The great historian who quotes this hymn, and unhesitatingly attributes it to Homer, brings forward to prove the occurrence of musical contests another passage, in which, as he observes, the poet speaks of himself:—
And down to the period of the Peloponnesian war similar games and sacred rites were performed at Ephesos, at which the Ionians with their wives and children were usually present.
The Doric historian, to whom all these circumstances must be familiarly known, makes, however, no account of them, but consistently with his theory, if not with facts, remembers no well-authenticated instance in the annals of Attica of a person’s marrying for love. What he would admit to be well authenticated it were difficult to say. He rejects, whenever his particular notions seem to require it, the testimonies both of Herodotus and Thucydides, so that for a narrative resting on the authority of Polyænus, Plutarch, and Valerius Maximus, we can expect no quarter. Nevertheless, as these writers are at least faithful in their delineations of manners, the following romantic incident may be hazarded even on their authority. Thrasymedes, an Athenian youth, entertaining a strong passion for the daughter of the tyrant Peisistratos, had the hardihood one day as she walked in a religious procession to kiss her openly in the street. Her brothers, young men of a fiery temper, regarded the act as an affront almost inexpiable, and were apparently preparing to take vengeance on the offender, when the old prince allayed their anger by observing,—"If we punish men for loving us, how shall we conduct ourselves towards our enemies?" Escaping thus, Thrasymedes still cherished his love. He therefore determined on carrying away the lady by force; and gaining over a number of his associates, he seized the occasion of a sacrifice on the sea-shore in which the maiden was officiating, and rushing, attended by his followers with drawn swords, through the crowd, he succeeded in conveying her to a boat, and set sail for Ægina. Unfortunately, however, for his design, Hippias, eldest son of Peisistratos, happened at this moment to be cruising in the bay on the lookout for pirates, and perceiving a bark putting hastily out to sea, he bore down upon it, took the young men prisoners, and conducted them together with his sister back to Athens. Thrasymedes and his companions being brought before the tyrant, abated not a jot of their courage, but bade him, in determining their punishment, use his own discretion, since from the moment they resolved on the enterprise they had made light, they said, of life. Peisistratos, tyrant though he was, regarded their loftiness of soul with admiration, freely bestowed his daughter on Thrasymedes, and won them to his interest by gentleness and friendship. In this, says Polyænus, acting the part of a good father and a popular citizen rather than of a tyrant.[1180]
But supposing no instances remained on record, who can doubt that the heart prompted, and the hand followed its promptings, at Athens as elsewhere? Its walls, its columns, every plane-tree in the Academy, the Cerameicos, and other public walks, glowed with the language of the passions, and the names of virgins beloved for their beauty. There was, no doubt, some want of delicacy in this; but the manners of the Athenians, though they presented no insuperable bar to so much of intercourse as might serve to enkindle affection,[1181] opposed, nevertheless, that facility of communication which at Sparta existed, and in our own country is common. However, had the beloved been incapable of reading, to what purpose should her name, coupled with endearing epithets, have illuminated the bark of the smilax, or the marble skreens of the gymnasia? It was traced there in order that her bright eyes might peruse it, and learn who of all the youth of Athens, had singled her forth from the world to be the object of his love. Lucian, in his sarcastic humour, represents a mad lover of the goddess Aphrodite carving every tree and end of wall with her name.[1182] From a fragment of Callimachos it would seem too as if men had sometimes written the beloved syllables on the leaves of trees;[1183] which may well have been, since in our own days we have seen the English people inscribing in letters of gold the name of their youthful queen on leaves of laurel. Euripides, who lost no opportunity of venting his aversion for the sex, introduces one of his characters protesting that his opinion of women would not be bettered though every pine in Mount Ida were covered with their names.[1184]
Another mode of declaring love, not quite unknown in modern times, was to clothe the language of the heart in verse. Poets, we are told, often disguised their own feelings by attributing them to the actors in a feigned narrative, which they would compose as an offering to the object of their attachment who, it is very obvious, to appreciate such a gift, must have been able to read it.[1185] They had likewise another fashion, particularly Greek, of making known their sentiments, which was to suspend garlands of flowers, or perform sacrifice before the door where the person possessing their heart resided.[1186] Sometimes they repaired to the spot and poured forth libations of wine as at the entrance of a temple, a practice alluded to by the Scholiast on Aristophanes, who relates that a number of Thessalian gentlemen being in love with Laïs,[1187] betrayed their passion by publicly sprinkling her doors with wine. Among the symptoms which disclosed the condition of the feelings, a garland loosely thrown upon the head was one.[1188] Women suffered their secret to escape them by being discovered wreathing garlands for their hair.[1189]
