por la magnificencia del S. Principe, que le consagrô.' Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 39.

[VIII‑7] Remesal gives a copy of this constitution, which was signed, 'Episcopvs Gvactemalensis.'

[VIII‑8] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 182-5; Marroquin al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 413-14. The bishop's signature, in his letters addressed to the emperor from 1537 to 1547, is different in almost every letter. On May 10, 1537, he signs himself 'Episcopus Sancti Jacobi Huatemalensis;' on August 15, 1539, 'Episcopus Cuahvtemalensis;' on August 10 and November 25, 1541, 'Episcopus Cuacvtemolensis;' and on June 4, 1545, and September 20, 1547, 'Episcopus Cuachutemallensis.' Cartas de Indias, 425, 428, 431, 433, 443, 450.

[VIII‑9] The tithes, when paid in kind, were of little value unless delivered at convenient places. The king, therefore, issued a cédula ordering that they be taken by the natives to the mines, or some other suitable place, within a radius of 20 leagues around each town. Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 209; Florida, Col. Doc., 138.

[VIII‑10] Speaking of the provision, he says: 'Recibiré merced la reciban con todo amor y voluntad.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 184.

[VIII‑11] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 14.

[VIII‑12] The bishop's humility and pardonable boastfulness are sometimes a little striking. Speaking of the provision for the delivery of the tithes, he says: 'Sino se pierde por mis deméritos, que creo no pierde, pues trabajo mas que los demàs perlados, que en estas índias al presente residen.' Id., 184.

[VIII‑13] During the earlier period of the Spanish conquests in America this order took no active part. A few individuals, however, found their way to the new world, among whom was Bartolomé de Olmedo, who accompanied Cortés to Mexico. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa., 148.

[VIII‑14] On March 17, 1538, according to Gonzalez, Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 144. Remesal states that the convent was not formally organized until a year or two later, and quotes an entry in the books of the cabildo dated the 12th of August 1538, from which it appears that certain citizens wished to assist in the building and furnishing of a convent and church for the use of the order. Hist. Chyapa, 148. There is some doubt as to the exact date.

[VIII‑15] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 147-9; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 144-8; Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas, MS., 12; Iglesias y Conventos de Mex., 283.

[VIII‑16] Juarros, Guat., i. 380.

[IX‑1] See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 606, this series.

[IX‑2] Salcedo brought with him to Trujillo 209 slaves; of these 102 were branded in the face. Testimonio, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 70-7.

[IX‑3] It is stated that Salcedo's death was caused by a sore on one of his legs, and by the rough treatment received while imprisoned at Leon; but his friends suspected that he had been poisoned. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

[IX‑4] The only document which Herrera could produce in support of his claim was a memorandum without date, signature, or witness. The appointment of Cereceda, on the other hand, was signed by Salcedo and attested by 12 witnesses. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 3-5. See also Oviedo, iii. 192.

[IX‑5] Diego Mendez had already been waylaid during the night and severely wounded at the entrance of his house. He would have been killed had not some of his friends come to his assistance. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 4, 5; Oviedo, iii. 193.

[IX‑6] It was claimed that a portion of the repartimientos belonging to the late governor had been unlawfully appropriated, and was therefore liable to confiscation. Soon afterward the boy died, and his entire inheritance was divided among certain of the officials. Oviedo, iii. 193.

[IX‑7] Cereceda afterward excused himself by saying that he had given his consent in order to preserve peace in the province. 'Consentí que se les diese lo que no les diera si fuera solo haciendo lo que era razon; hicelo solo por sosegallos i que no alterasen ó amotonasen la tierra,' in order to gain time until the king should definitely determine upon a new governor. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 5, 6.

[IX‑8] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

[IX‑9] The morality of the colonists appears to have been somewhat more lax hereabout than usual. In commenting on the conduct of Herrera and other officials Cereceda says: 'Tenian ocupadas quatro casas de casados deste pueblo i que con infamia publica i pesar los maridos los comportavan, sin yo ser parte á lo remediar con palabras i amenazas, porque lo demas por el mayor daño se escusava.' Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 7.

[IX‑10] The certificate was originally taken from Mendez by the cabildo, and deposited with the Notary Carrasco, who, being an enemy to Herrera, was easily induced to return it to its owner. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 15-18. See also Oviedo, iii. 108.

[IX‑11] 'É ovo regidor que dixo, ó temiendo al Diego Mendez, ó porque le paresçia ser conviniente á la república, que si no se pudiesse concertar en que fuesse su teniente Diego Mendez, que lo fuesse el Cereceda dél, porque esso era lo que convenia al serviçio de Dios é de Sus Magestades, é al bien é sosiego de aquella universidad é de la tierra. É porque algunos se riyeron desto, replicó assi: "Reysos é parésçeos mal lo que he dicho? Pues asentadlo assi, escribano, que yo lo digo assi."' Oviedo, iii. 203.

[IX‑12] Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 39. Oviedo, iii. 207, says that only seven were wounded. Herrera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. x., mentions but four.

