731 The reasons are mentioned by Ateius Capita, as quoted by Macrobius, Saturnal. B. vii. c. 13: also by Apion the Grammarian, as quoted by Aulus Gellius, B. x. c. 10.

732 The ring of each finger had its own appropriate name.

733 The “dactyliotheca,” or “ring-box.”

734 Juvenal, Sat. i. l. 26, et seq., speaks of the summer rings of the Roman fops, and their fingers sweating beneath the weight.

735 Martial, Epigr. B. xiv., speaks of the numerous accidents to which a weighty ring was liable.

736 Hannibal, too, for instance, as mentioned in Note 701 to the preceding Chapter.

737 He alludes, probably, to forgeries perpetrated through the agency of false signets.

738 Plautus, Cicero, Horace, and Martial, each in his own age, bears testimony to the truth of this statement.

739 Or remembrancer; a slave whose duty it was to remind his master of the name of each member of his household; see B. xxix. c. 8. Athenæus, B. vi., speaks of as many as twenty thousand slaves belonging to one household. Demetrius, the freedman of Pompey, mentioned in B. xxxv. c. 58, had a retinue of slaves equal to an army in amount.

740 Meaning “Marci puer,” or “Luci puer”—“Marcius’ boy,” or “Lucius’ boy.”

741 Suetonius says, c. 73, that Tiberius, in his last illness, awoke after a long lethargy, and demanded his signet-ring, which his son-in-law, Caligula, had removed from his finger, under the supposition that he was dead. Macro, to avoid any unpleasant results in the way of punishment, caused the emperor to be smothered with the pillows and bedclothes.

742 This famous and somewhat improbable story of the ring of Polycrates is told by Valerius Maximus, B. vi. c. 9; Herodotus, B. iii.; and Cicero, De Finibus, B. iv. Pliny again mentions it in B. xxxvii. cc. 2, 4.

743 He was crucified by Oroetes, the Persian satrap of Sardis.

744 “Anulo exsiliente.”

745 In Chapter 13 of this Book.

746 The laticlave tunic. See B. viii. c. 73, and B. ix. c. 63.

747 “Præcones.”

748 See the list of writers at the end of B. ix.

749 “Equus militaris.”

750 See B. xxix. c. 8. The “Decuriæ” of “judices,” or “judges,” were so called, probably, from ten (decem) having been originally chosen from each tribe. As to the Decuriæ of the judices, see Smith’s Dict. Antiq. pp. 531-2. The account given by Pliny is confused in the extreme.

751 “Turmæ.” Squadrons of thirty “equites” or horsemen; ten of which squadrons were attached to each legion.

752 Before the time of Augustus, there were but three decuries.

753 A law introduced by Aurelius Cotta, B.C. 70, enacted that the Judices should be chosen from the three classes—of Senators, Equites, and Tribuni ærarii, or Tribunes of the treasury, these last being taken from the body of the people, and being persons possessed of some property.

754 Members selected by lot.

755 “Nongenti.”

756 Tacitus says that this took place the year before, in the consulship of C. Sulpicius, and D. Haterius. See the Annales, B. iii. c. 86.

757 Brother of the Emperor Galba.

758 “Aucupatus.”

759 Suetonius says that Tiberius instructed the ædiles to prohibit stews and eating-houses: from which we may conclude, Hardouin says, that C. Sulpicius Galba was an ædile.

760 Or, in other words, belonging to the equestrian order. The Roman equites often followed the pursuits of bankers, and farmers of the public revenues.

761 A law passed in the time of Julius Cæsar, B.C. 69, which permitted Roman equites, in case they or their parents had ever had a Census equestris, to sit in the fourteen rows fixed by the Lex Roscia Theatralis.

762 Caligula.

763 Conjointly with L. Vitellius.

764 Or farmers of the public revenues; the “publicans” of Scripture. In reality, they were mostly members of the equestrian order, and the words “equites” and “publicani” are often used as synonymous.