But in whatever way the existence of passion was externally manifested, a more interesting question is the modification which the passion[1190] itself underwent in the Greek mind.[1191] Numerous circumstances concur to mislead our judgment on this subject. In the first place, the writers who sprang up like fungi amid the corruption and profligacy which attended the decay of Hellenic society, standing nearer to us, obstruct our view. Among them a coarse unhealthy craving after excitement led to nefarious perversions of sentiment, and to countenance their own excesses they threw back their vile polluting shadows upon the loftier and brighter moral station of their forefathers. Even so early as the age of Æschylus this culpable practice began to prevail, for this great poet scrupled not to attribute to Achilles vices, which, in the Homeric period, were evidently unknown.[1192]
But rightly to comprehend the spirit of an age, we must by no means confide in the interpretation of the succeeding, or even in any one class of contemporary writers. Least of all, in the authors of comedy, who seldom paint men as they are, but run into exaggeration and caricature for the sake of effect. To the imaginative, spiritual, impassioned must we have recourse, if we would learn what the impassioned, spiritual and imaginative felt, and to such only in any age or country, is love, in the poetical sense of the word, familiar or indeed intelligible.
In the apprehension of several modern writers, love among the Greeks, was not merely based upon physical elements, as it must everywhere be, but included little or nothing else.[1193] It had there, they suppose, none of these romantic features, nothing of that heroic self-devotion or lofty intercommunion of soul with soul, which among northern nations, more particularly in fiction, characterises this powerful and mysterious principle, which binds together in indissoluble union individuals of different sexes, and renders throughout life the contentment and happiness of the one, dependent on the well-being of the other.
But I can discover in the Greeks nothing which, on this point, can distinguish them from other civilised races, except, perhaps, that there was in their love, more of earnestness and reality and less of dreaminess and fantastic affectation, than might be brought home to several modern nations. Their fables, however, and their poetry teem with ideas and examples of the loftiest and purest love, such love, I mean, as is natural to mankind, as harmonises with the structure of their minds, and the object and tendency of their passions, growing like the oak out of earth, but springing upward and rearing its majestic stature and beautiful foliage towards heaven. Thus Odysseus in Homer prefers the sunshine of a wife’s affection to immortality[1194] and the smiles of a sensual goddess. Hæmon with a tenderness carried to excess, spurns the blandishment of empire, nay, the very laws of duty and nature, that he may cling to the form of Antigone[1195] and join her in the grave. And Alcestis, rising above them all, quits in youth and health and beauty
that she may preserve the existence of one beloved still more than life.[1196]
Nay, to prove the elevated conceptions of love that prevailed in earlier Greece, we find a personification of this passion reckoned among the most ancient gods of its mythology. Altars were erected, festivals instituted, sacrifices offered up to it, as to a power, in its origin and nature divine.[1197] It breathed the breath of life into their poetry, it was supposed to elicit music and verse from the coldest human clay, like the sun’s rays from the fabulous Memnon—it allied itself in its energies with freedom—to love, in the imagination of a Greek, was to cease to be a slave,[1198]—it emancipated and rendered noble whomsoever it inspired,—it floated winged through the air, and descended even in dreams[1199] upon the mind of men or women, revealing to sight the forms of persons unknown, annihilating distance, trampling over rank, confounding together gods and men by its irresistible force.[1200] Much of the beauty of their fables is concealed from us by the atmosphere of triteness and familiarity with which our injudicious education invests them. Every puling sonneteer babbles of Eros. And Aphrodite, a creature of the imagination brighter and lovelier than her own star, has been rendered more common in modern verse, than the most celebrated of her priestesses in ancient Corinth. But the poets of Greece possessed the art of clothing their gods in colours warm as life, varied as the rainbow; and as to Love, never was his influence more delicately shadowed forth than by him who introduces Endymion slumbering with unclosed lids on Mount Latmos, that the divinity of sleep might enjoy the brightness of his eyes![1201]
1140. From a passage in Terence (Phorm. i. 2. 30. sqq.) Perizonius concludes that even girls were sent to school. But he applies to Athenian maidens of free birth what in the Roman poet is related of a servile music girl: Ea serviebat lenoni impurissimo.—(Not. ad Ælian. Hist. Var. iii. 21.) It appears, however, from this passage, as Kuhn has already observed, that there existed public schools for girls at Athens, whatever might be the condition of the persons who frequented them. In Lambert Bos’s Antiquitates, (Pars. iv. c. 5. p. 216,) the error of Perizonius is repeated; that is, in the note; for, according to the text, the Attic virgins were closely confined to the house.