[IX‑13] 'Que eran aquel Pedro Vidal, alguacil, que dió la puñalada al Vasco de Herrera é le echó la soga al cuello, con la que fué despues ahorcado el malfechor; y el otro Alonso Vazquez, alcalde é capitan de la guarda del tirano.' Oviedo, iii. 208.

[IX‑14] Dávila, Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 114-17. See also Oviedo, iii. 213.

[IX‑15] 'Murieron mas de la mitad dellos, assi de los que servian á los chripstianos en sus haçiendas, como de las naborias de casa.' Oviedo, iii. 213.

[IX‑16] Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 50; Oviedo, iii. 212. See also Hist. Mex., ii., this series.

[IX‑17] Herrera endeavored to persuade Ávila to accompany him, and proceed in quest of new discoveries. The latter, however, declined, and on the return of Cereceda was sent on with his men, by sea, to Yucatan. Oviedo, iii. 212-30.

[IX‑18] Oviedo, iii. 213, gives 180 as the number.

[IX‑19] The Quimistan (Quinbistan?), Zolûta, Zelimonga, and Zulâ Indians returned, but not those of Naco. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. viii.

[IX‑20] Distant 23 leagues from Puerto de Caballos, 3 from Quinbistan, 7 from Naco, and 15 from San Gil de Buenavista. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. viii.

[IX‑21] Cereceda was to be 'captain of all the other captains.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix., estimates the strength of the combined forces at 80 soldiers, but this is manifestly an error.

[IX‑22] Herrera speaks of her as a native of Seville, and as having been captured by Cizimba, 'que auia diez años—tenia por muger,' at the time of the massacre at Puerto de Caballos. dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.

[IX‑23] 'Los que quedaron en la ciudad de Truxillo ... sinificauan al Rey sus necessidades, suplicauante ... que no la olvidasse, pues no era menos provechosa que las otras de las Indias, por las muchas minas que en ella auia: y quanto al sitio de la Ciudad dezian, que era muy sano, enxuto, y ayroso, y de muy buenas aguas.... Dezian que no auia vezino que no tuuiesse en su casa vn huerto con todas las frutas de Castilla, que se auian podido auer, las quales se dauan muy bien, como naranjos, cidras, limones agrios y dulces, granados y higueras, de las quales a siete meses que se plãtan, se cogia fruta: de melones y vbas, y otras tenian abundancia.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.

[IX‑24] Herrera says that affairs in the province were in a sad plight, for Cereceda, 'cuya crueldad excedia a toda humana prudencia,' had lost all control over his men. dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. Montejo, who afterward became governor of Honduras, also speaks in very disparaging terms of Cereceda. 'All the time he was in Zula and Naco he never moved two leagues from his abode. Of the 27 or 28 towns in existence when he reached the country he did not leave a single one. He destroyed everything, even the cattle and mares. The people he brought away in irons, leaving some towns without a single inhabitant. He and his advisers, a priest named Juan Ávila and a certain Juan Ruano, had laid waste the best portion of Honduras.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 240-1.

[IX‑25] 'Quisiesse socorrer á los pobladores chripstianos, que estaban en Honduras, en paçificar la tierra, é dar órden cómo no se acabassen de perder los españoles que allí estaban.' Oviedo, iii. 214.

[IX‑26] Oviedo, iii. 214, says that this occurred in 1533. Célis himself states that Cereceda sent him to Guatemala toward the end of 1535, or early in 1536. Camino de Guat., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 540-9; whereas Herrera states that Célis went of his own accord. 'Estas cosas llegaron a termino que el Tesorero como buen ministro sossegô la gente, con prometer de yr a Guatemala á pedir socorro a don Pedro de Aluarado.' dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[IX‑27] Cava, Honduras, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 280 et seq., Célis subsequently put in a claim for 800 castellanos, for the subsistence of his party, and for horses employed during the exploration of a road to Guatemala. On the 24th of October 1539 a judicial investigation was held before the alcalde mayor, at Puerto de Caballos, to ascertain whether the treasurer had, as he claimed, discovered a road thence to Guatemala. Several witnesses were examined, and all testified that Alonso Ortiz had discovered and travelled over the road before Célis; that the latter when he passed on to Guatemala was under no expense whatever, for his supplies were furnished by others. Célis, Camino, in Id., xiv. 540-50. In Guatemala he stopped at the house of the king's treasurer, and was therefore under no expense. Montejo, in Id., ii. 241.

[IX‑28] There were present, Andrés de Cereceda, the alcalde Alonso Ortiz, and the regidores Bernardo de Cabranes, Juan Lopez de Gamboa, and Miguel García de Liñan. Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 301-4.