765 “This passage seems to be the addition of some ignorant copyist. It is indeed a remarkable fact, that we have no inscription in which we see the Equites named after the people as well as the Senate.”—Laboulaye, Essai sur les lois Criminelles des Romains: Paris, 1845, p. 224.

766 According to Livy, B. i. c. 15, the Celeres were three hundred Roman knights whom Romulus established as a body-guard. Their name, probably, was derived from the Greek κέλης, a “war-horse,” or “charger,” and the body consisted, no doubt, of the patricians in general, or such of them as could keep horses. Another origin assigned to the appellation is “Celer,” the name of a chieftain, who was a favourite of Romulus. The adjective “celer,” “swift,” owes its origin, probably, to the title of these horsemen.

767 A title derived, possibly, as Delafosse suggests, “a flectendis habenis,” from “managing the reins.”

768 Called “Trossum” or “Trossulum,” it is supposed. The remains of a town are still to be seen at Trosso, two miles from Montefiascone in Tuscany. The Greek word τρωξαλλὶς, a “cricket,” and the Latin “torosulus,” “muscular,” have been suggested as the origin of this name. Ajasson suggests the Latin verb “truso,” to “push on,” as its origin.

769 See the end of this Book.

770 From the ambiguous nature of the name, it being in later times an expression of contempt, like our word “fop,” or “beau.” In this latter sense, Salmasius derives it from the Greek τρυσσὸς, “effeminate.”

771 This concluding passage is omitted in most editions.

772 See B. vii. c. 29.

773 Dionysius of Halicarnassus is therefore probably wrong in his assertion that torcs of gold were given to Siccius Dentatus, a Roman citizen, as the reward of valour.

774 See B. vii, c. 29.

775 On this subject, see B. xvi. c. 3, and B. xxi. c. i.

776 A.U.C. 323, or 431 B.C.

777 Situate about fourteen miles from Rome, and on the road to the town called La Colonna.

778 A.U.C. 479, and B.C. 275. In the following year Merenda himself was consul, with Manius Curius Dentatus.

779 “Testamento prælegavit.” Properly speaking, “prælegare” was “to bequeath a thing to be given before the inheritance was divided.” The crown thus left by Piso was to be three pounds in weight.

780 Oxen, namely. The smaller victims had the head encircled with chaplets.

781 The clasps by which the “sagum” or military cloak was fastened on the shoulders.

782 See the beginning of Chapter 4 of the present Book.

783 Isidorus Hispalensis, Orig. B. xix. c. 30, says that bracelets were formerly so called from the circumstance of being conferred on warriors as the reward of bravery—“ob virtutem.” Scævola, Ulpian, and others speak of “viriolæ” as ornaments worn by females.

784 See B. xxxvii. c. 6.

785 In allusion to the use of gold as an ornament for the shoes and sandal-ties.

786 A dress worn over the tunic, and which came as low as the ankles or feet. The stola was the characteristic dress of the Roman matrons of rank; other females being restricted to the use of the toga, which did not reach so low.

787 Between the matrons of rank whose feet were not to be seen at all, and the plebeian females, whose feet were seen, but comparatively unadorned.

788 In the same way that the gold ring was the distinguishing mark of the Equites, so would the gold ankle-jewels be the characteristic of this new order of females. In the use of the word “Equestrem,” Ajasson absolutely detects an indelicate allusion, and rallies our author on thus retaining “the aroma of the camp!”

789 “Pædagogiis.” The origin of our word “page.” The pages of the Romans were decorated with gold ankle-jewels and other ornaments for the legs.

790 Or Horus, the god of silence. Ajasson is of opinion that this impression on the seal was symbolical of the secrecy which ought to be preserved as to written communications.

791 To the Emperor’s presence.

792 The first crime having been committed by him who introduced the use of gold rings. See the beginning of c. 4 of this Book.

793 The golden denarius was known also as the “aureus” or “gold coin.” It was worth 25 silver denarii. As to the modern value of the money used by the ancients, see the Introduction to Vol. III. The golden denarius is mentioned also in B. xxxiv. c. 17, and in B. xxxvii. c. 3.

