[1] We regard, however, the sculptures of Mount Sipylus (Pl. LIII.) and of Kara-Bel (Pl. LIV.) as witnesses to the possession of inland passes leading to the Lydian coast.
[2] In particular the Lycians (Lukki), who appear among the Hittite allies in the time of Rameses II., and later with the sea-peoples in the reign of Merenptah.
[3] There is no evidence to enable us to include the ‘Vannic’ monuments. Cf. Sayce’s Herodotus (London, 1883), App. iv. p. 424 and below, pp. 54, 385; we exclude also as capable of other interpretation isolated discoveries of moveable monuments, like those at Kedabeg (Messerschmidt, Corpus Inscrip. Hettiticarum, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1900, Pt. v. No. 1.), at Babylon (op. cit., Nos. 3, 4, 5), and Nineveh (ibid., Pl. XXXIX. Nos. 2-9), etc. The inscribed stone reported as found near Erzerum, now in the museum at Constantinople, No. 1193, is of doubtful provenance (op. cit., 1906, Pt. v. pp. 7, 8).
[4] These Hittite sites are shown on the map, to face p. 390.
[5] Mr. Hogarth, writing in the Recueil de Travaux, xvii., records that during his journeyings up through the valley he never saw nor heard of any pre-Hellenic monuments on the north side of the river.
[6] For these routes see Hogarth, Recueil de Travaux, XV. p. 29, and in Macan’s Herodotus (1895), App. XIII. § 9; also Ramsay, Historical Geography, pp. 35, 46 ff.
[7] For the modern condition and ancient importance of this region, see further: Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 94; Peters, Nippur, i. p. 81; Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations (London, 1896), pp. 144 and ff.; and The Passing of Empires (1900), p. 35, with an illustration.
[8] Here also the Euphrates is still our eastern boundary; for Tell-Ahmar, the scene of Mr. Hogarth’s recent discoveries (p. 129), though on the further side, is on the water’s edge; and the few monuments found further east, like the seal from Urfa (Messerschmidt, op. cit., C.I.H. 1900, Pl. XLI. No. 3), and the palace sculptures of Tell-Halaf (Von Oppenheim, Der alte Orient, 1908, Heft 1), which owe something to Hittite influence, are not definite enough to imply Hittite occupation. That the river separated the land of Mitanni from the Hatti is substantiated by the archives of Boghaz-Keui (Winckler, Mitteilungen der D. Orient.-Ges. 1907, No. 35). On the relation of Mitanni to Hittite see below, pp. 58, note 1, 324, note 2.
[9] Pronounced Afreen.
[10] See Plates XXXV., XLIII.
[11] We noticed this effect especially at Karadinek, August 1907.
[12] Pl. LXXXIV. (i), p. 320. This is clearly the old Amorite-Hittite type as represented on the Egyptian temple sculptures, temp. Rameses II., then apparently most prevailing in the Lebanon region. See Petrie, Racial Types, No. 147, and Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, p. 147 and fig.; cf. also W. Max Müller, Asien und Europa, pp. 229, 233, and the Book of Joshua, x. 6, and xi. 3. The type is now more widely dispersed, as seen from this example and Pls. XV. (ii), LXXXVI. below.
[13] A local tradition says that 120,000 men were drawn from this region in the time of Alexander.
[14] Von Luschan, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, i.; and Liverpool Annals of Archæology, i. p. 99.
[15] Including the kingdoms of Unki, Samalla, and Jaudi: see the map, p. 375.
[16] Cf. Plate LXXIV.
[17] The coast route to Alexandretta was in course of reconstruction in 1907. Formerly the rocky promontory known as Pylæ Syriæ et Ciliciæ presented a formidable obstacle, over which carts could pass only with great difficulty; while for travellers on horseback the easiest passage was by wading in the sea at the foot of the cliffs. The Bogche route is that contemplated for the new section of the railway heading for Baghdad.
[18] A silvered copper seal, cylindrical in shape, is recorded as from Haifa (C.I.H. 1900, Pl. XLI. 2), but no argument can be based thereon. Other small objects from this region are a seal and archaic bronze figure from Latakia (C.I.H. loc. cit. No. 6, and Peiser, Die Bronze-figur von Schernen, aus Sitzungsber. der Altertumsges. Prussia, Heft 22, p. 428), and a similar archaic bronze from Homs, said to have been found in the Orontes (Peiser, op. cit.).
