Cereceda returned in time to prevent the depopulation of the city, but such was the general discontent that the question of removal was universally discussed and the governor was at length compelled to give up his settlement. After much deliberation it was resolved to depart for the Naco Valley, leaving at Trujillo a garrison of fifty men. The remainder of the citizens, mustering in all about one hundred and thirty,[IX‑18] leaving with them a good supply of horses and live-stock, set forth on their march through the wilderness. On reaching a spot where a river flows through a narrow defile, they found their passage obstructed by a barricade erected by the cacique Cizimba, who thought thus to prevent the invasion of his territory. The natives were routed at the first onset, and those who were taken captive suffered mutilation, their hands being cut off, and were suspended with cords from their necks. The Spaniards then pressed forward, suffering many privations, though always buoyed up with the hope of finding abundant stores of provisions on reaching their destination. But in this they were doomed to disappointment. Arriving at Naco, wayworn and famished, they found the place abandoned by all except a few infirm natives unable to escape by reason of illness. Cereceda then put on the mask, and changing his policy toward the natives, who throughout all that country had fled at his approach, he strove to win them back by kindness, and at length succeeded in causing the return of a number sufficient to plant a considerable tract of land.[IX‑19] The harvest however failed, and, being reduced to the last extremity, the Spaniards were compelled to move to the foot of the mountains, where they hoped to obtain food among the natives who had fled there for refuge. Taking their departure from Naco, therefore, they proceeded to the province of Zula, where they founded a settlement which they named Buena Esperanza.[IX‑20]

Such was the position of affairs when, in the year 1535, Christóbal de la Cueva was sent by Jorge de Alvarado, to discover a route to the northern coast by means of which communication might be opened between the province of Guatemala and Spain. While passing through the province of Zula, Cueva's men were observed by a party of natives, who informed Cereceda of the presence of Spaniards in that vicinity. The latter thereupon despatched Juan Ruano, with a small band, to demand of the intruders whence they came, and by what authority they ventured within his territory. The messenger was first met by the advanced guard of twenty men under Juan de Arévalo, who informed him that his commander, with the main force, was but two leagues behind, and that their object was to search for the best route for a government road from Guatemala to Puerto de Caballos.

When Cueva was informed of the condition of the colonists at Buena Esperanza, he requested an interview with Cereceda, and proposed that the men of Honduras should coöperate with him in his explorations, promising in return to assist them in their mining enterprises, and to protect them from the natives. The governor gladly accepted this offer, and took command of a force composed of a portion of Cueva's troops together with all his own available men.[IX‑21] It was proposed first to march against a powerful cacique, who had for ten years held captive a Spanish woman,[IX‑22] and after subduing him and demolishing his stockade, to explore the country in the neighborhood of Golfo Dulce, and examine the harbors of San Gil de Buenavista and Puerto de Caballos, in conformity with his instructions.

But the time had not yet come when harmony was to prevail in Honduras. Wars with the savages and contentions among themselves had been the fate of settlers in that territory from the beginning; and the quarrelsome followers of Cereceda were little disposed to join hands in peaceful fellowship with the members of a rival colony. Cueva was not satisfied to settle at Buena Esperanza, nor on the Golfo Dulce, nor at Puerto de Caballos; but he wished to plant a colony in the interior of Honduras, midway between the two oceans. To this proposition Cereceda of course raised objections. The other persisted, and being the stronger, withdrew from the alliance and moved inland. Thereupon Cereceda complained to the India Council, and begged the arrest and execution of Cueva for trespass and violation of contract. He also petitioned the emperor for men, arms, ships, and flour, and wine for sacramental purposes. He affirmed that some of his men had not tasted salt for three months, and lay ill in consequence. He requested that the king's fifth of the product of the mines should be reduced to one tenth. He also asked that a boundary line between Guatemala and Honduras be established, and that a road be opened between the two seas, from Puerto de Caballos to the bay of Fonseca, stating that it would serve as well for the trade of San Salvador and Nicaragua, the distance being only fifty leagues, and the ground favorable, requiring only that the trees be cut away and the earth levelled in places. To this petition of Cereceda the emperor and his council listened with favor, and granted the greater part of his requests.

