RICE.—Two forms of rice are grown in the Protectorate; one under irrigation or in swampy ground, near rivers, etc., and the other entirely without any conservance of water, depending on the rainfall.

The use of rice is general throughout the country—in fact, it is probably the most important food crop; and although, as mentioned above, there are two forms, divided according to their mode of cultivation, each form contains many varieties distinguished by different native names.

In the Timani country and the vicinity of Port Lokko the finest quality is grown, and the husking of this is said to be a prolonged process of drying, without previously parboiling or soaking. This rice only requires to be thoroughly dried before the husk will separate on pounding.

In the Mendi country, the heads of rice at the harvesting are cut and tied in small bunches to dry in the fields. The grain is then beaten out, and the chaff winnowed on a tray or in a gentle breeze. The next step is to parboil the grain while yet in the husk, during which operation the interior swells up so as to split the husk. The rice is then again thoroughly dried in the sun upon mats, and finally lightly pounded in a wooden mortar in order to separate the loosened husk, which is removed by winnowing. From the time of harvesting until the rice is ready for sale, the work is performed by women.

In spite of the fact that a very large quantity of rice is grown, it frequently happens that in a good season much remains unharvested, owing to the improvidence of the native. The price just after harvesting may fall as low as 1s. 6d. per bushel, but a few months later it may reach three times that amount. It is customary for the Protectorate native to realise at once upon his crop, without taking the precaution to lay in a store for his future requirements. In consequence of this he is compelled to buy back supplies for his own consumption at a very much enhanced rate. The native at the Coast takes advantage of this improvidence and profits considerably by it; buying up the cheap product at harvesting and realising a handsome profit after a few months.

In quality the local rice is excellent, but in appearance it is somewhat reddish, only a few of the finer qualities being nearly white. The imported rices are usually white, but are said to contain less nutriment than the local kinds.

Rice has always constituted the staple food of the aboriginal tribes of the Protectorate, for which reason its cultivation and the weather conditions necessary for its successful production locally are matters of great importance. No precaution is taken to plant any other crop as a stand-by in the event of an unfavourable rice season. In 1910 a disaster actually occurred, for the rainy season of 1909 set in so early that it prevented many farms being burned in time to sow rice. Most of the local varieties mature their grain from three to five months after sowing, the earlier producing approximately 15, and the later from 30 to 40 bushels, per acre. Owing to the failure of the rice crop in 1910, the commodity should not have been allowed to be exported in that year, but the importance of this was lost sight of in view of the remunerative trade in it which had become established with different coast ports to which it was shipped. In the previous edition of this volume a recommendation was made to foster the export of surplus Sierra Leone rice to the Gold Coast, where it was much appreciated, and doubtless this trade may yet become important when existing restrictions are removed, and if it is found possible to induce a larger number of the population in the Protectorate to engage in pure agriculture, and grow crops in excess of their immediate personal requirements.

The exports for the last nine years were as follows:

In 1915, owing to the falling off of imports, it was found necessary to exercise control over the exports, but in spite of this the amount exported was higher than in the previous year. In 1916 the urgency of the matter became even more pronounced and exports were restricted.

The Agricultural Department conducted several comparative trials with Indian and local varieties of rice. The Indian rices were much smaller in size of grain and were generally not considered so suitable as the local kinds, with respect to which it was found that, with a sufficiency of seed used in sowing and deep cultivation, excellent crops could be secured. The native method of using less than half a bushel of seed to sow an acre is accountable for much of the resultant crop becoming full of weeds. Excellent results were obtained in sowing 1½ to 3 bushels per acre, when the weeds were choked out.

CAMWOOD.—This material, from which red dye is got, is obtained from the leguminous tree Baphia nitida. The use of it in European countries has somewhat diminished during recent years, owing to the substitution for it of artificial red colouring-matter, but a small quantity is still exported, and is made use of for colouring sausage skins. The amount of camwood exported in 1915 is given as 635 tons, valued at £8,761.

COPAL.—The tree identified as Copaifera Guibourtiana is tapped, in the Mendi country especially, for copal. The method in general practice is to cut small square patches of bark from the main trunk and branches in the month of January, and to permit these to exude resin until April, at which time the flow has ceased, and the resin hardened sufficiently to be collected.

The tree has been recorded from a few localities in Sierra Leone, but recently plantations have been made near Moyamba and elsewhere. In the Kwalu district, where clusters of large trees occur, much damage has been done by overtapping, and many dead trees are to be seen.

The value of Sierra Leone copal is high, sometimes attaining over two shillings a pound in the European markets. The quality is, however, somewhat irregular, and the local grading is frequently inefficient. Information as to the quality and value of Sierra Leone copal in comparison with other varieties is given in Selected Reports from the Imperial Institute, Part II., Gums and Resins [Cd. 4971], pp. 170-82.

About thirty tons were annually shipped to Europe for making varnish, but owing to the destructive methods of collection, the Government has prohibited trade for five years.

GROUNDNUTS.—Practically no trade at present exists in this crop, but efforts are being made to reintroduce the cultivation into Bullom, where at one time a large quantity was grown for export.

The cultivation of groundnuts for local consumption is carried on, but the ridge system of planting, which is in vogue in the Gambia, is not adopted in Sierra Leone, and the groundnut stalks are removed from the ground without the nuts attached to them. The nuts in Sierra Leone are permitted to remain in the ground and depreciate in quality through insufficient drying. The success of groundnut cultivation depends largely upon the plant being grown on a loose bed of friable soil, and, where such conditions exist, the Gambian method should prove satisfactory.