794 A.U.C. 479.

795 Meaning, literally, the “little pound,” in reference to the diminished weight of the “as.”

796 Meaning “two pounds,” or in other words, “two asses.” See B. xxxiv. c. 2. As to the weight of the “libra,” or pound, see the Introduction to Vol. III.

797 “Brasse bullion, or in masse.”—Holland.

798 “Money weighed out,” i.e. “expenses.”

799 “Money weighed out for the payment of interest.”

800 “To weigh out money for payment,” i.e. “to pay.”

801 “A weight of money.”

802 “Weighers-out;” meaning “keepers of accounts,” or “paymasters.”

803 “Weighers-out” of the soldiers’ wages; i.e. “paymasters.”

804 From “pecus,” a sheep. See B. xviii. c. 3.

805 “Pounds” or “asses.”

806 The third of an “as.”

807 The fourth of an “as.”

808 Or ounces; being one-fourth of the “as,” of one “libra” in weight. See Introduction to Vol. III.

809 A.U.C. 663.

810 The same as the quinarius, one-half of the denarius. In B. xx. c. 100, it is mentioned as a weight. See also the Introduction to Vol. III.

811 As, originally, there were 288 “scripula,” or scruples, to the “libra” or pound, this would appear to give 5760 sestertii to the pound of gold, and not 900 merely. Though this apparent discrepancy has generally puzzled the commentators, the solution, as suggested by M. Parisot, in the Notes to Ajasson’s Translation, appears equally simple and satisfactory. He suggests that in the “as,” or “libra,” of two ounces, there were 288 scruples. Now, the scruple remaining the same, when the as or libra was reduced to one ounce, it would contain but 144 of these scruples. Then, on making the as the sixteenth part of a denarius instead of the tenth, it would lose three-eighths of its value in scruples, or in other words, 54 scruples, thus making it worth but 90 scruples. Then again, as above stated, by the Papirian Law, the weight or value of the libra or as was reduced one-half, making its value in scruples only 45; or, in other words, five thirty-seconds of its original value, when worth two unciæ or ounces. This number of scruples to the libra would give, at the rate of twenty sesterces to the scruple of gold, exactly 900 sesterces to the libra of gold.

812 Or “aurei.”

813 “Fames auri.” Similar to the words of Virgil, “Auri sacra fames.” “The curst greed for gold.” See Note 666 to Chapter 3 of this Book.

814 Another version of this story was, that he extracted the brain, and inserted lead in its place.

815 See B. xiv. c. 16.

816 In B.C. 88, M. Aquilius proceeded to Asia Minor as one of the consular legati to prosecute the war against Mithridates. On being defeated near Protomachium, he was delivered up to Mithridates by the inhabitants of Mytilene, and after being treated in the most barbarous manner, was put to death by pouring molten gold down his throat.

817 “Insperso.” Sillig is of opinion that Pliny is here speaking of the work now known by Italian artists as tausia or lavoro all’ agemina.

818 Hardouin thinks that Pliny is here making allusion to the Greek word “chrysendeta,” vessels “encircled with gold.” It is frequently used in Martial’s works.

819 See B. xv. c. 38.

820 It is against such practices as these that Martial inveighs, B. i. Ep. 28, and B. ix. Ep. 12.

821 A slave only; and not by any of his brother patricians. Antony was rendered infamous by his proscriptions.

822 Appian and Livy mention the fine as consisting of ten thousand talents in all, or in other words, eight hundred thousand pounds of silver (at eighty pounds to the talent). Sillig is therefore of opinion that Pliny is in error here in inserting the word “annua.” The payment of the ten thousand talents, we learn from the same authorities, was spread over fifty years.

823 Asia Minor.

824 “Folia.” Hardouin prefers the reading “solia,” meaning “thrones,” or “chairs of state,” probably.

825 Ajasson refuses to place credit in this statement.

826 This vase of Semiramis was her drinking bowl, in much the same sense that the great cannon at Dover was Queen Elizabeth’s “pocket pistol.”