[19] See Plate LXXXIV. (ii), reproduced from a sketch by Mr. Horst Schliephack. The subject was an Arab-speaking carriage driver, resident in Hamath, who said that his birthplace was Urfa. Cf. the types Pls. LXXV., LXXVII.
[20] Ramsay, Journ. Roy. Asiatic Soc., xv. p. 100.
[21] Cf. Livy, Bk. xxxviii. 18, etc., for the contrast between Phrygia and the plains.
[22] This feature also is historic. Cf. Strabo XII. viii. 8.
[23] For the general geographical conditions affecting life on the plateau, cf. Hogarth, The Nearer East (London, 1902), pp. 246 ff.
[24] For mineral and other resources consult inter alia, Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor (London, 1842), vol. i. chs. xvi., xx., xxiii.; likewise Van Lennep, Travels in ... Asia Minor (London, 1870).
[25] It is of interest in this connection to notice that one of the earliest historical references to the Hittites occurs in the Babylonian chronicles (King, Chronicles of the Early Babylonian Kings, London, 1907, pp. 72 and 148).
[27] A barrier, that is, to general migration in ancient times. As a political boundary its importance is clear from the fact that it divided the Median and Lydian empires (Herodotus, i. 72).
[28] Loc. cit., Strabo (XII. iii. 9) speaks of ‘the “Leuco-Syrians” whom we call Cappadocians.’ See also p. 92; and Ramsay, Historical Geography, pp. 32, 33.
[29] Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, vol. ii. ch. xliii.
[30] Liverpool Annals of Archæology, i. (1908), p. 6, Pls. VIII., IX.
[31] It is noteworthy that Strabo (XII. ii. 7), describes Mazaca (then the capital of the Cilician province) as being in a ruinous state without walls, while its land remained unfertile and uncultivated.
[33] See Pl. LXXXVI.
[34] Professor Ramsay (Historical Geography, p. 35) already argued the necessary antiquity of such a route before the Hittite monument on the mountain pass was brought to light.
[35] See below, pp. 45, 366, note 2; and cf. Macan’s Herodotus, App. XIII. §§ 7, 8, 9.
[36] Liv. Annals of Arch., i. (1908), p. 11.
[37] Cf. Pl. XXIV. (i).
[38] See below, Pl. XXV. (iii); and Liverpool Annals of Arch., i. pp. 10, 13.
[43] See Pl. II. (ii).
[44] Cf. Strabo, XII. xi. 8.
[45] We noticed in passing an aged pair working together in their small garden of vegetables. It was summer-time, and their sleeping-place was a bower of branches and twigs covered entirely with pink roses.
[46] To be distinguished from the Bogche, which gives its name to the pass over the Giaour Dagh (p. 14).
[47] Herodotus, i. 75, and v. 52; Ramsay, Historical Geography, p. 29; but see below, p. 38, note 1.
[48] Cf. Pls. XII., XIII. (ii). We are alluding to the poorer classes. There is a considerable degree of refinement and simple luxury among the more prosperous Turkomans. See, for example, Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 223-4.
[51] The Yazîr Daresi.
[53] Herodotus, i. 76, says that Crœsus enslaved the inhabitants, and took also the adjacent places, expelling the population.
[54] We do not attempt to distinguish any but the types that recall the various Hittite representations in contemporary sculptures, particularly those which decorate the walls of Egyptian temples. Such resemblance may be accidental, but it is of interest. In the deeper inquiry, there is a wonderful field of material for a trained ethnographist. Probably no ‘nation’ on earth to-day is composed of so many and varying elements as is that of the Turks. A walk through any market town, where the people are brought together, or even a glance out of the carriage window at the people on the platform of a busy railway station, will bring forth visions of Tartars and Mongols, Greeks and Jews, even occasionally Hindoos and Arabs, as well as the dominant Turkoman, Circassian and Armenian types, all of which under Nature’s gentle and wonderful influence seem to blend quite fittingly together. There is nothing, moreover, that astonishes the reason; for this country was not only the battlefield of nations, but the natural pathway between two continents. Cf. Pls. XV., LXXXV.-LXXXVII.