Meanwhile the remnant of the Honduras colonists who remained at Trujillo also clamored for an increase of population, and for a governor. They claimed that the city possessed a good harbor, and a dry and wholesome situation; that rich mines lay undeveloped in its vicinity, and that the soil was fruitful and well watered.[IX‑23] They attributed their past misfortunes to bad government, and charged Cereceda with abandoning the settlement without sufficient cause. They were now so few in number, being reduced to thirty capable of bearing arms, that they were in constant fear of attack from the natives. Their stock of weapons consisted of but twenty swords and fifteen pikes, the governor having taken with him all the cross-bows and arquebuses. As they were not in communication with Mexico they requested to be placed under the jurisdiction of the audiencia of Española. They asked moreover for two brigantines for the purpose of trading with the Islands and also for one hundred negroes to work their mines, for all of which they promised to pay liberally. They promised that if a capable governor were sent out to them in command of two hundred men, they would establish a settlement near the Desaguadero and open the rich gold-mines which lay in that vicinity. Finally the municipal council declared that unless relieved within a year they would disorganize the government and give the people liberty to go whithersoever they might desire.

If the colonists of Honduras could barely sustain themselves when united and living at Trujillo, it was not to be expected that their condition would be improved when divided and scattered throughout the country. One good man, who could have held in check the spirit of lawlessness, and have ruled the factious populace with a determined hand; a man with the principles and temper even of a Pedrarias, would have given peace and prosperity to Honduras; but internal dissensions, and finally open disruption, had brought disaster upon all concerned, and had reduced the people, both of Trujillo and Buena Esperanza, to the verge of ruin and starvation.

Humiliating as it must have been, Andrés de Cereceda was at last compelled to appeal for aid to Pedro de Alvarado. In the petition which he drew up, he craved protection from the natives, failing which, he feared the depopulation of the whole province. Dire indeed were the necessities of the people,[IX‑24] and the adelantado was besought "for the love of God and their Majesties," to come to their succor.[IX‑25] The royal treasurer, Diego García de Célis, was sent in company with Juan Ruano[IX‑26] to Santiago, where Alvarado then resided, and representing to him the deplorable condition of the people of Honduras, received assurance of relief. As soon as possible an armed force was assembled, consisting of Spaniards and friendly Indians, and with the adelantado at their head set forth to the relief of Cereceda.[IX‑27]

During the delay which occurred before the arrival of Alvarado in Honduras, the settlers who remained at Buena Esperanza, being unable or unwilling to bear their sufferings any longer, were on the point of abandoning the colony, and on the 5th of May 1536 a formal meeting was held before the notary Bernardino de Cabrenas,[IX‑28] to take the matter under consideration. Cereceda, addressing the alcalde and regidores, stated that they were aware of the condition of affairs in the province, and of the impracticability of holding it much longer, on account of the small number of the Spanish colonists and the want of supplies. He had therefore, he said, despatched Diego García de Célis, the royal treasurer, to solicit aid from the governor of Guatemala, and had also asked the assistance of the emperor and of the audiencia of Mexico. Seven months had elapsed since the departure of Célis, and nothing had been heard from him. He demanded therefore, in the name of the crown, their opinion as to what should be done. All present recommended that the country be abandoned, and the Spaniards allowed by the governor to proceed whithersoever they pleased. To this Cereceda assented, and orders were issued accordingly; the alcalde and regidores ratifying and confirming the governor's acts and their own, in the presence of the notary.[IX‑29]

The resolution was at once carried into effect; but within four days after leaving Buena Esperanza the colonists were met by Célis with a letter from Alvarado promising speedy relief. Had the envoy returned but a single day later it is not improbable that Cereceda would have lost his life, for he had become extremely unpopular among the men of Honduras. They had indeed gone so far as to drive him from his home, though through fear of the consequences they afterward recalled him.