827 The country to which, in previous times, the Argonauts had sailed in quest of the Golden Fleece, or in other words in search of gold, in which those regions were probably very prolific.

828 See B. vi. c. 4.

829 This story of the defeat of the great Ramses-Sesostris by a petty king of Colchis, would almost appear apocryphal. It is not improbable, however, that Sesostris, when on his Thracian expedition, may have received a repulse on penetrating further north, accustomed as his troops must have been, to a warmer climate.

830 Of the amphitheatre.

831 Covered, probably, with plates of silver.

832 “Pegma.” A scaffold with storeys, which were raised or depressed, to all appearance, spontaneously. Caligula is the emperor meant.

833 Another reading is “seven” pounds in weight, and “nine” pounds; which would appear to be more probable than seven thousand, and nine thousand, as given by the Bamberg MS. It is just possible, however, that the latter may have been the united weights of all the coronets contributed by Spain and Gaul respectively, the word “inter” being an interpolation.

834 See B. iv. c. 31, B. xi. c. 47, and B. xviii. c. 20.

835 Hence known as the “Golden Day,” according to Dion Cassius, B. lxiii.

836 For further particulars as to the Golden Palace, see B. xxxvi. c. 24.

837 A.U.C. 597.

838 Or Marsic War. See B. ii. c. 85.

839 There is an error in this statement, probably, unless we understand by it the small libra or pound of two ounces, mentioned in c. 13 of this Book.

840 This remark is confirmatory of the incorrectness of the preceding statement.

841 The reading here is doubtful.

842 A.U.C. 612.

843 See B. xix. c. 6.

844 Chapter 57.

845 In fact, no colour at all.

846 In this climate, the light of most of the stars has the complexion, not of gold, but of silver.

847 The topaz, for instance.

848 For ductility and malleability, both which terms may perhaps be included in the “facilitas” of Pliny, gold is unrivalled among the metals. As to weight, it is heavier than lead, the specific gravity of gold being 19.258, and that of lead 11.352. Pliny is therefore wrong in both of these assertions.

849 He forgets asbestus here, a substance which he has mentioned in B. xix. c. 4.

850 Chlorine, however, and nitro-muriatic acid corrode and dissolve gold, forming a chloride of gold, which is soluble in water. Ajasson remarks, that gold becomes volatilized by the heat of a burning-glass of three or four feet in diameter; and that when it acts as the conductor of a strong current of electricity, it becomes reduced to dust instantaneously, presenting a bright greenish light.

851 The gold thus tested was called “obrussum,” “obryzum,” or “obrizum,” from the Greek ὄβρυζον, meaning “pure gold.”

852 See B. xviii. c. 23, where he calls the chaff used for this purpose by the name of “acus.”

853 The present mode of assaying the precious metals, is by fusing them upon a cupel with lead.

854 For which purpose, lead was used, no doubt, in drawing the lines in the MSS. of the ancients. See Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 339. Bohn’s Ed.

855 This is far surpassed at the present day, its malleability being such that it may be beaten into leaves not more than one two hundred and eighty thousandth of an inch in thickness, and its ductility admitting of one grain being drawn out into five hundred feet of wire. For further particulars as to the gold leaf of the ancients, and the art of gilding, as practised by them, see Beckmann’s Hist. Inv. Vol. II. p. 391, et seq. Bohn’s Edition.

856 See B. xxxvi. c. 64.

857 He alludes to what are now known as pepitas, oval grains of river-gold. “Striges” is the reading in the Bamberg MS., “strigiles” in the former editions.

858 “Massa.” As we should say at the present day, “nuggets.”

859 “Ramentum.”

860 The contrary is now known to be the case; gold is sometimes, though rarely, found in an oxidized state.

861 As to the solvents of gold, see Note 850 above. Stahl says that three parts of sub-carbonate of potash, dissolved in water, and heated with three parts of sulphur and one part of gold, will yield a complete solution of the metal.