1141. Πολλὰς ἑορτὰς αἱ γυναῖκες ἔξω τῶν δημοτελῶν ἦγον ἰδία συνερχόμεναι.—Sch. Aristoph. Lysist. i. In Homer we find the Trojan women performing sacrifice to Athena—Il. ζ. 277. 310, just as the Athenian matrons did on the Acropolis.—Aristoph. Lysistr. 179.
1142. Suid. v. ἄρκτος. t. i. p. 425. c.—Sch. Aristoph. Lysistr. 645.—Meurs. Græc. Fer. lib. ii. p. 67.—During the dances performed in honour of this goddess, the women commonly played on brazen castanets.—Athen. xiv. 39.
1143. As Plato in his Republic appropriates to each sex a separate class of songs, it may be inferred that both in Athens and elsewhere in Greece, men and women habitually sung the same lays.—De. Legg. vii. t. viii. p. 30.
1144. Pollux. viii. 107.—Cf. Herod. vi. 138. Women practised various dances, to perform which with skill constituted a branch of their accomplishments. One of these dances was called the Apokinos, or Mactrismos, of which Cratinos made mention in his Nemesis, Cephisodoros in his Amazons, and Aristophanes in his Centaurs. These dances, however, appear to have been a particular class, and obtained the name of Marctypiæ. Athen. xiv. 26.
1145. Etym. Mag. 149, 13. sqq.—Suid. v. Ἁῤῥηνηφ. t. i. p. 222. c. Ἀῤῥηφορια—ἐπειδὴ τὰ ἀῤῥητα ἐν κίσταις ἔφερον τῇ θεῷ ὡι παρθένοι. idem. t. i. p. 423. c. et v. χαλκεῖα t. ii. p. 110 d. Harpocrat. v. ἀῤῥηφόρειν. p. 48 Maussac.—Aristoph. Lysistr. 643. et. schol.—Lys. Mun. Accept. Apollog. §. 1.—Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. iv. t. v. p. 145.—Cf. Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 241. In several religious processions the women except the canephori, followed not the pageant, but looked upon it from the housetop.
1146. Athen. iii. 80.
1147. Muretus has brought forward several passages to prove that learned women bore but an indifferent character in antiquity.—Var. Lect. viii. 21. The Hetairæ of course were taught to read. Of this we have abundant proof: τὰ ἐπὶ τῶν τοίχων γεγγραμμένα ἐν τῷ κεραμεικῷ ἀναγνοθὶ, ὅπου κατεστηλίτευται ὑμῶν τὰ ὀνομάτα—says the jealous lover to Melitta in Lucian.—Diall. Hetair. iv. 2. Nay even the servant maid of this Hetaira Acis is able to read; for desirous to ascertain whether there was any thing in the report of her lover, Melitta sends forth the girl to examine the walls, who discovers and reads the words “Melitta loves Hermotimos,” &c. which written there in jest by some wag had proved the cause of her lover’s jealousy and the quarrel that ensued.