His answer to the adelantado's despatch shows the detestation in which he was held by those whose duty it was to obey him. "They expelled me," he says, "from my house and from the settlement, although I was not in a condition to rise from my bed, to which I had been confined for days on account of a boil that prevented my sitting down, except in a chair which had been made specially for my use, and then only for a short time. In spite of all this, they hustled me out of my abode with the greatest coolness, ordering me to go, unattended as I was, in the direction of the coast, where they would provide me with an escort to Trujillo. This was, however, only a pretext in order to get rid of me, their object being to carry off as slaves all the Indians who had served in the district, which they had attempted to do before proceeding to expel me from the village. Fearing they might kill me, I made a virtue of necessity, and abandoning what few effects I had, proceeded to Naco. From this place they soon recalled me, and I returned on horseback, but with great difficulty, suffering so much from my enforced ride that it will, I fear, be at least three months before my health is reëstablished."

Cereceda and Célis were far from being on good terms. The treasurer was suspected by the former of a desire to supplant him, and perhaps not without reason, as he had been appointed by the emperor, and was next in rank to the governor. In his letter to Alvarado, Cereceda takes the opportunity of venting his spleen against the treasurer. He accuses him of endeavoring to produce the impression that he, and he alone, had it in his power to procure for the adelantado the governorship of Honduras, and of taking to himself the credit of being the only one having at heart the welfare of the country, and of being a faithful servitor of his Majesty. "But," he continues, "in order that you may see that there are others who desire the welfare of the province, I resign in your favor the governorship with which I have been intrusted, believing that, in so doing, I am performing a service to his Majesty."

Alvarado, on his arrival, was well received by the settlers, who were fain to believe that there were better days in store for them. The astute Cereceda, seeing himself virtually without authority, again pressed him to accept the governorship, so that the province might not go to ruin. By this artifice he hoped not only to escape punishment, but to confirm the impression in the adelantado's mind that it was to him and not to Célis that he was indebted for the offer. Alvarado accepted the governor's resignation, and assumed the reins of power, to the great joy of the colonists. He at once set about pacifying the country, sending out a strong force, stationing guards at the mines, and bringing the province into a condition of safety and prosperity. In the name of the crown, he assumed the title of captain-general and chief-justice, and without loss of time proceeded to establish new colonies.

He built at Puerto de Caballos the town of San Juan, and on the site of the village of Thaloma, seven leagues from this settlement, founded the city of San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos. He determined the limits of its jurisdiction and distributed among the Spaniards the natives and native villages in its vicinity.[IX‑30] Captain Juan de Chaves was ordered to explore the province toward the south and west and to select a favorable site on the proposed line of intercommunication between Honduras and Guatemala. After a toilsome journey he arrived at a fertile and well watered valley, where he established a settlement, naming it in token of his thankfulness "Gracias á Dios."[IX‑31]

But while the adelantado was winning fresh laurels and gaining new adherents in Honduras, he was informed that his residencia had been taken by the oidor Maldonado, and soon afterward received an order from the viceroy instructing him to proceed to Spain and appear before the throne, as his Majesty's interests would be thereby advanced. This was unlooked for. He had already petitioned the king for permission to return for the purpose of fitting out an expedition on a large scale for South Sea explorations;[IX‑32] a summons to appear at court, while his residencia was to be taken during his absence, made an intricate matter of it. There was no alternative, however, but to obey; and once more Alvarado set out for Spain, first addressing to the cabildo of Santiago a letter wherein he states the reasons for his departure, and remarks that although he does not return to his native land rich in gold, having spent all that he had gained during his career in Mexico and Guatemala, he has no doubt that his services will recommend him to the favor of the court.

CHAPTER X.
ADMINISTRATION OF AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
1531-1550.