Experiments show that the nuts should be decorticated before sowing. The usual local method of sowing is to scatter the nuts upon the unbroken ground and then cover with loose earth. Some damage is done by rats, bushpig and termites, and in 1914 a fungoid disease (Cercospora personata) appeared in Karene. The Agricultural Department has obtained 12 cwts. to the acre in its trials.

The variety of nut grown is apparently identical with that of the Gambia, from which country the seed has probably been obtained in the past.

COCOA.—Some years ago cocoa was introduced into the Colony, but, although some of the Colonial planters had received their training in the cocoa estates of Fernando Po and San Thomé, no success attended their efforts in Sierra Leone. The heavy rainfall, combined with the long period of drought peculiar to the country, is detrimental to the industry. More recently experiments have been conducted in the Protectorate, where a lighter rainfall occurs; but here also the conditions are not generally favourable, as the long period of dry weather is not compensated for by humidity in the atmosphere.

Importance of Correct Climatic Conditions.—Cocoa plantations, in order to be successful, require atmospheric moisture fairly constantly throughout the year, and will not thrive if exposed to excessive and prolonged drought, or too much rain. Meteorological records taken at Bo, a place not far distant from that where cocoa experiments were made, show that the conditions in respect to distribution of rainfall, humidity and temperature are unfavourable there. Many attempts have been made in other localities, but only in Northern Sherbro has there been any appreciable success. The soil in this locality is deep and is kept in good tilth by the Gallinas. The price obtained locally for their cocoa beans was, in 1913, from 3d. to 4d. per lb.; in 1914 there was an increase in the number of plants put out, as the price rose in that year to 6d. per lb. A sample of native cocoa was submitted to the Imperial Institute for examination and report in 1916, and was found to be incompletely fermented with a rather harsh flavour. The trade valuation, however, was equal to the standard price ruling for Accra beans at the same time (cf. Bull. Imp. Inst., 1916, p. 589). Although the outlook for Northern Sherbro is promising, cocoa cannot attain much success in the country generally, on account of unsuitable climatic conditions and general ineptitude of most of the native tribes.

COFFEE.—A few years ago coffee was grown in the Colony for export, the indigenous variety, Coffea stenophylla as well as C. Liberica being planted. The former bears a very small berry and yields an excellent, strong-flavoured beverage. The latter is better known and has a large berry. Throughout the hill villages of the Colony a great number of trees are seen, but, owing to a fall in the price of the product, most of the crop remains unpicked, although it should not prove unremunerative even at the present prices to continue the export.

INDIGO.—Species of Indigofera and a scandent shrub, Lonchocarpus cyanescens, or “Gara” (Mendi), are used for the extraction of the blue dyes commonly employed in the country. The leaves of the latter plant are said to be in such demand that a quantity is annually imported from Southern Nigeria. A description of the method of dyeing with “Gara,” and an explanation of the process, are given in the Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, vol. v. (1907), p. 129.

FRUIT.—Some parts of the Colony seem favourable for the cultivation of various tropical fruits, such as bananas, oranges, mangoes, and pineapples, and it is possible that the proximity of Sierra Leone to European ports might enable some of these to be grown for export.

BEESWAX.—A small amount of beeswax is collected in the Protectorate, and instruction has been given to the natives in some localities with a view to the improvement of the methods employed by them. The Government has arranged for the instruction of some of the local officials while on leave in England in practical bee-keeping.

The bee found in Sierra Leone is identical with the variety of Apis mellifera found throughout West Africa, and is named var. Adansonii. It is rather small, but produces an excellent honey, which is much appreciated.

OIL SEEDS.—A tall tree bearing a large flattened legume, known to the Mendi people as “Fai,” or “Fawe,” has been sent for examination to the Imperial Institute on account of the oil contained in the seed. This tree was identified as Pentaclethra macrophylla, and, although common throughout the forested zone, is not seen in profusion anywhere. The oil has been tested, and is said to be capable of utilisation for the manufacture of soap and candles, but not for alimentary purposes. The difficulties in connection with the collection of the seed in large quantities and the extraction of the kernel from the outer horny shell, hinder the creation of a remunerative export trade.

Another vegetable oil is that obtained from the fruit of Pentadesma butyracea, a tree found in some parts of Bullom and in the Port Lokko district. The fat extracted from the ripe fruit is occasionally brought for sale to Freetown, where it is known as Mandingo butter. It does not occur in sufficient quantities to be commercially useful, although it yields an edible oil.

Lophira alata, which is widely distributed throughout the grass country in the north, and is replaced by a nearly allied species, L. procera, in the forest zone, bears a seed which contains a large percentage of oil, which can be used for soap manufacture. The difficulty of decorticating the seeds and their preservation during transport are disadvantages in the establishment of an export trade.

Analyses of the fats or oils yielded by these and other West African oil seeds, and information as to their quality, possible uses and value will be found in Selected Reports from the Imperial Institute, Pt. V., Oil Seeds (cf. also Bull. Imp. Inst., 1912, 1913, 1915, 1917, 1918).

Progress in Agriculture.—In 1910 the Agricultural Department was reorganised on a better basis than formerly, and the purely forestry work, which had been previously carried on by the Agricultural Superintendent, in addition to his other duties, was then transferred to a Forestry Department formed in that year.

Briefly, the scheme of work laid down by the new Department of Agriculture may be said to be on the following chief lines:

(i) The introduction of a cheap and effective organic manure, and the demonstration of its value in such a manner as to induce the people to use it on their land, and thereby to employ more economical means for the production of food, etc.

(ii) The institution of a proper rotation of crops suitable for each district or locality.

(iii) The demonstration to natives of the fact, that, by the proper employment of manuring and crop rotation, they would be able to farm the same piece of land for an indefinite number of years, during which time it should increase rather than diminish in fertility. By such demonstration it should be possible to put an end to the wasteful and permanently destructive methods at present employed of shifting cultivation.