1148. Cf. Telet. ap. Stob. Florileg. Tit. 108. 83. Gaisf.
1149. P. xxi. For Plato’s views on the education of women, see De Legg. t. viii. p. 36.—Cf. Xen. Conviv. ii. 9, 10.
1150. Lys. Cont. Diog. § 5. By τοὺς παῖδας: Reiske, however, understands the servants of Diogeiton, though these would have been more likely to carry the book to their master.
1151. See also in Demosthenes the account of a wife and husband examining a will.—Adv. Spud. § 8.
1152. Odyss. α. 428. β. 345, 361.
1153. Iliad. ζ. 381. 390.
1154. Athen. iv. 22.
1155. In the household of Pericles, however, we find mention made of a steward, and learn that the regulation of affairs was taken out of the hands of the women.—Plut. Pericl. § 16.
1156. Œconom. ix. 10. p. 57, Schneid. Similar business habits prevailed among our neighbours, the Dutch, while they enjoyed the advantages of republican institutions. Among the causes of their prosperity Sir Josiah Child enumerates, “the education of their children, as well daughters as sons, all which, be they of never so great quality or estate, they always take care to bring up to write perfect good hands, and to have the full knowledge and use of arithmetic and merchants’ accounts, the well understanding and practice whereof, doth strangely infuse into most that are the owners of that quality, of either sex, not only an ability for commerce of all kinds, but a strong aptitude, love and delight in it; and in regard the women are as knowing therein as the men, it doth encourage their husbands to hold on in their trades to their dying days. Knowing the capacity of their wives to get in their estates and carry on their trades after their deaths; whereas if a merchant in England arrive at any considerable estate, he commonly withdraws his estate from trade, before he comes near the confines of old age, reckoning that if God should call him out of the world while the main of his estate is engaged abroad in trade, he must lose one third of it, through the inexperience and inaptness of his wife to such affairs, and so it usually falls out.”—Discourse of Trade, p. 4.
1157. De Legg. l. ii. t. vii. p. 243. Bekk.—Ἐὰν δέ γ᾿ οἱ μείζους παῖδες, τὸν τὰς κωμῳδίας· τραγωδίαν δὲ αἵ τε πεπαιδευμέναι τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τὰ νέα μειράκια καὶ σχεδὸν ἴσως τὸ πλῆθος πάντων.
1158. The Roman ladies entered still earlier into the married state; at the age of twelve, says Plutarch, or under. Parall. Num. et Lycurg. § 4.
1159. Xenoph. Œconom. vii. 5. 6. sqq.
1160. Plut. Themist. § 18.
1161. Diog. Laert. i. 6. 4.
1162. In Greece, as everywhere else, portionless girls had few admirers. Diog. Laert. v. 4. 1.
1163. Examples occur in the comic poets, of men choosing for themselves. Thus in Terence a young man declines the lady offered him by his father, and proposes to marry the mistress of his choice, to which both parents agree. Heautontimor. v. 5. sub. fin.
1164. Athen. xiii. 29.
1165. The religious rites in which the women of Athens officiated were numerous and important: 1. The orgiastic ceremonies in honour of Pan were performed with shouts and clamour, it not being permitted to approach that divinity in silence.—Sch. Aristoph. Lysistr. 2. They celebrated sacred rites in honour of Aphrodite Colias, id. ibid. 3. Another divinity, in whose honour they congregated together, was Ginesyllis a goddess in the train of Aphrodite, who obtained the name ἀπὸ τῆς γενέσεως τῶν παίδων. id. ibid. Cf. Luc. Amor. § 42. 4. The part they took in the orgies of Dionysos is well known. 5. They, too, were the principal actors in the festival of Adonis. Plut. Alcib. § 18. and to mention no more they may strictly be said to have constituted the principal attraction of the Panathenaic procession.
