The Project Gutenberg eBook of History of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, Vol. II (of 2), by S. A. (Samuel Astley) Dunham

107. Perhaps alluding to the serpent of Midgard in the Icelandic Mythology.

108. Hrim-thursar. Hrim (Anglicè rime) was spoken with a guttural aspiration; and probably Crim-Tartary, the former seat of the Asi, was so called from its cold.

109. Suttungur, the son of Gilling, was a giant, and possessed the liquor of poetry, which he had gained from the dwarfs. It is related in the Edda, that the Asi and Vani, having been long at war, made peace, and spit into a vase. From this the gods formed Kuaser, a person of exceeding learning; and the dwarfs mixed his blood with honey, and so made the liquor of poetry. The Vani were a Grecian colony, and this fable seems to imply that both the learning and the poetry of the North was partly of Greek origin. Odin, under the feigned name of Bolverk, entered into the service of Bauge, brother of Suttungur, and drank up the liquor. A small quantity of it, which he spilt, was scattered amongst men. It is observable, that the name of Suttungur, from whom Odin gained this liquor, may denote that he derived his poetry from the Southern tongues.

110.

O, it came o’er mine ear like the sweet south,

That breathes upon a bank of violets.

Twelfth Night, Act i., Sc. 2.

111. Freya’s daughters were Hnos and Gersime. Siofna was only one of her followers.

112. Ohlenschlager, Pigott’s translation.

113. Ohlenschlager, Pigott’s translation.

114. See before, p. 116.

115. Alluding not to any degree of consanguinity, but to a sworn covenant of brotherhood.

116. See Vol. I. p. 98.

118. See Vol. I. p. 51.

119. See before, p. 101.

120. Transcriber’s Note: The text for this footnote marker is missing.

121. The first was the death of Balder.

122. In another place a ravenous wolf tormented the souls of the damned.

123. The great serpent.

125. Pigott’s translation.

126. The authorities for this section are:—Vita S. Anscharié; Vita S. Remberti (both in Bollandus, Acta SS., and in Langebek, Scriptores Rerum Danicarum); Ornjolm, Historia Ecclesiastica Sueciæ.

127. Who was he? Loccenius and most Swedish writers (who are followed by our Universal History), tell us that he was Olaf Trætelia. Yet that prince had been dead two centuries. Neither could it be Olaf Skotkonung, who did not reign until two centuries afterwards—always supposing that any dependence is to be placed on the chronology of the Scandinavians. Yet an Olaf did reign at this period; and this only illustrates what we observed in the first volume as to the confusion so evident in all the regal lists.

128. Europe during the Middle Ages (Cab. Cyc.), vol. ii.

129. See Vol. I. p. 108.

130. The chief authorities for this chapter are:—Saxonis Grammatici Historia Dancia, lib. x. ad fin.; Suenonis Aggonis, cap. 4., &c.; Knytlinga Saga; many of the treatises in Langebek’s Scriptores Rerum Danicarum; Mallet, Histoire de Dannemarc, tom. iii. and iv.; Meursius, Historia Danica; Torfœus, Series Dynastarum et Regum Daniæ; Suhm, Historie af Dannemarc; Adamus Bremensis, Historia Ecclesiastica; with the historians of Germany.