The Agricultural Department has a piece of land on the Experiment Farm at Njala, which has been under crops annually for the past eight years, and the condition of it at present is said to be a more fertile one, owing to the system of manuring and rotation employed, than it was at the commencement of work. This is mentioned here, as it is in contradiction to the well-worn native excuse for changing the site of farms annually, i.e., that it is essential for the maintenance of the fertility of land that after a few years’ cultivation the “bush” be allowed to become re-established so that, on burning, a sufficient amount of wood ash may be obtained to renovate it.

(iv) To encourage the natives in the formation of permanent plantations of fruit and other economic trees.

To these ends, in the first place, analyses of soils from various parts of the country have been made by the Imperial Institute. At the same time samples of the soil taken from localities where kola, cocoa, rice and groundnuts were grown, have been compared with that from uncleared “bush.” The result of the examination, in the latter case, showed the soil had a deficiency of lime and phosphoric acid. A special analysis was also made of the soil of the Banana Islands, which was found to have an adequate quantity of nitrogen but to be deficient in potash and phosphoric acid.

With a view to producing a more satisfactory condition of soil in some parts, different leguminous crops have been cultivated and alternated with Sorghum millet (Guinea corn), maize and rice. Among the species tried by the Agricultural Department are: soya beans (Glycine soja), black gram (Phaseolus mungo), pigeon peas (Cajanus indicus), Java beans (Phaseolus lunatus), cowpeas (Vigna catjang), sword beans (Canavalia ensiformis) and horse-beans (Dolichos lablab). Yams and groundnuts have also been tried, and a yield of 6 tons 3 cwts. per acre of the former crop was obtained at the experimental farm at Njala in 1914.

Forestry.—On the formation of a Forestry Department in 1910, a survey was at once proceeded with, and active steps were taken to save from extinction the small extent of forest remaining in the Colony and Protectorate. From the survey it appeared that some 99 per cent. of the Protectorate primary forest had already been destroyed by the wasteful methods of farming generally practised. Intervals between the clearing of the bush for farms was from nine to five years, the effect of which was to entirely eliminate the primary forest areas. Where patches still remain, however, many useful species of timber trees are found. By the introduction of regular forest control and reafforestation, it is hoped that conditions may be improved to some extent, and economic trees especially preserved. Forest legislation has already been introduced to insure the preservation of copal trees.

THE GOLD COAST, ASHANTI AND THE NORTHERN TERRITORIES

Divisions.—The Colony proper forms the most southern of the three divisions of which the country is composed, and is bounded on the north by an irregular line dividing it from Ashanti. This line commences upon the western frontier at a point about 6° 40′ N. and 3° 7′ W., and runs to a point on the Ofin river about 6° 30′ N. and 2° W., continuing southward along the course of the Ofin to its junction with the Pra river, whence it follows the last-named river in a north-easterly direction to near Abetifi, and continues in an irregular line to the Volta, meeting it below the junction of the Assuokoko stream. Ashanti is separated from the Northern Territories by an irregular boundary-line from east to west, on the south side of the Black and main Volta rivers. It is almost entirely forested up to the boundaries of the largest towns. A view of Kumassi, the capital, is given, showing the proximity of the forest (Fig. 14).

From a climatic as well as an agricultural standpoint the country is more conveniently divided into two parts by a line which sharply defines the limits of the region of dense forest from that of the grass lands with few trees, which is characteristic of the country to the north. This line is probably the northern limit of the tract of country subject to a prolonged rainy season, and owing to the density of the forest south of it seems to have constituted the extreme distance to which the Mohammedan conquerors from the north were able to penetrate, when attempting to subdue and convert the pagan tribes to their south. The improved methods of agriculture found among the tribes inhabiting the ultra-forest country of the Northern Territories may be attributable to the teaching of these conquering people. On account of the marked differences in the conditions and the agricultural development of the forest and ultra-forest regions, it appears to be more convenient to refer to the products from the Northern Territories in a separate part, and this course has been followed here.

PART I.—GOLD COAST AND ASHANTI

Origin of Tribes.—Tradition among the natives maintains that the two great tribes of Fanti and Ashanti were originally from the same stock, and it is probable that this was also the case with regard to the people of Tufel, Denkera, Assin and Aquapim, who are said to speak a dialect of the same language as that of the Fantis and Ashantis. Completely different languages are, however, spoken by the Appolonias, Ahantas, Agoonahs, Accras, and Adampes living near the coast, and these are supposed to represent the remains of an earlier race.

The native belief is that the whole people were originally composed of twelve families or tribes, and that each was called by a separate name in some way indicating the occupation. According to Bowdich, those calling themselves after animals of the forest probably represented the families employing their time in hunting, and those bearing such names as cornstalk (Abrotoo) and plantain (Abbradi) applied themselves to agriculture. The name Agoonah, implying “oil-palm locality,” seems to have been applied to all those who were traders. Individuals are still said to assume these distinctive names without regard to their usual tribal affinities.

The probable reason for the backward condition of agriculture in the forest region is that a food supply was procurable from the forest itself, and the continual intertribal warfare, in which the people seemed to have been engaged, was opposed to the cultivation of crops, which might become an incentive to a covetous attack. More recently, since these conditions have become altered, through the pacification of the country, some of the tribes, who were the first to become settled, have adopted a form of cultivation which, although wasteful, seems to be common among the forest people of West Africa. By means of imperfect clearing of the ground before cultivation, and superficial turning up of the soil, small crops of grain (maize) and roots (yams and cassava) are raised, and the land is usually left to revert to a state of weeds and “bush” after two or three years’ use. This resembles the “Chena” system in Ceylon. The tribes who have developed a better and more economical form of working are those in whose districts the advent of cocoa planters has so raised the value of land that they are compelled to utilise the same plot more frequently for their annual crops. As an indication of this, the best cultivated fields are those of the Krobos, Akims, Krepes, and Kwahus, while the least advanced tribes are the Ashantis.