Malefeasance of Castañeda—Diego Álvarez Osorio the First Bishop of Nicaragua—A Convent Founded at Leon—Las Casas Arrives—Castañeda's Flight—Arrival of Contreras—Proposed Expedition to El Desaguadero—Opposition of Las Casas—Departure with All the Dominicans—The Volcano of El Infierno de Masaya—Fray Blas Believes the Lava to be Molten Treasure—His Descent into the Burning Pit—Exploration of the Desaguadero—Doctor Robles Attempts to Seize the New Territory—Contreras Leaves for Spain—His Arrest, Trial, and Return—His Son-in-law Meanwhile Usurps the Government—Antonio de Valdivieso Appointed Bishop—Feud between the Ecclesiastics and the Governor—Alonso Lopez de Cerrato Takes the Residencia of Contreras—Missionary Labors in Nicaragua.

The sense of relief which was felt by all the colonists of Nicaragua, when death at last put an end to the administration of Pedrarias Dávila, was of brief duration. A new taskmaster soon held them in bondage almost as grievous as that of the great despot who now lay buried in the church-vaults at Leon. Francisco de Castañeda, who then held office as contador, and some months previous had been alcalde mayor,[X‑1] claimed that he was legally entitled to the vacant governorship.[X‑2] The cabildo knew of no valid objection, and upon Castañeda's promise to rule with moderation and fairness he was appointed and duly recognized.[X‑3]

Before a month had elapsed the colonists found themselves still doomed to oppression and misrule. Without regard to the rights of the settlers, and with an effrontery equalled only by that of his predecessor, the new tyrant refused to convene the cabildo except at long intervals, and then only to discuss matters agreeable to his own wishes. The decision of pending lawsuits was neglected; loans were demanded, and those who refused to contribute were harassed so unmercifully that they abandoned their property and fled the country, leaving their encomiendas to be confiscated.[X‑4] Slave-hunting, with its attendant horrors, was common throughout the province. None were forbidden to kidnap, nor was any limit placed on their capture; the only restriction was that the governor should receive a share. The king's tithes were fraudulently rented.[X‑5] Castañeda was even suspected of making fraudulent entries in the books of the treasurer Tobilla, whose death had recently occurred; nor had he even given himself the trouble of taking an inventory of the contents of the treasure-chest.

At length certain of the regidores met in secret council and petitioned the king to send them a judge of residencia, stating that unless relief were afforded the province would soon be depopulated. Castañeda was presently informed of his danger, but gave no heed to the warning. He had but one aim in life, to gather riches by whatever means,[X‑6] and this object he pursued with unshaken purpose. The natives did not regard the Spaniards with greater dread than did the Spaniards their chief magistrate. Many of them departed for the newly conquered regions of Peru, and even the friars, who had faced the hardships of the wilderness, and the peril of torture and death at the hands of savages, were compelled to abandon their labors.[X‑7]

Until 1531 the vicars of the church of Panamá held ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the province of Nicaragua.[X‑8] In that year Diego Álvarez Osorio, a precentor of the cathedral of Panamá, holding the title of Protector of the Indians, was appointed the first bishop of Nicaragua. His elevation was due to his eminent services in the church and probably also to the fact of his being, as Remesal remarks, "a noble cavalier of the house of Astorga, learned, virtuous, and prudent, with much experience in wholesome government measures."[X‑9] The prelate was ordered to found a Dominican convent at Leon, and the treasurer was commanded to furnish the necessary funds. The royal tithes which were formerly appropriated by the diocese of Panamá, were now to be increased,[X‑10] and applied to the support of the churches and hospitals of Nicaragua.

Under the rule of Castañeda it was indeed difficult to collect the tithes, the greater portion of them being stolen by his officials. But a true friend to humanity and religion was now on his way to the province. Bartolomé de las Casas,[X‑11] after his earnest though ineffectual labors in Mexico, returned to Nicaragua in the year 1532, and was received with open arms by Osorio, who invited him to remain, and to aid him in establishing the Dominican convent, and also in his labors on behalf of the natives; but above all to use his authority in putting an end to the malefeasance of Castañeda. Las Casas cheerfully consented. A convent was founded; residences were built for the friars; preparations were made for the erection of a cathedral, and converts by the thousands were gathered into the fold. But neither threat nor persuasion had the least influence on Castañeda, who had been trained in the school of Pedrarias, and now bid fair to better his instruction. Relief came at last. News arrived at Leon that Rodrigo de Contreras had been appointed governor of Nicaragua, and was now on his way to the province. Castañeda thereupon gathered up his stolen gains and fled to Peru; passed thence to Española; was there arrested and sent to Spain; but death closed his career before any earthly tribunal awarded to him the meed of his iniquity.