[55] Cf. Pls. LXXXIV., LXXXVI. (i). On the subject of surviving types, cf. Wilson (Sir Charles) in the Quart. Statement Pal. Expl. Fd., Jan. 1884.
[56] And thence in ancient times to Sinope. Ramsay, Hist. Geog., p. 28; see also Curtius, Griech. Gesch., ed. 5, i. 408, and Herodotus, i. 76, in reference to which cf. Perrot and Chipiez, History of Art in Sardinia ... Syria and Asia Minor (Engl. ed. 1890), ii. p. 103.
[57] E.g. Herodotus, ix. 27; and Strabo, XI. ch. v. 4.
[59] Ramsay, Historical Geography, p. 31, and Jour. Roy. As. Soc., XV. pp. 100-112; also Crowfoot, Jour. Hell. Stud., XIX., i. p. 50.
[60] Herodotus, i. 72. But cf. also Homer, Iliad, iii. 187, and xvi. 719.
[61] Ramsay, Historical Geography, pp. 29, 30. See Pl. XXIV. (i).
[62] Herodotus, i. 75, quotes a general doubt (in which, however, he does not share) that the Halys was not yet bridged in the time of Crœsus. There are, however, suitable fords northward from Cheshme Keupru still freely used for the summer routes leading from Angora across the river eastward; and that the bridge was in use in Persian times seems to be clear (ibid., v. 52).
[63] Vide Ramsay, Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire (Aberdeen, 1906), pp. 177-180.
[64] The Hittite horses were called by the Egyptians abari, strong or vigorous (Anastasi Pap., iv., Pl. XVII., ll. 8-9), but we may suspect that the reference here and elsewhere is to the breeds of Syria (vide Annals of Thothmes III.); Maspero (Struggle of the Nations, p. 215, note 4, and p. 352, note 4) seems divided in his view, referring the passage in one place to Cappadocia and in the other to Syria. Cf. also his Passing of Empires (1900), p. 205. There was a special breed in Cilicia, it would appear, in Persian times, from the reference in Herodotus, iii. 90.
[65] It is, however, full of interests, as any student of Professor Ramsay’s researches will know.
[66] Professor Ramsay’s Luke the Physician, pp. 129 ff., tells of numberless neglected irrigation works in the desert and on the slopes of Taurus. The country must, at one time, have presented quite a different appearance.
[67] See below, p. 56, and Pl. XXV. (iii).
[68] Cf. Ramsay and Hogarth, Recueil de Travaux, xiv. (1893), pp. 74 and ff.
[70] Locally called the Bozanti Su or Ak Su, from the names of important points along the route; it is a main tributary of the Sarus, which it joins after uniting with the Korkun as it nears the plain.
[71] See frontispiece.
[72] It is stated, however, by Aucher-Eloy, Relations de Voyages en Orient de 1830 à 1838, i. p. 160, that a rock sculpture (of uncertain character) which he had seen in the Cilician Gates was destroyed in 1834.
[73] We may reasonably suspect that this dates from the revival of the Hittite state with Tyana as its centre, in the tenth century B.C. (See above, p. 24, and below, p. 373.) On this question see Ramsay, The Cities of St. Paul (London, 1907), pp. 114 and ff., also Pauline and other Studies (London, 1906), ch. xi.; cf. also, for a description of the route, Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey (London, 1879), ch. viii.
[75] Built or rebuilt it would seem by Ibrahim Pasha.
[76] We cannot accept as Hittite, from the evidence before us, the doorway and carved lintel from Lamas near Aseli-Keui; Langlois, Voyage en Cilicie, p. 169; Perrot and Chipiez, Art in ... Asia Minor, ii. p. 57; Messerschmidt, C.I.H. (1900), Pl. XXXIII. B.
[77] Among works readily accessible, we may refer the reader to Mr. Hogarth’s summary in the introduction to Murray’s Handbook; to the articles by Winckler and Brandis in vols. iii. and iv. of The World’s History, Ed. Helmolt (London, 1902); and for the materials to Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia Minor (London, 1890).
[78] For a detailed account, with the sources, see below, Chapter VI.
[79] The identification of Mita of Muski with Midas of Phrygia was first pointed out by Winckler, Ostorientalische Forschungen, ii. 71 ff. Our inference is that the Muski of the Assyrian Annals, the Moschoi of Herodotus (iii. 94), were really akin to the Phrygians of later history.