1166. Phorm. 2. 2. 40. sqq.
1167. Lys. De Cæd. Eratosth. § 2.
1168. Diog. Laert. ii. 5. 18.
1169. To prove the presence of the women at the theatre among the other Greeks, ample testimonies might be collected. Thus, when in Æolis, a certain Alexander exhibited dramatic performances, the people flocked thither from all the neighbouring towns and villages, upon which he surrounded the theatre with soldiers, made prisoners both men, women, and children, and only released them on payment of a large ransom.—Polyæn. Stratagem. vi. 10.
1170. To this Pope alludes:
See also Swift, Tale of a Tub, § ix.
1171. On the coarseness of the German theatre, in the eighteenth century, frequented by the empress and the first ladies of the court, see Lady Montague’s Letters, ix.
1172. Τινες δὲ φάσιν, ἐν τῇ ἐπιδείξει τῶν Εὐμενίδων σποράδην εἰσαγαγόντα τὸν χορὸν, τοσοῦτον ἐκπλῆξαι τὸν δῆμον, ὥστε τὰ μὲν νήπια ἐκψύξαι, τὰ δὲ ἔμβρυα ἐξαμβλωθῆναι.—Vit. Æschyl. p. 6.
1173. Ὄχλον θέατρου δέξασθαι δυνάμενον.—Strab. ix. i. p. 238.—We have in Pollux, ii. 56. and iv. 121., θεάτρια “a spectatress,” and συνθεάτρια “a fellow spectatress,” a word used by Aristophanes, and, doubtless, applied to women forming part of a theatrical audience.
1174. Plat. de Legg. vii. t. viii. p. 59. Bekk. Compare with this the song of the φαλλοφόρος..—Athen. xiv. 16.
His songs and his acting were, no doubt, little suited to the taste of a virgin; but if virgins had never frequented the theatre, and the comic theatre, too, where would have been the necessity for any such remark?
1175. Aristoph. Eccles. 22. et Schol.
1176. An anecdote related by Plutarch, would of itself, in my opinion, suffice to prove the presence of women at the theatre, as well as that Athenian ladies habitually went abroad attended by a single maid-servant. For on one occasion, when an actor who played the part of a queen would have refused to appear upon the stage unless furnished with a splendid costume and a large suite of attendants, Melanthios, the manager, pushed him on the boards, saying, “Don’t you see the wife of Phocion constantly going abroad attended by but one maid? And wouldst thou affect superior pomp and corrupt our wives?” It is evident that the pride of this actor could not have exercised any evil influence on the women had they not been present to witness his ostentation. We must necessarily infer, therefore, that they were, and that they joined the theatre in the thunders of applause with which it received the observation of Melanthios, who had spoken so loud as to be heard by the whole audience.—Plut. Phoc. § 19. The passage of Alexis had not escaped Casaubon, who, in his notes on Theophrastus’ Characters, p. 165, has discussed the point with his usual learning and ability. A passage in the Thesmophoriazusæ of Aristophanes, seems however, but only seems, to make against this opinion. There a woman says that when men returned from seeing a play of Euripides, a “Woman-hater,” they used to search the house in quest of lovers; but when Euripides’ plays were acted they might be supposed to remain at home from pique.
1177. Thucyd. iii. 104. The version is Dr. Smith’s. Cf. Hom. Hymn. in Apoll. 146. sqq.
1178. I have, as the reader will perceive, adopted the verse proposed by Barnes:—
Though Ernesti is perhaps right in supposing no addition necessary. See his note on v. 165. Franke, in his recent edition of the Hymns, has, with Ernesti, rejected the verse.
1179. Of these verses (Hymn. in Apol. v. 165. 172) I give my own translation, the last line excepted, which Byron had somewhere done ready to my hand.
1180. Polyæn. Strat. v. 14. Meurs. Peisist. vi. p. 46. seq. Plutarch. in Apophthegm. Peisist. § 3. who calls the young man Thrasybulos. Valer. Max. v. 1.