Contreras was a noble cavalier of Segovia, and the son-in-law of Pedrarias, whose daughter, María de Peñalosa, formerly betrothed to Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, now accompanied him to the province, together with her infant children, Hernando and Pedro. His administration meets the hearty approval of Oviedo; a refreshing circumstance, as it is the first instance in which that historian speaks in praise of a governor in a Spanish province.[X‑12] His conduct is at least in strong relief with that of his two predecessors, and apart from certain accusations brought against him by the ecclesiastics, with whom he was ever at variance, the annals of his time portray him as a just and humane ruler. He at once began the task of establishing law and order in his territory, thus gaining the confidence of the settlers, and all traces of evil wrought by the absconder Castañeda were speedily effaced.

The project for opening up communication with the North Sea by way of El Desaguadero, as the Rio San Juan was then termed, and of taking possession of the native towns on its banks, had long been discussed by the colonists. The new governor though averse to such an enterprise was anxious to retain the good-will of the people, and despatched to the court of Spain Juan de Perea to obtain the emperor's consent.[X‑13]

But the subjugation of the natives was too often followed by their enslavement, and Las Casas was still in the province[X‑14] laboring in his favorite cause. In the pulpit, in the confessional, and in places of public resort the padre denounced the expedition. He even threatened to refuse absolution to the vecinos and soldiers should they dare to take part in it.[X‑15] The colonists were sorely perplexed. Las Casas undoubtedly held direct instructions from the emperor which justified his interference, while the governor had not yet received the sanction of the crown. Which side should they take? On the one hand was prospect of gain, on the other the threatened ban of the church.

Contreras was resolved that the project should not be thwarted by the intermeddling of a priest; but, on setting out at the head of a band of fifty men, he found that his own officers would not obey him, for they were forbidden to plunder or maltreat the natives. He was compelled therefore to return to Leon and acknowledge himself defeated. Las Casas now used all the weight of his influence to undermine the governor's authority,[X‑16] while Contreras caused depositions to be taken before Bishop Osorio with regard to the conduct of the padre. At this juncture the death of the prelate solved the difficulty. After losing his support Las Casas found himself unable to oppose, single-handed, the authority of the governor, who still had the tacit sympathy of most of the colonists. He therefore determined to abandon a field where his exertions were of little avail, and accepting an invitation which it has already been stated was extended to him by Francisco de Marroquin, bishop of Guatemala, to take charge of the convent of Santiago, departed from Leon taking with him all the Dominicans.[X‑17]

In 1537 certain of the ecclesiastics are again connected with the history of the province, but in a manner not altogether consistent with the dignity of their profession. While travelling through Nicaragua three years previously, Fray Blas del Castillo heard strange rumors concerning a volcano situated near Lake Nicaragua, and known as El Infierno de Masaya. In the crater at a depth of a hundred fathoms was a molten lake incrusted with cinders, through which fountains of fire sometimes rose far above the surface,[X‑18] lighting up the South Sea by night, and plainly visible to mariners twenty leagues from shore. Concerning this spot a legend was related to Oviedo during his residence in the province by the aged cacique Lenderi, who had several times visited the place in company with other chieftains of his tribe. From the depths of the crater came forth to commune with them in secret council a hag,[X‑19] nude, wrinkled, and hideous, with long sharp teeth, and deep-sunken, flame-colored eyes. She was consulted on all important matters, determined the question of war or peace, and predicted the success or failure of every enterprise. Before and after these consultations, were hurled into the crater human victims who submitted to their fate without a murmur.[X‑20] When the Christians made their appearance the genius of the burning pit denounced the intruders, threatening not to show herself again till they were driven from the land, and as the natives were not strong enough to expel them, she soon abandoned her votaries.