Owing to the remunerative return from cocoa cultivation in parts of the country, this commodity has attained the first place among exported agricultural and forest products. In recent years, moreover, development has been so rapid that the country is now the largest producer of cocoa in the world. Among exports, rubber, palm oil, palm kernels and timber follow it in order of importance.

COCOA.—As a preliminary to an account of the cocoa industry in the Gold Coast, it may be considered useful to refer briefly to the botanical position of the tree which produces cocoa, as well as to the varieties which are cultivated. A comparison of the methods employed in the Gold Coast with those adopted elsewhere seems also necessary.

The tree is a native of Trinidad and the north-eastern part of South America, and is botanically classified in the Natural Order Sterculiaceæ, sub-Order Buettnerieæ, under the name of Theobroma cacao of Linnæus.

In the West Indies, from which the cultivation has spread into several tropical countries, three fairly well-marked varieties are recognised as commercially useful, and these bear the local names of “Criollo,” “Forastero,” and “Calabacillo.” The first of these is said to be identical with that occurring at Caracas, in Venezuela, and is usually called by the name of that place when exported from South America. The Criollo variety is the source of some of the highest-priced produce, but Forastero has some points in its favour for general cultivation, the chief of which appears to be greater hardiness. For this reason it seems to have become easily established in the islands of San Thomé and Fernando Po, where the sub-variety known as Amelonado is that of general occurrence, and to have spread from there to the mainland of West Africa. In Ceylon the Forastero variety is also much grown in plantations. The third variety, Calabacillo, yields an inferior product and does not appear to have been introduced into the eastern hemisphere.[1]

Cocoa, as shipped from the plantations, is the dried bean or seed, which has been removed from the fruit pod of the tree, and may or may not have been fermented before drying. The properly fermented seeds or beans find more favour in European markets than those which have not undergone the process, but it is chiefly in an imperfectly fermented condition that cocoa beans are exported from the Gold Coast. Attempts are being made to alter this, so as to produce a better quality.

Cocoa forms a very nutritious food, and beverage after preparation by the manufacturer, entering the markets in a manufactured form under the names of cocoa or chocolate. No native manufacture is employed in the Gold Coast, although cocoa butter has been extracted on a small scale at Odumase.

The following account is that which is generally accepted regarding the first introduction of the tree into the Gold Coast. About the year 1879 a native trader, named Tete Quasshi, brought some of the seed from Fernando Po and made a small plantation at Mampong, which is situated about ten miles north of Aburi in the Volta River District. The trees grew well, and the first crops of pods were said to have been disposed of to other natives at £1 per pod. Following the example of this trader, the Basel Mission Trading Association imported more pods from Fernando Po, and for some time they were able to dispose of them at a large profit. The variety introduced was Forastero-Amelonado, and was found to thrive extremely well under the local conditions prevalent in the districts of the Volta River, Kwahu, and Eastern Akim.

The first shipment of cocoa from the Gold Coast was made in 1891, when 80 lbs., valued at £4, were exported. From that time onward the annual exported quantity has increased somewhat irregularly until the returns for 1919 show 176,155 tons, worth more than £8,000,000.

No estimate can be given of the area at present under cocoa cultivation, for the reason that a large number of the cultivators only possess a few trees standing near their houses or scattered in their farms. Where plantations exist they are usually small, and, owing to the irregularity of the planting, no efficient idea of the possible production could be obtained by measurement of the planted area alone.

Since the settlement of the Ashantis into more peaceful modes of living, and the adoption by them of agricultural work, cocoa planting has rapidly spread through Ashanti-Akim, and new plantations may be found even westward of Kumassi. From Axim also there is an extension of cocoa-growing towards the north, and it has recently been stated that the most promising land for the cultivation of the tree is to be found to the west of the railway, between Sekondi and Kumassi. The once proverbially truculent and warlike Ashantis have recently, to a large extent, become peaceful cocoa planters. Plantations are also found under European control, often in combination with rubber or kola; but cocoa does not combine with rubber as satisfactorily as coffee, which is more frequently employed. Under “Rubber” some particulars of the plantations, whose returns are available, are supplied.

In common with many other cultivated plants, cocoa requires certain definite combinations of climate and soil to ensure remunerative cultivation, and unless these exist the introduction is not to be recommended. With regard to climate, a considerable rainfall is generally thought necessary, the intervals of dry weather not being too prolonged. The drainage of the land should be good, for if the water cannot drain away within a reasonably short time, the trees will be adversely and often severely affected. Although it is recognised that cocoa can sustain itself under conditions of drought for a short time, districts subject to periodical absence of rain for a month or more are unsuitable, and trees planted in such places will generally die after a brief period. The annual rainfall in the cocoa districts of Trinidad averages about 72 inches, but a much heavier fall is experienced in the plantations of Ceylon. In neither of these countries, however, is there an annual long period of complete drought, which is a feature common in most parts of West Africa; and even when an interval without rain occurs, the humidity of the atmosphere compensates for the absence of it. Ceylon is visited by a double monsoon or rainy season, which is also the case in a less marked degree in the Gold Coast. The next requirement of importance is a soil of suitable quality. It is generally considered best to select land which possesses a moderate amount of loose clay mixed with sand, and, if the surface be thickly covered with vegetable deposit, so much the better. Steep hillsides, stiff, boggy, sandy, or rocky land are to be avoided. The presence of low scrub on uncleared land is an indication of poverty of soil, although the presence of heavy forest does not necessarily guarantee the suitability of the locality, as imperfectly drained land often bears a heavy forest growth. Good natural drainage is essential, and is nearly always found where the land slopes and the rock underlying the soil is friable or deep. Natural drainage can often be improved by artificial means. The last important condition necessary is the selection of a position where shade and wind protection can be obtained naturally to as great an extent as possible. Plantations in valleys, sheltered by mountain spurs or by belts of high forest, are suitable, and such formations are met with in many parts of the Gold Coast and Ashanti. In these localities the climate as well as the positions and soil obtainable are generally so well adapted for the fruitful growth of cocoa that, even where the average annual rainfall is as low as 41 inches (the average at Aburi), plantations are proving successful, the regular distribution, humidity of the atmosphere, and the natural shade constituting a compensation for the shortage.