[IX‑29] Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 301-4. The foregoing is the account given in Cereceda's official report to the viceroy of Mexico. Herrera, however, gives quite a different version of the matter. He states that the settlers, seeing that, after an absence of four months, the treasurer Célis did not return or send any message, agreed to abandon the place. Loading their Indian servants with what little effects they had left, they proceeded on their way, after tying Cereceda and two of his friends to trees, because he forbade them to take away their slaves on the ground that it was contrary to royal orders to carry them from one province to another, although he himself had done so and had allowed his friends the same privilege. But after marching a few leagues they fell in with men coming from Guatemala, whereupon they returned to the settlement and made friends with the governor, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. In a letter to Alvarado dated May 9, 1536, Cereceda says nothing about being tied to a tree, although he complains of gross ill-treatment at the hands of the colonists.

[IX‑30] It was intended to establish here a large settlement. The city was founded on the 26th of June 1536. The various officials were appointed, sworn, and inducted into office. Sites for dwellings were assigned to the alcaldes, regidores, and vecinos. The name of the town was not to be changed except by the emperor's orders; and it was decreed that none should reside elsewhere until the emperor's pleasure was known. Honduras, Fundacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 530-8.

[IX‑31] This settlement was distant from Comayagua 38 leagues and from Guatemala 106 leagues. Juarros, Guat., i. 41; Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[IX‑32] Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 24-5, 29. In this letter he proposes to the king to conduct a large expedition from Spain through the Straits of Magellan into the South Sea, in which he believed there were many islands and even some continents.

[X‑1] 'A quien se auia dado el oficio de contador, y depuestole del de alcalde mayor, por las diferẽcias que traía con Pedrarias.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv. Oviedo, iv. 112, still speaks of him as 'alcalde mayor é contador' when he takes charge of the government.

[X‑2] 'Que era de derecho, que quando dos personas que tenian poderes del Rey, moria el vno, el que quedaua sucedia al otro.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑3] Herrera and Oviedo both state that after the death of Pedrarias 'quedó en el cargo de la gobernaçion el licenciado Françisco de Castañeda,' whereas Andagoya, Nar., 39, says that 'the Bishop Diego Alvarez Osorio succeeded Pedrarias as governor, but died a short time after he had assumed office, leaving Castañeda as his successor.' This is undoubtedly an error. The editors of Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 710, give as the date of Osorio's death the year 1534, which is also erroneous. His decease occurred in 1536. See Las Casas, Informacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 127.

[X‑4] In a few days Castañeda had appropriated eight of them. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑5] 'No podia dexar de auer fraude, pues los auia dado a menosprecio, por contemplaciones, y por cõseguir sus fines.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑6] 'El qual se dió todo el recabdo quél pudo á enriquesçerse; é púdolo bien hacer, pues no le quedó quien le fuesse á la mano.' Oviedo, iv. 112.

[X‑7] Among those who left the province were Sebastian de Benalcázar and Juan Fernandez, who joined Pizarro on the Isthmus in March 1531. In their company went Francisco Bobadilla, Juan de las Varillas, and Gerónimo Pontevedra, friars of the order of Mercy, who figured in the conquest of Guatemala and Nicaragua. Navarro, Relacion, in Col. Doc. Inéd., xxvi. 238.

[X‑8] During the brief rule of Salcedo in Nicaragua, one Maestro Rojas, a patron of the church, imprisoned the ex-treasurer Castillo on a charge of heresy, but the former held no jurisdiction in the case, and Rojas remained in confinement until the arrival of Pedrarias, accompanied by Fray Francisco de Bobadilla, who was vested with the requisite authority by the bishop of Panamá. His power was transferred to the bachiller Pedro Bravo, and from him to Pedrarias, who tried the case, acquitted Castillo, and restored him to office. Squier's MSS., iv.

[X‑9] Hist. Chyapa, 105. It appears that he was not a friar, being spoken of as 'muy magnífico é muy reverendo señor D. Diego Alvarez Osorio.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116; see also Alcedo, iii. 322, who adds that he was a native of America, though of what place is unknown; and Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 235; Juarros, Hist. Guat., i. 49.

[X‑10] New tithes were to be levied on cocoa, honey, wax, and flax, to provide for the salary of the bishop, which was 500,000 maravedís, and the limits of the new diocese were to be determined 'y estavan bien servidas las iglesias.' Squier's MSS., xxii. 109.

[X‑11] For previous mention of Las Casas see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 277-9, 284, 309.

[X‑12] 'En tanto, desde que Rodrigo de Contreras fué á aquella tierra estuvo exerçitando su offiçio, como buen gobernador, é tuvo en paz é buena justiçia aquellas tierras é provinçias, que por Su Majestad le fueron encomendadas, é procurando la conversion é buen tractamiento de los indios para que viniessen á conosçer á Dios.' Oviedo, iv. 113.

[X‑13] A provision was ratified by the emperor on the 20th of April 1537, and contained also permission to make the conquest of the islands in lakes Nicaragua and Managua. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxii. 515-34.

[X‑14] Before the flight of Castañeda Las Casas visited Española whither he was summoned to negotiate a treaty with the powerful chief Enrique. He returned once more to Realejo, and soon afterward attempted a second voyage to Peru, but was driven back to port by stress of weather.