The worthy friar concluded that the molten mass in the depths of the crater must be gold, or at least silver, in a state of fusion. He was then travelling toward Peru by order of his superiors, but kept his own counsel until two years later, when we hear of his journeying on foot from Mexico, a distance of more than four hundred leagues, intent on exploring the mysterious crater. He now took into his confidence a Franciscan friar, Juan de Gandabo, and the two agreed to impart the great secret to a few of the wealthier Spanish settlers, in order to obtain means for carrying out their project. Rumor was soon rife throughout the province. At Granada and Leon men assembled in the streets and plazas to discuss the matter. Some few conceded that Fray Blas was probably in the right. Others asserted with a credulous shrug that the molten mass consisted of iron or of sulphur, the latter theory being most in favor, from the fact that specimens of native sulphur were common in the vicinity. But while expounding, in the realms of the Atahualpas and the Montezumas, the doctrines of him who sent forth his disciples without purse or scrip, the ecclesiastic could never banish from his mind the conviction that providence had reserved this treasure for him and his fellow-laborers,[X‑21] and now after his long and toilsome journey, he was not to be turned aside from his purpose. The necessary implements were secretly prepared. Chains, pulleys, iron kettles, and other apparatus were made ready in a native village four leagues distant from the volcano. A huge derrick and a cage were manufactured by the friar's own hands at a safe distance from the Spanish settlements,[X‑22] and dragged up by natives to the mouth of the volcano. Guides were procured, and it was agreed that Fray Blas himself should first descend into the pit in order to avoid all dispute as to right of discovery. Should he return to the surface in safety, his comrades were to follow. Stipulations were made as to the division of the treasure, the friar claiming for himself the largest share, though contributing nothing to the expense.

On the 13th of April 1538,[X‑23] the ecclesiastic and his comrades rise betimes, and after confessing their sins, attending mass, and partaking of a substantial breakfast they climb the steep mountain side and stand on the verge of the crater. Grasping in his left hand a flask of wine, in his right a crucifix, and gathering up the skirts of his priestly robe, his head protected by an iron cask, the daring friar takes his seat in the cage, is suspended in mid-air, and slowly lowered into the burning pit. The natives who are present flee in terror, having no faith in his assertion that the evil genius of the fiery lake will vanish at the sight of the cross. As he lands on the floor of the crater a fragment of falling rock strikes his helmet, causing him to drop on his knees and plant his cross with trembling fingers in the haunted ground. Turning his eyes upward, after much groping and stumbling among shelves of rock, he beholds the cage in which he had descended swinging far overhead. Nevertheless his heart fails not. Catching the guide-rope he drags up his portly person to a spot from which he can give the appointed signal, and at length is brought unharmed to the surface.

A few days later another attempt is made, and after much difficulty a small quantity of the molten treasure is brought to the surface in an iron mortar. Reports of the great discovery spread through the neighboring settlements. Hundreds of eager spectators gather round the crater, but the adventurers keep their counsel. They take formal possession of the ground, move their machinery that none may share the imaginary prize, and for a time imagine themselves possessed of wealth which a thousand ships cannot carry.

Soon after the departure of the Dominicans, Contreras resolved to carry out the exploration of the Desaguadero. Captain Diego Machuca,[X‑24] a veteran officer and one whose humane disposition gave assurance that the inhabitants of the native towns would not be maltreated, was placed in charge of the expedition. Two ships were fitted out on Lake Nicaragua and a force of two hundred men followed by land. The dangers encountered[X‑25] during the voyage are not recorded by the chroniclers of the age; but we learn that the vessels were borne in safety down the stream, passed thence to the North Sea, and sailed for Nombre de Dios.