The native planter sows the seeds in small patches or in roughly prepared beds in the vicinity of water, often in such proximity to one another as to choke a number of the young plants. This form of nursery is met with throughout the forests, and it is common to find circular patches containing two or three hundred plants adjoining a road. In addition to this, a large number of seedlings are grown at, and distributed from, the Government Botanic Gardens. Native plantations are for the most part formed of irregular lines of trees, generally planted too closely. The evil effect of this does not become apparent until the trees attain a large size, when the excessive shade they afford to their fruit-bearing branches, which in cocoa consist of the trunk and main structure, prevents the fruit from forming and induces rot through want of evaporation of moisture. The native planter is slow to recognise this, and disinclined to remedy the matter by removing some of the trees. The distance at which cocoa trees are planted by the native is roughly from 7 to 10 feet apart, whereas that recommended for plantations in the West Indies and Ceylon varies, with the quality of the soil and the elevation, from 12 to 15 feet; the latter would be more suitable for most of the Gold Coast plantations. The advantage which the native planter sees in his method of planting is, that in addition to getting a larger number of trees into a given space, the density of their foliage soon becomes so great that weeds cease to grow beneath, rendering cultivation unnecessary. Until such a state has been arrived at, the cutting of weeds is an operation which may have to be performed twice, or even three times, in the year. This is the only form of cultivation given, no manure being used or any breaking of the soil done. In the West Indies it is not customary to disturb the surface soil, except in so far as it may be necessary to apply manure or remove catch crops; but even in these cases great care is exercised, as it is found that the cocoa tree is to a large extent a surface feeder, and spreads lateral fine roots at very little depth below the surface. Shade is obtained naturally to a large degree, but in the early years of the tree’s existence, cassava and plantains are planted to afford it. The plantation of Para rubber with cocoa has been recommended in such a manner that each would occur alternately in a diagonal line. This does not appear a very satisfactory plan, owing to the fact that Para rubber trees in West Africa shed their leaves annually at about the time that cocoa most needs shade. In the small patches of cocoa trees, which constitute most of the native plantations, permanent and sufficient shade is generally given by the surrounding forest trees, and it is of small importance in such cases to consider the plantation of permanent shade trees.

Pruning, in the West Indies, is attended with the greatest amount of care, and is performed for the purpose of producing a vigorous tree by the removal of all useless wood, and of encouraging fruiting branches to increase their production. In order to do the latter it is essential to remove any superfluous number of primary branches, three or four being considered sufficient for one tree. A similar regulation of growth is required with regard to the secondary and tertiary branches. In addition to this, care is given to retain the correct balance for the tree, and, when cutting out branches, to avoid making jagged cuts or slashes. The West African native does not prune with these objects in view, but employs a “cutlass” or “machete” to cut out those branches which seem to be giving too much shade or which have become interlaced, regardless of their value to the tree or of the wounds inflicted in the operation. Efforts have been made to teach pruning at the Botanical Stations, but the demonstrations have not been largely attended, and a great deal of damage continues to be done through ignorance of the objects and effects of pruning. Many of the older plantations, owing to bad treatment and too close planting, are yielding an annually diminishing crop, but new ones are springing up in increasing numbers each year, which is an obvious indication that the industry is proving a profitable one.

Insect Pests and Vegetable Parasites.—Wounds, such as those described above, often render the tree more susceptible to the attacks of insect pests; but, although it has been stated that cocoa trees in the Gold Coast are seriously affected in this way, such is not often the case. Beetles of the Longicorn group are found damaging the tree to some extent wherever it has been planted. Two species are recorded from the West Indies: Steirastoma histrionica, White, from Trinidad, and S. depressa, Linn., from Grenada. On the trees in the Gold Coast Armatosterna buquetiana, White, and a Glenea sp. have been found doing similar damage. These insects deposit their eggs in crevices of the bark or on wounds, and the grubs which emerge bore into the trunk, living and growing in size in the interior of the wood until mature, when they change into pupæ, and finally into beetles. The presence of these grubs is easily detected by the quantity of fine particles of wood or “frass” which are thrown out of the entrance hole; and, if a flexible wire be inserted until it reaches and impales the grub, it will often prevent the damage becoming serious. The nests of large red ants (Œcophylla sp.), which feed upon the saccharine juices which exude from the pods, may often be observed on cocoa trees, but as the ants viciously bite any living thing which may venture upon the tree, they are probably a safeguard against the depredations of rats and squirrels that eat out the contents of the ripe fruit while still on the tree.

In 1909 the writer drew attention to a black hemipterous insect causing destruction to plantations in the Ashanti-Akim region, where careless cultivation prevailed (cf. Bull. Entom. Research, vol. i. pt. viii. 1910). This insect, known as the “Black cocoa-bark bug” or “Sankonuabe,” was named Sahlbergella theobroma, Distant, and subsists in all its stages upon the sap of cocoa branches obtained through punctures made by its proboscis.[2] The attacked trees are atrophied or killed outright (Fig. 16). Spraying with petroleum-soap emulsion has proved an effective remedy, but native planters do not readily adopt it. Recently the insect has been found sapping the silk cotton tree, and planters are warned against having this tree in their plantations.