131. See Vol. I. p. 237.

132. Vol. I. p. 267.

133. Vol. I. p. 270.

134. Europe during the Middle Ages (Cab. Cyc.), vol. iii.

135. Canute, king of all Denmark, England, and Norway, and of part of Sweden, to Egelnoth the metropolitan, to archbishop Alfric, to all the bishops and chiefs, and to all the nation of the English, both nobles and commoners, greeting. I write to inform you that I have lately been at Rome, to pray for the remission of my sins, and for the safety of my kingdoms, and of the nations that are subject to my sceptre. It is long since I bound myself by vow to make this pilgrimage; but I had been hitherto prevented by affairs of state and other impediments. Now, however, I return humble thanks to the Almighty God, that he has allowed me to visit the tombs of the blessed apostles Peter and Paul, and every holy place within and without the city of Rome, and to honour and venerate them in person. And this I have done, because I had learned from my teachers that the apostle St. Peter received from the Lord the great power of binding and loosing, with the keys of the kingdom of heaven. On this account, I thought it highly useful to solicit his patronage with God. Be it moreover known to you, that there was, at the festival of Easter, a great assemblage of noble personages, with the lord the pope John, and the emperor Conrad, namely, all the chiefs of the nations from Mount Gargano to the nearest sea, who all received me honourably, and made me valuable presents; but particularly the emperor, who gave me many gold and silver vases, with rich mantles and garments. I therefore took the opportunity to treat with the pope, the emperor, and the princes, on the grievances of my people, both English and Danes; that they might enjoy more equal law, and more secure safeguard in their way to Rome, nor be detained at so many barriers, nor harassed by unjust exactions. My demands were granted both by the emperor and by king Rodulf, who rules most of the passages; and it was enacted by all the princes, that my men, whether pilgrims or merchants, should, for the future, go to Rome and return in full security, without detention at the barriers, or the payment of unlawful tolls. I next complained to the pope, and expressed my displeasure, that such immense sums should be extorted from my archbishops, when according to custom they visited the apostolic see to obtain the pallium. A decree was made that this grievance should cease. Whatever I demanded for the benefit of my people, either of the pope, or the emperor, or the princes, through whose dominions lies the road to Rome, was granted willingly, and confirmed by their oaths, in the presence of four archbishops, twenty bishops, and a multitude of dukes and nobles. Wherefore I return sincere thanks to God that I have successfully performed whatever I had intended, and have fully satisfied all my wishes. Now, therefore, be it known to you all, that I have dedicated my life to the service of God, to govern my kingdoms with equity, and to observe justice in all things. If by the impetuosity or negligence of youth, I have violated justice heretofore, it is my intention, by the help of God, to make full compensation. Therefore I beg and command those to whom I have confided the rule, as they wish to preserve my friendship or save their own souls, to do no injustice either to rich or poor. Let all persons, whether noble or ignoble, obtain their rights according to law, from which no deviation shall be allowed, either from fear of me, or through favour to the powerful, or for the purpose of supplying my treasury. I have no need of money raised by injustice. I am now on my road to Denmark, for the purpose of concluding peace with those nations, who, had it been in their power, would have deprived us both of our crown and our life. But God has destroyed their means: and will, I trust, of his goodness preserve us, and humble all our enemies. When I shall have concluded peace with the neighbouring nations, and settled the concerns of my eastern dominions, it is my intention to return to England as soon as the fine weather will permit me to sail. But I have sent you this letter beforehand, that all the people of my kingdom may rejoice at my prosperity. For you all know that I never spared, nor will spare myself, or my labour, when my object is the welfare of my subjects. Lastly, I entreat all my bishops and all my sheriffs, by the fidelity which they owe to me and to God, that the church-dues, according to the ancient laws, may be paid before my return; namely, the plough alms, the tithes of cattle of the present year, the Peter-pence, the tithes of fruit in the middle of August, and the kirk-shot at the feast of St. Martin, to the parish church. Should this be omitted, at my return I will punish the offender, by exacting the whole fine imposed by law. Fare ye well.

136. See Europe during the Middle Ages, vol. iii. chap. i.; and, History of the Germanic Empire, vol. i.

137. See Vol. I. p. 273.

138. Vol. I. p. 267.

139. Mr. Herbert says it was successful, and that the virgin was plighted to him. Certainly his translation agrees better with the tenor of that piece than that of Dr. Bowring in Wheaton.

140. Harald is said to have been a poet, and to have sung his own exploits. The piece (Harald’s song) has been thus translated by Bowring:—

            1.
“Our ships[141] along Sicilia plied,
In those our days of strength and pride,
And Venger’s Stag[142] the warriors carried
Still on and on—nor ever tarried.
No craven coward, well I wis,
E’er track’d a dangerous path like this.
Yet Gardar’s Gerda—gold-ring’d maid![143]
Flings scorn upon the hero’s head.

* * * * * * * * *

                  3.
“We baled the ship—we, six and ten,
As broke the mighty seas again—
As rushed the billows at our feet,
While toiling on the rowers’ seat
No craven coward, well I wis,
E’er track’d a dangerous way like this.
Yet Gardar’s Gerda—gold-ring’d maid!
Flings scorn upon the hero’s head.

                  4.
“Eight[144] virtues have I—I can pour
Out Odin’s drink—and forge the ore—
Upon the active horse can ride:
And I can breast the ocean-tide,
And I can glide on skates of snow,
And I can shoot, and I can row.
Yet Gardar’s Gerda—gold-ring’d maid!
Flings scorn upon the hero’s head.