News of their arrival was soon brought to Doctor Robles, then governor of Tierra Firme, and with his usual policy this covetous ruler attempted to gather for himself all the benefits of the enterprise. The men of Nicaragua were cast into prison, and an expedition despatched under Francisco Gonzales de Badajoz to take possession of the territory on the banks of the Desaguadero. After remaining in the province for six months, during which time a fort was built and treasure obtained to the value of 200,000 castellanos, the invaders were driven out by Contreras, and their leader sent back a prisoner to Panamá.[X‑26] A second expedition, despatched by Doctor Robles under command of Andrés Garavito, also failed of success.[X‑27]

A brief period of comparative quiet now occurs in the history of Nicaragua, and for the first time the inhabitants of one province at least are satisfied with their ruler. Nevertheless there exists among a clique of factious adventurers an undercurrent of ill-feeling, fostered by the ecclesiastics, who soon begin once more to interfere in the affairs of the settlements. After the passage in 1542 of the new code of laws, of which mention is elsewhere made, Nicaragua is placed under the jurisdiction of the audiencia of the Confines, and all who hold office under the crown are ordered to surrender their encomiendas. The governor thereupon transfers his slaves to his wife and children, and before the code goes into operation, sets forth for Spain, to prevent, if possible, disastrous results to his interests; for in common with most of his fellow-rulers his wealth consists mainly of human chattels. Arriving at the Isthmus he finds that secret advices from Pedro de Mendavia, the dean of Leon, have been sent to Panamá recommending his arrest, and he is compelled to continue his journey as a prisoner. The charges against him cannot be of a serious nature; for although his old opponent, Las Casas, is still in Spain, ready to testify against him, we learn that he is soon released, and retaining both office and property he returns in company with Vasco Nuñez Vela, landing in Tierra Firme in January 1544.

Meanwhile Pedro de los Rios, the royal treasurer,[X‑28] and son-in-law of Contreras, has usurped the reins of government, and commenced to persecute all whom he knows to be hostile to his own party. Mendavia, knowing that he may be the one to suffer most at the hands of Rios, determines to anticipate his measures, and proceeding to Granada, where he obtains the support of the cabildo, imprisons Rios in the convent.[X‑29] But the following morning the cabildo intimidated by the threats of Doña María, the governor's wife, repent of their conduct and are prevailed upon to issue an edict calling upon all the settlers, under penalty of death and confiscation, to rise in arms and demand the liberation of Rios, or, in case of refusal, to tear down the convent. The warlike dean is not prepared for this sudden change, but nevertheless determines to resist, assuring his adherents that all who may suffer death in this most Christian cause will surely be admitted into heaven. The people throng the convent, and the friars are soon engaged in deadly strife, during which two of them, together with four laymen, are mortally wounded. Unable to withstand the attack, Mendavia at last relents and sues for peace. A compromise is effected, by which Rios binds himself not to injure the dean or any of his party, either then or at any future time, whereupon the treasurer is released. No sooner is he outside the convent walls, however, than he forgets his promise, and arrests, hangs, quarters, and exiles indiscriminately. The dean himself is put in irons and sent to Spain, where for several years he is kept a prisoner without trial.[X‑30]

When the news of these proceedings reached the audiencia of Panamá, Diego de Pineda was despatched to Nicaragua as juez de comision, and with such tact did he reconcile the disputes between the two parties that order was quickly restored, and the quarrel between Rios and Mendavia was soon forgotten. A few months later Contreras arrived in the province,[X‑31] but his secret enemies were still at work, and one of the first acts of the newly established audiencia de los Confines was to commission the oidor Herrera to take his residencia, and also that of the treasurer Rios. Although the licentiate was ever an implacable foe to the governor and a stanch supporter of the clerical faction, he appears to have discovered nothing on which to base any serious charges against either of those officials, and soon abandoned his investigation.[X‑32]

A feud more bitter than that which was terminated by the death of Bishop Osorio and the departure of Las Casas now arose between the lay and ecclesiastical authorities. In 1544 Father Antonio de Valdivieso was appointed to the vacant see of Nicaragua.[X‑33] His appointment was duly confirmed by papal bull, and in November of the following year he was consecrated at Gracias á Dios by bishops Las Casas of Chiapas, Marroquin of Guatemala, and Pedraza of Honduras. The prelate, who professed to be an enthusiastic admirer of the great apostle of the Indies, insisted that the new code should be enforced, and spared no effort to rescue the natives from bondage, incurring by his policy such determined opposition from the governor and his officials that he deemed it best for his own personal safety to take up his residence at Granada rather than at Leon.