1181. Schol. in Aristoph. Acharn. 144. Vesp. 98. Young men in love would appear to have played at dice, with fortune, to discover whether they should be successful or otherwise. Luc. Amor. § 16. Speaking of Ameipsias’ Sphendone, or Jewelled Ring, Hemsterhuis observes:—“Nomen habere potuerit hæc comedia ab annulo mutui amoris signo, atque arrha, cujus in palâ fuerit insculpta, quod haud apud antiquos insolens, amoris figura, quæque vario ut modo per aliorum manus vagata.”vagata.” ad Poll. ix. 96. t. vi. p. 1123.
1182. Amor. § 16. Τοῖχος ἄπας ἐχαράσσετο, καὶ πᾶς μαλακοῦ δένδρου φλοιὸς Ἀφροδίτην καλὴν ἐκήρυσσεν.
1183. Callim. Frag. xxv. p. 241. Spanh.—Theoc. Epithal. Hell. 48.
1184. Ap. Eustath. Iliad, ζ. 490. Potter, Archæol. ii. 244.
1185. Philostrat. Epist. xx. p. 921. Hermann. Com. in Arist. Poet. p. 87.
1186. Athen. xv. 9.
1187. Cf. Naïs according to Harpocrat. in v. p. 203. Sch. Aristoph. Plat. 179. Cf. Athen. xiii. 51.
1188. Athen. xv. 9.
1189. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 400.
1190. Σὲ δέσποινα τῶν ὑπὲρ σοῦ λόγων, Ἀφροδίτη, σὲ βοηθὸν αἱ ἐμαὶ δεήσεις καλοῦσιν. Luc. Amor. § 19.
1191. See the whole question treated with peculiar ability by Maximus Tyrius viii. 105. sqq. Homer, in the opinion of this writer, exhibits especial felicity in his description of love, from the cool, timid dawn of passion to its fervid noon, pourtraying its operations, the age at which it is experienced, its forms, its feelings, chaste or unchaste. See too Lycophron Cassand. 104. with the commentary of Meursius, p. 1184. 1186. sqq.
1192. The friendship of Achilles for Patroclos is celebrated by Maximus Tyrius, viii. 106. Cf. Luc. Amor. 20.
1193. Maximus Tyrius has, on the origin of love, a very beautiful passage. “Its well-spring is the beauty of the soul gleaming upward through the body. And as flowers seen under water appear still more brilliant and exquisite than they are, so mental excellence seems to manifest additional splendour when invested with corporeal loveliness.” ix. 113. Euripides, whatever he may have written in his old age, was once an enthusiastic panegyrist of love, of which he has left a brilliant description. Athen. xiii. 11. In the gymnasia the statue of Eros was placed beside those of Hermes and Hercules—eloquence and strength. Love festivals Ἐρωτίδια were celebrated by the Thespians. Athen. xiii. 12. Before entering battle the Cretans and Spartans sacrificed to Eros, Id. xiii. 12. Alexis imitates Plato in describing this passion. Eros had two bows, the one of the graces producing happiness, the other engendering violence and wrong. Id. xiii. 14. On the power of love see § 74. Cleisophos of Selymbria fell in love at Samos with a statue of Parian marble. § 84.
1194. Καὶ τὴν Πηνελόπην ἄλλως Ὀδυσσεὺς ὁρᾷ, ἄλλως ὁ Εὐρύμαχος.—Max. Tyr. ix. 115.
1195. Soph. Antig. 635. sqq.—Καὶ ἐν εὐτυχίαις συνευτύχει καὶ ἀποθανόντι συναποθνήσκει, Max. Tyr. ix. 116. We discover the same idea in our own marriage ceremony, where husband and wife are said to be joined together, “for better for worse, for richer for poorer, in sickness and in health.”
1196. Even Lucian could discover that there was something holy in love. Κοινὸν οὖν ἀμφοτέρῳ γένει πόθον ἐγκερασαμένη, συνέζευξενσυνέζευξεν ἄλληλοις θεσμὸν ἀνάγκηςἀνάγκης ὅσιον. Amor. § 19.