                  5.
“Can widow, or can maid gainsay,
That we have clash’d our swords in fray,
That we have sought the Southern land,
And forced the city with our band?
At break of day our foes were slain—
And still the vestiges remain.
Yet Gardar’s Gerda—gold-ring’d maid!
Flings scorn upon the hero’s head.

                  6.
“And I was born in mountains where
The highland heroes wield the spear.
My war-ships, fear’d by men of flocks,
I guide across the ocean-rocks,
And long o’er ocean’s waves have bounded,
And many an ocean-isle surrounded.
Yet Gardar’s Gerda—gold-ring’d maid!
Flings scorn upon the hero’s head.”

It had before been translated by several writers, especially by Mr. Herbert, in a very different manner: that gentleman, however, had not seen the original Knytlinga Saga.

141. In the original—the planks—the keel.

142. Venger—a Vikingr of old times—the Stag, his battle-ship.

143. The alliteration of the original line, and its peculiar poetic beauty, which consists in an allusion to one of the fables of the Northern mythology, is happily preserved in this translation. Gardar-rike—Russia, the Russian land. Gerda, a mythic poetic name for Harald’s mistress Elizabeth. Gerda was the beloved of Freyr, the god of the sun, whose love was so long resisted by Gerda. Freyr had also offered to Gerda a golden ring—hence the allusion.—F. Magnussen, Lex. Myt. Bor. 116. 439.

144. Yet only seven are enumerated. Professor F. Magnussen supposes the original second line may have been

Oð fet ek lið, at smiða.

Which may be rendered—I make verses—I arrange the battle—I forge (or smith) the ore.

(These notes are from Wheaton, p. 343.)

145. We merely allude to English occurrences, the detail of which must be sought in our own history.

146. Harald, Canute, Olaf, Eric, Nicholas or Niels.

147. Mallet, tom. iii.

148. But was she not his step-daughter? Had he married the mother Gunhilda some years before, and lost her by death? We are not very clear as to the degree of affinity.

149. See Vol. I. p. 268.

150. For the way in which history is sometimes perverted to suit party purposes, we gave a good illustration in the Appendix to Vol. I. That of St. Canute (see the Appendix to the present volume) is scarcely better. It contains nearly as many inaccuracies as there are sentences.

151. The Vandals were certainly of Slavonic stock. The name, however, though constantly used by the Danish historians, is not the best that might be used.

152. See before, p. 185.

153. See the chapter on that kingdom.

154. See before, p. 201.

155. For the exploits of this prince, see History of Russia, Vol. I. (Cab. Cyc.), one of the most judicious historical compendiums we have ever seen.

156. So called from his frequent use of the word mœn—certainly.

157. Known as the Congesta Menvedi.

158. Authorities for the present chapter:—Snorronis Sturlonidis Heims-Kringla (in the Sagas of each reign). Torfœus, Historia Rerum Norvegicarum. Saxonis Grammatici Historia Danica. The Chronicles in Langebek, Scriptores Rerum Danicarum. Mallet, Histoire de Daunemarc.

159. According to the chronology of Thorlak, and even Snorro himself, Magnus was invited to Norway before the death of Canute, though in the same year (1035). This is too improbable to be received. Certainly the father of Norwegian history must have confounded dates.

160. See Vol. I. p. 273.

161. See Vol. I. p. 273.

162. See Vol. I. p. 254.

163. For these events, see the commencement of the last chapter.

164. “Suecia enim,” says Snorro, “tunc temporis passim vel ethnica vel male Christiana: reges quinetiam quosdam habuit, qui, abjectâ Christi fide, sacrificia instaurabant.”

165. See the reign of Magnus III.

168. See before, reign of Hako.

169. Authorities for the present chapter:—Torfœus, Historia Norvegica. Loccenius, Historia Suevica. Olaus Roskildensis, Chronicon. Johannes Magnus, Historia Gothorum. Pontanus, Historia.

172. Ibid. p. 249–252.

174. Ibid. p. 266–272.

175. See the corresponding period in the history of Denmark.

176. See the reigns of Eric VIII. and Christopher II. in the history of Denmark.

177. See the reign of Valdemar III. king of Denmark.

178. For these events, we refer to the corresponding period in Danish history.

179. See the corresponding period in Danish history.

180. For the numerous inaccuracies (to give them the mildest term) in this article, the reader has only to consult the text.