[80] About 1170 B.C.
[81] Fifty years later, in the reign of Tiglath Pileser I.
[83] Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, i. p. 383; Ramsay, Jour. Roy. As. Soc., XV. p. 123.
[84] See Pl. XXV. (iii), from Liv. Annals, i. Pl. XIII. The name of Midas in this inscription was first recognised by Prof. Myres, op. cit., p. 13.
[85] Cf. Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, pp. 591, 643.
[86] In the reign of Assur-Nazir-Pal; cf. Maspero, The Passing of Empires, p. 16.
[87] Regarding, that is, the successive appearance of the Mitanni, the Hittites, and the Urartu (the Vannic power) as analogous movements. Cf. Winckler, Mitteil. d. Deut. Orient-Ges., December 1907, pp. 47 ff.; and in The World’s History, vol. iii. p. 113 etc.
[88] See especially Ramsay, ‘A Study of Phrygian Art,’ in the Jour. Hell. Stud., ix. (1887-8), pp. 350-352, and an earlier article in vol. iii. pp. 1-32; and Maspero, The Passing of Empires, pp. 328-335.
[89] Cf. Homer, Iliad, iii. 187; xvi. 719.
[90] On this point, see Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia (Oxford, 1895), i. p. 7.
[91] Ramsay, loc. cit. Cf. the central group of Hittite sculptures at Iasily Kaya, Pl. LXV., where, however, the Father-god, the consort of the Mother-goddess, is seemingly derived from Babylonian origins. So, too, the Storm-god of the Hittites has clearly a Babylonian prototype in Hadad. On the subject of the Hittite deities, see below, pp. 356 ff.
[92] Herodotus, ii. 2.
[93] Homer, Hymn. Aphr. 111 and ff.
[94] Φρυγίης εὐτειχήτοιο. Cf. Ramsay, loc. cit.
[95] In this opinion we may appear to differ from Hogarth, Ionia and the East (Oxford, 1909), p. 70, but the standpoints are different.
[96] In addition to the Phrygian inscriptions at Eyuk, cited above, the story of Daskylos, the fugitive Lydian prince (B.C. 720), indicates close political relation between the two sides of the Halys at this time; for when fearful of remaining in Phrygia at the accession of Myrsos to the Lydian throne, for greater security he crossed the Halys and took refuge with the ‘White Syrians.’ Cf. Nicholas of Damascus, Fragm. Hist. Grec. (ed. Müller-Didot), No. 49. On the relationship with Pteria and the Chalybes see also Radet, La Lydie et le Monde Grec, pp. 63, 111.
[99] Pl. XXIV. (ii); cf. pp. 121, 265, 289.
[100] Our newest authority for this period is Olmstead, Western Asia in the Days of Sargon (New York, 1908).
[101] If the Tuna of the Assyrians be really Tyana, there is clear evidence of Phrygian supremacy there in 714, in the fact that Matti of Tuna disclaimed his allegiance to Assyria and turned to Midas. If, however, Tuna is to be located somewhat further east (cf. the Tynna of Ptolemy V., 6, 22, and Maspero, The Passing of Empires, p. 239, note 2), or south-east at Faustinopolis (Ramsay, Hist. Geog., p. 68), then the inference is equally clear that the Phrygian sphere reached at least to Tyana, if not beyond. This evidence is supplementary to that of the inscription already mentioned (Pl. XXV.).
[102] Herodotus, iv. 11, 12. We follow the story as worked out by Maspero, op. cit., p. 345.
[103] Strabo, XIV. i. 40.
[104] Cf. Maspero, op. cit., p. 336; also Sayce, Empires of the East, i. p. 427.
[105] Herodotus, i. 7. On the way in which the date is derived, see Schubert, Gesch. der Könige von Lydien, p. 8.
[106] For the character of the early names and their relation to the Hittite see Sayce, loc. cit.; cf. also Hall on Mursil and Myrtillos, Jour. Hell. Stud., xxix. (1909), pp. 19-22; and on the same point, Winckler in the Orientalistische Litteratur-Zeitung, Dec. 1906.
[107] Gelzer, Das Zeitalter des Gyges, Rheins. Mus., vol. xxxv. (1880), pp. 520-524; cf. Radet, La Lydie et le Monde Grec, etc., pp. 90, 91.