1197. See too in Stobæus, the addresses of a bereaved husband to philosophy—ὦ φιλοσοφία, τυραννίκά σου τὰ επιτάγματα· λεγεις φίλει· κᾄν ἀποβάλῃ τις, λέγεις, μὴ λύπου. 34. Cf. Senec. Epist. 99. Scheffer, ad Ælian. 27. p. 471.
1198. Max. Tyr. x. 119. This author observes that the love depicted by the tragedians was a piece of ill-regulated passion rarely leading to happiness. Id. 123. 124. Cf. Luc. Amor. § 37.
1199. Ἐξ ὀνείρων ἐραστης. Max. Tyr. x. 126.
1200. See the invocation to Love in Lucian: σὺ γὰρ ἐξ ἀφανοῦς καὶ κεχυμένης ἀμορφίας τὸ πᾶν ἐμόρφωσας. κ. τ. λ. Amor. § 32.
1201. This thought occurs in a fragment of Licymnios
The printer employed the cursive forms of beta (ϐ) and theta (ϑ), sometimes in the same passage with the standard β and θ. These have been replaced with the standard forms.
Minor punctation errors and inconsistencies in the footnote apparatus have been corrected with no further mention here.
Those errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original. Corrections within notes are denote with ‘n’ and the original note number.
| 6.n1 | Steph. Byzant. v. [Ἀ/Α]ἰτωλ. p. 71. a. | Replaced. |
| 23.24 | not wide enough to contain[.] the whole | Removed. |
| 49.14 | that were band[i]ed to and fro | Inserted. |
| 49.21 | petits-ma[í/î]tres | Replaced. |
| 54.34 | like a huge uncrenalated | sic: uncrenelated |
| 68.14 | but Sir Willia[n/m] Gell | Replaced. |
| 78.4 | couchant s[y/p]hynxes | Replaced. |
| 155.35 | like those of Hindùs[s]tân | Removed. |
| 166.29 | the love of glory and independ[a/e]nce | Replaced. |
| 170.4 | and where[-e]ver else it was thought fit | Removed. |
| 174.n1 | Cf. Dion. Ch[r]ysost. | Inserted. |
| 176.6 | to the latest times[,/.] | Replaced. |
| 178.n7 | aremus osseo.[”] | Added. |
| 178.n8 | calamis superata degit.[”] | Added. |
| 186.26 | its moaning sounds to hear.[”] | Added. |
| 213.30 | by heroic and fabulous associa[a]tions. | Removed. |
| 222.n2 | as the Calydo[do]nian boar in Ovid | Removed. |
| 225.32 | from his ophthalmia and his headach[e] | Added. |
| 234.32 | εὐφυεῖς καὶ [ἰ/ἱ]κανοὶ | Breathing corrected. |
| 288.1 | Bacchanalian character.[”] | Added. |
| 343.33 | had the merit of extreme boldness[.] | Added. |
| 263.29 | [ὄ/ὅ]τι ἀμαθία μὲν θάρσος | Breathing corrected. |
| 347.4 | full of unstem[m]able currents | Added. |
| 359.15 | By these means, likewise, tran[s]gressors | Inserted. |
| 360.8 | in the case of lesser tran[s]gressions | Inserted. |
| 361.32 | which only incidena[ta/at]lly | Transposed. |
| 371.n2 | ὀφθαλμο[ι\ὶ] μεγάλοι τε καὶ διαυγεῖς | Replaced. |
| 357.37 | it is a clumsy throw of her[’]s | Removed. |
| 379.16 | the list of their occupations[,/.] | Replaced. |
| 391.32 | τρεῖς υ[ἰ/ἱ]οὺς ἄφρουρον | Breathing corrected. |
| 393.14 | regal in loftiness[s] of stature. | Removed. |
| 409.7 | decisive of their comparative seclusion[.] | Added. |
| 418.n2 | per aliorum manus vagata.[”] | Added. |
| 423.n1_1 | συν[εζεἠ/έζευ]ξεν | Replaced. |
| 423.n1_2 | ἄλληλοις θεσμὸν ἀνάγκ[ὴ/η]ς ὅσιον. | Replaced. |