Another insect, which belongs to the same Order as the last, and the genus Helopeltis, has been observed puncturing the pods and causing them to become black-spotted, distorted, and sometimes killed by the attack. This is allied to H. Antonii, Sign., which punctures cocoa pods in the same manner in Ceylon. The insect does not appear to be numerous at present, but should be sought on damaged pods and killed at every opportunity, as some species of the same genus have developed into the worst enemies of tea and cinchona in other parts of the world.

Fungoid parasites appear to be rare in the Gold Coast, although they have been observed commonly in other places in Africa. In some of the damper parts of Ashanti a fungoid thread blight was observed on cocoa, and was found to be common upon several forest shrubs in the same places. This is perhaps Stilbum nanum, Massee; it should be treated by means of scraping with a wooden knife combined with spraying with Bordeaux mixture.

Harvesting and Preparing.—The native cocoa grower collects the pods from his trees at the time when he estimates he can gather the most, and, in consequence, many over-ripe and under-ripe fruits are taken with the ripe. The effect of this is to give an irregular product which can never possess the attributes of a good cocoa. The pods are usually pulled off the tree, a knife being seldom used; and in the action of pulling off, the cushion, upon which the pod is borne, is often torn and injured. As it is from this point, or near it, that the successive crops of flowers and fruits proceed, the bearing power of the tree is frequently diminished in this way. The use of a knife and the necessity for frequent pickings, to ensure the pods being taken when mature, are among the most important lessons which the native planter should be taught. The pods after collection are thrown into a heap upon the ground, and are often left without further attention for two or three days, after which they are broken open with the aid of a “cutlass,” and the contents are scooped out into a basket. The result is a mixture of beans, in their surrounding pulp, in different stages of maturity. The length of time that the beans remain in the basket is generally only regulated by the convenience of the collector. The next operation is to remove as much of the pulp as possible by washing in a stream, and this is more easily effected with the over-ripe beans or with those which have been allowed to “sweat” or ferment. After washing, the beans are spread thinly upon mats, raised upon rough frames, in order to dry them in the sun. An illustration is given showing this process (Fig. 17). Such is the crude and irregular method employed by the natives of the Gold Coast, who until quite recently had little or no knowledge of the advantages of fermentation. Owing to the small quantities with which they worked at one time, it is probable that the fermenting action in the pulp was seldom set up. During the last few years attention has been given to this by the more intelligent planters, and it is not uncommon to find that boxes and barrels have been brought into use by them, and that fermentation has been allowed to proceed for from four to ten days with satisfactory results. Drying is still conducted in the manner described above, and is often incomplete, but, to remedy the defects of this, one of the European buying firms has erected a drying machine, in which all the cocoa bought is thoroughly dried before shipment.

The skilled cocoa planter of the West Indies and Ceylon is careful to pick only those pods which are quite mature, and, in order to do this, he is obliged to go over his plantation frequently. Mature pods are those which have assumed a yellowish or reddish colour, and considerable experience is necessary to judge this with accuracy. The pods are removed by means of a cutting instrument called a “cocoa hook,” with which care can be more easily given to the preservation of the cushion. The pods are placed in heaps and, in the case of small estates where one day’s picking is insufficient to procure a fermentation, they are left for, perhaps, two days until a sufficient quantity has been obtained. Sorting, according to variety and degree of maturity, is resorted to before opening, and, again, when cut open, care is taken to separate such beans as are found over-ripe. This practice is strictly adhered to in Ceylon, but is often disregarded in the West Indies. No washing is done at this stage, but the beans, with their pulp attached, are placed in barrels, boxes, or vats for the purpose of fermentation, which is brought about by the decomposition of the pulp, and is complete when the liquor, thus formed, has impregnated the interior of the bean and changed the colour of it from purple to rich chocolate brown. The shell becomes toughened, and the remaining pulp is more easily removed after this process has been undergone. Washing, if it is considered necessary, is then proceeded with, and is generally done in Ceylon, though not in the West Indies. Drying is chiefly done in the sun in the West Indies, and the beans are spread thickly and turned constantly. Drying houses, which have roofs capable of being slid over the cocoa on the approach of rain, are used. In Ceylon hot air distributed by centrifugal fans is the common method. Polishing, which is often employed in the West Indies, is done by sifting finely powdered red earth over the partly dried beans while they are exposed to the sun, when, it is maintained, the earth assists to remove the remaining pulp as well as to absorb the moisture, at the same time giving the surfaces of the beans a polished exterior. Annatto is said to be used instead of red earth in Venezuela, but the addition of this is, presumably, with the object of colouring, rather than polishing. “Dancing” is an operation designed to prevent the development of mildew, and consists of treading the beans with the bare feet.

Some of the large manufacturers in Europe have recommended that the Gold Coast planters should ferment their produce, but should not wash the beans after fermentation.

Markets.—Certain large cocoa-buying centres are recognised, which, in the Volta River district, are situated at the foot of the hilly country, in positions convenient for transport to the ports of shipment. In addition to these, however, a good deal of buying is proceeded with at smaller places in the midst of the growing districts, but these probably represent the localities for the transactions carried on by agents or middlemen. Until the produce is actually in the hands of the shippers, the conveyance of cocoa is almost entirely done by head-loads of about 60 lbs. The head-load is the standard for trading, and the local price quoted is always with reference to it. It is customary for the buying shippers to send out their agents to the cocoa districts to arrange for the purchase of the crops, and it is always necessary that such purchases should be paid for in silver, no notes or cheques being accepted. Owing to competition during the past few years, the agents have often paid the grower a sum of money long before his crop was ready for picking, in order to guarantee that it may be bought by no one else. This has had the effect of making the grower careless in the preparation of his crop, and has caused the production of much bad material. The report that at another town, often distant by many days’ journey, a higher price is being paid than that obtained in a market close at hand, will frequently induce a native to convey his head-loads to the distant market, regardless of the fact that the extra shilling or so he may receive does not appear to be sufficient compensation for the additional labour and time expended. This points to the fact that the native does not put the same value on his time and labour when he is working for himself as he does when he is employed by others.