From the day of Valdivieso's arrival to the downfall of the governor some three years later, the history of the province contains little else than a series of mutual recriminations and intrigues. The colonists with a few exceptions favored the cause of the governor, declaring that "they wanted no prelate except to say mass, and preach to suit their fancy;" and when the bishop threatened to establish an inquisition in Nicaragua he was menaced with assassination.[X‑34]

The complaints against Contreras appear to have been due mainly to the jealousy and self-interested motives of the ecclesiastical faction. His conduct had borne the scrutiny of the inquisition and of the audiencia. Notwithstanding the provisions of the new code he had been allowed to retain his encomiendas. Even his enemies could not accuse him of maltreating his slaves. It was not to be expected that he should surrender to the bishop the power and property which higher authority had permitted him to retain; and yet this seems to have been his chief cause of offence. Though Valdivieso and the Dominican friars were loud in their denunciations of those who held the natives in bondage, they were themselves by no means averse to holding property in slaves. They were the proprietors of at least one Indian village in Nicaragua, and when the right of ownership was taken from them by the audiencia of the Confines, they threatened to leave the province, and ceased not from their clamor until their property was restored to them.[X‑35] Even the members of the audiencia, whose special duty it was to enforce the observance of these new laws, had caused the cacique of Atitlan, and others who had rendered assistance to the Spaniards in their expeditions against Lacandon and Tuzulutlan, to be restored to their encomenderos, thus violating the very spirit of the code. The president and oidores even went so far as to express their opinion that to place the Indians under control of the priests in trust for the crown was a most objectionable measure. Slaves constituted the principal source of wealth throughout the province, and without slave labor the colonists would soon be reduced to beggary. Even now they suffered extreme privation and were sometimes threatened with actual famine. The tribute collected from the natives, which belonged by right to the governor and his officials, was distributed among the destitute settlers, but was found utterly inadequate for their maintenance.

The most serious accusation brought against Contreras, but one that rests on no sufficient evidence, is that he appropriated the estates of deceased encomenderos, leaving their wives and children destitute. It was alleged that he and his family owned more than one third of the province, and that the slaves and territory of the entire district of Nicoya, which were formerly divided among eleven different individuals, had passed into the hands of his wife. It was afterward even laid to his charge that he had compelled the settlers to take part in enterprises which he himself had in fact only been led to sanction by the clamor of the colonists or the urgency of the occasion, as was the case in the exploration of the Desaguadero and the expeditions against the forces of Doctor Robles.[X‑36]

Meanwhile the oidor, Herrera, was sparing no effort to insure the governor's downfall, and with that purpose sent private reports to the emperor and the council of the Indies. In one of these[X‑37] he recommended that no one should be allowed to rule who possessed Indians, either in his own name or that of his wife, children, or servants, and that the government be vested in the hands of a person whose duty it should be to visit, at frequent intervals, every settlement in the province. He also recommended that the children of the caciques should be placed in convents, there to be trained in the Christian faith, and that the adult Indians should remain in their towns for the same purpose.[X‑38] In short his object, like that of Valdivieso, whose cause he never ceased to advocate, was to place the entire native population under the absolute control of the ecclesiastics.

In the beginning of the year 1547 the bishop removed to Leon, and no sooner had he done so than the cabildo reported to the emperor "the great trouble they had in defending the royal jurisdiction on account of the opposition of the bishop, who insulted and maltreated the officers of justice, and held the laws in contempt."[X‑39] It was even thought necessary to send to Spain one Antonio Zárate to advocate their cause, whereupon Valdivieso despatched to the council of the Indies, some three weeks later, a communication in which he accused him of being a fugitive criminal, in order to destroy his influence at court. He also sent secret advices to Bishop Torres of Panamá, informing him of Zárate's purpose and recommending his arrest. The emissary was forewarned of his danger, and managed to make good his escape, but it is not recorded that he was successful in accomplishing the object of his mission.