The buyers of cocoa pack it in bags for shipment, and these are conveyed to the ports by motor lorries or placed inside large casks, similar to those used for palm oil, and rolled along the roads. Some of the shipments are conveyed in river steamers on the Volta, and, more recently, owing to the growers having found a better market for a short time at Kumassi, a considerable amount was sent by rail from that place to Sekondi. In consequence of the imperfect state of dryness in which the cocoa is often sold by the planter, a great amount of care should be exercised before mixing and packing. Sorting is not much practised, and some of the beans often become attacked by mildew before reaching Europe, which depreciates the value of the whole package. It is partly owing to the disregard of the precautions of sorting and final drying that the West African cocoa has earned such a bad name, and if more shippers were to follow the example set by the one firm that has erected a drying apparatus, it would do much to improve matters in this direction. Cocoa is difficult to dry completely in the growing districts by means of the sun, as the atmosphere in these localities is often so humid that the beans absorb moisture when removed from the sun’s rays, and it is for this reason especially that the final drying should be done by the shippers. Transport to the ports of shipment from the growing districts will be facilitated by the construction of a short railway, which it is contemplated making from Accra, and until this is ready the carriage by head-loads, cask-rolling, and motor lorries will probably continue. The presence of the “tsetse” fly throughout the growing districts prevents the possibility of draught cattle being used.

A system of pooling purchases was agreed upon some years ago by a number of leading shippers, in accordance with which competition among themselves was suppressed, and a fixed price was to be given for all cocoa. This action was doubtless taken in order to prevent ruinous competition, but had the effect of checking improvement in the quality, as no encouragement was given to the planter to prepare the cocoa with greater care. The few shippers who did not join in this “combine” were enabled to obtain the better qualities at a very slightly enhanced price. In 1906 the general quality of Gold Coast cocoa had so deteriorated that the merchants were asked by the Government for their assistance to improve it. This led to an inquiry which revealed the state of affairs mentioned above. The obvious remedy of paying a price according to quality did not find favour with the combine, who appear to have argued that it would not profit them to pay a higher price for the small variable lots of improved produce which might result. It was stated by some of the local merchants in Accra that Gold Coast cocoa was generally suitable for sale in certain European markets, where it was adapted for the manufacture of a cheap form of sweetmeat, and that, if the quality were improved and the price raised in consequence, damage would be done to a new and rapidly growing trade. The merchants ultimately agreed to endeavour to improve the standard of quality, and it was arranged that all the cocoa brought in to the markets at Aimensa and Dodowa should be graded, with a view to regulating the price according to grade. This plan fell through at the last moment, as a test sample of picked cocoa was said to have been priced at only 1s. 6d. per cwt. over ordinary “Accra” in the European market. The fall in the value of the residue was said to be uncompensated for by the small increase mentioned.

Improvement of Quality.—Inquiries conducted by the Imperial Institute pointed to the fact that well-prepared Gold Coast cocoa could obtain high prices in Europe. In 1907 a consignment was sent to the Imperial Institute for examination and report, and proved to be of good quality, and when subsequently sold, it obtained a high price. This established confidence with regard to the possibility of fine grades being prepared in the country. During this year, owing to the action of the Fernando Po and San Thomé growers, in withholding their crop, a greater demand was created for Gold Coast cocoa, and the advent of large buyers, working outside the “combine,” forced the local price to a high figure. This did not assist in the improvement of the quality, as the competition induced native buying agents to buy the produce in almost any form, in consequence of which large quantities of imperfectly dried stuff were obtained. On the market becoming steadier, many of the more intelligent natives realised the advantage of careful preparation, to which they are now turning their attention.

Towards this latter result Messrs. Cadbury Bros., Ltd., rendered great assistance. This firm sent representatives into the country, who proved to the natives that they were willing to pay an enhanced price for cocoa prepared in a manner suitable for their requirements. A fair amount of cocoa was purchased by them, and demonstrations were made in some places with regard to the proper mode of fermentation. In addition to this a number of seedlings of the Criollo variety were given to the Agricultural Department for experimental work at the Aburi Botanic Station.

The Forastero-amelonado variety, a hardy but commercially inferior kind, has been mainly employed in plantations, and experiments have been carried on for some years at Aburi with Pentagona, Caracas and Cundeamor besides Criollo mentioned above. Such good results were obtained with Cundeamor that, in 1913, keen competition was aroused among planters to obtain seed. The years 1913 and 1914 are said to have shown an improvement in the quality of the cocoa produced. The attention of the Agricultural Department has been given to the general instruction of the natives in improved methods of cultivation and preparation, both by means of lectures and demonstrations at the Botanic Stations and by the issue of pamphlets in English and the Twi language. There was at first an insufficient staff for instruction to be given except at the Botanic Stations, and only those growers who lived in the vicinity were able to obtain benefit from it. After holding several conferences with chiefs and planters in the cocoa districts it became evident that the appointment of European Travelling Instructors was necessary, and following this the Government detailed certain officers for the work; the object being that they should occupy a large portion of their time in travelling through the country in order to give personal instruction to the natives in correct methods of treating cocoa and other agricultural products. Persons selected by chiefs are now trained to act as instructors in planting in their own native towns.

The preparation of a large quantity of cocoa of even quality is so greatly dependent upon the similarity of the treatment and conditions at a time when the material is undergoing fermentation and drying, that it is almost imperative that a large quantity should be prepared at one operation. This is an important consideration in British West Africa, where native plantations range in size from a few trees to about five acres in extent, the average being perhaps about a hundred trees, or, roughly, one-tenth of an acre. The production of each plantation is at present prepared independently, and the result of one picking of pods, if all mature, is often quite inadequate to yield sufficient for fermentation purposes, it being recognised that a few hundredweights of beans in their pulp are necessary for the satisfactory accomplishment of the operation. The same difficulty has presented itself in the West Indies with regard to the crops picked by owners of small plantations, and arrangements are usually made by some larger concern in the neighbourhood to purchase the pods from them. The establishment of central fermenting and drying houses, controlled by the shippers themselves, would perhaps get over the difficulty on the Gold Coast and result in a superior class of cocoa being produced. The planters would doubtless consent to sell their pods, instead of performing the laborious work of preparation themselves, and would probably be able to extend the size of their individual plantations, which, by reason of their inability to prepare more cocoa, single-handed, they have been unable, hitherto, to do. The efforts of the Administration to improve the preparation have been somewhat handicapped by the system employed by some merchants of securing the crop for themselves, by money advances, with but little regard to its preparation, and of pooling the produce.

Cocoa planting has revolutionised the native system of land titles. Where only annual crops were under consideration, a short, temporary occupation with subsequent reversion to tribal ownership seemed an adequate provision, but with the establishment of permanent cocoa plantations the planter claimed perpetual and undivided proprietorship.

Further information regarding Gold Coast cocoa will be found in the Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, 1907, p. 361; 1912, pp. 240, 556; 1913, p. 154; 1914, p. 387; 1915, pp. 149, 645; 1916, p. 123; 1917, p. 117; 1919, pp. 49, 102; and Johnson’s Cocoa, 1912.

Exports of Cocoa.—The exports of cocoa from 1900 to 1919 are as follows:

RUBBER. Indigenous Species.—The most important source of rubber in the Gold Coast and Ashanti is the indigenous tree locally called “Ofruntum”; a comparatively small amount is also derived from some of the vines belonging to the same Natural Order, and from one or more of the wild trees of the Ficus Order.

Reports on the quality and commercial value of some of the principal kinds of rubber obtained in the Gold Coast are published in the Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, vol. v. (1907), p. 248.

Botanical Position of the “Ofruntum” Tree.—The “Ofruntum,” or African rubber, is botanically placed in the Natural Order Apocynaceæ, under the specific name of Funtumia elastica, Stapf. Until recently it was referred to as Kicksia africana, Benth. and others (a genus which is not known to occur in West Africa), and it was also confused with a very nearly allied species, occurring in the same localities, and now known as Funtumia africana, Stapf. Owing to the great similarity which these species of Funtumia bear to one another, it is important that the differences between them should be recognised, F. africana not furnishing any but very inferior rubber. The most reliable method of testing the species which produces rubber, is by rubbing a small quantity of latex between the finger and thumb, when small particles of rubber should be quickly formed, the latex of F. africana becoming only a sticky mass under the operation. The leaf of F. elastica can usually be recognised by the presence of a small pit at the origin of each secondary nerve or vein on the under-surface, which feature is not characteristic of the leaf of F. africana, although recently individual trees have been found exhibiting this peculiarity. The flower bud of F. elastica is typically much shorter than that of F. africana, and the double seed pod of the former species is shorter and more blunt than that of the latter.

Distribution of F. elastica.—The Funtumia rubber tree occurs in a wild state in the forests throughout the Gold Coast and Ashanti, although it has been nearly exterminated in some parts. It appears to be most plentiful in the dense forest regions of Northern Ashanti.

Native Methods for Preparing.—Funtumia rubber is exported under the names of “Ashanti lump” and “Niggers,” which consist of much adulterated, evil-smelling substances, for which a low price is procurable in comparison with that paid for pure rubber. In certain years the demand for this has been maintained, but the adequate supplies of good rubber from elsewhere, and the rapid expansion of the cocoa industry, have caused a diminution in the export of native-made rubber, which has been replaced to a small extent by plantation rubber.

The wild trees grow from 50 to 100 feet in height, and often have a girth of three feet at four feet from the base; the trunk being commonly without branches for a considerable height. The native ascends the trunk by means of a sling passed round it, to one end of which is a loop which fits over his right thigh and to the other a stirrup in which he keeps his left foot. By moving the rope up the tree the ascent is quickly accomplished, and when stationary, both hands are left free. The climber carries a gouge, or semi-cylindrically-faced chisel, with which he cuts vertical as well as transverse oblique grooves, forming a rough “herring-bone” pattern, which may be continued for the whole length of the trunk, and even extend on to the main branches. To make the cuts the tool is either used in one hand or is held in the left and driven by blows on the end of the handle, given with the palm of the right hand. The flow of latex commences at once, and is directed down the vertical channel into a calabash placed at the base of the tree, into which the latex is guided by a lip of clay or a chip of wood. The illustration shows a native in Ashanti tapping a tree (Fig. 18). The quantity of latex procured at the one tapping varies; an exceptionally large amount being about two quarts from a large tree. The tree is not tapped again for several months and until the wounds have healed. On the second tapping the same form of cuts is made upon the opposite side of the tree, and the transverse channels often intersect those made previously; besides this, owing to the want of regulation in the depth of the cuts, the inner or cambium layer of the bark may be so damaged that the intersecting cuts may ring the tree and cause death. Few trees probably survive the third or fourth tapping.