As the prices of these merchandise vary considerably, the calculation of their value in West Barbary is omitted.

EXPORTS FROM MOGODOR IN 1805.

IMPORTS TO MOGODOR

During the first seven Months of 1806.

EXPORTS OF BARBARY PRODUCE

From the Port of Mogodor from January 1, to July 31, 1806.

By a careful perusal of the foregoing account of the exports from, and imports into, the port of Mogodor, the commercial reader will be enabled to form an accurate idea of the trade of that place: there are several things exported in such small quantities, that they cannot be reckoned as articles of trade, but rather as samples; but being in the custom-house books, they are given here to make the account complete; they shew the produce of the country, and might, if the trade were duly encouraged and protected, form articles of considerable importance in a commercial view; but, with consuls, who are equally unacquainted with the language of the country, and the manners, politics, and complexion of the court, we must not expect that the British merchant will be sufficiently encouraged to make considerable adventures to West Barbary; and hence one reason why the trade has of late years been in a great degree abandoned by us, and has fallen into the hands of a few Jews, subjects of the Emperor.

The French, aware of the importance of a trade which carries off manufactured goods of all kinds, and furnishes in return raw materials, were induced to attempt an establishment of considerable capital; but the British cruizers in the Mediterranean rendering it almost impossible for their ships to sail to or from Marseilles, have lately obliged them to relinquish their enterprize for the present, though, there can be no doubt, that in the event of a permanent peace, it will be resumed with additional vigour. The same causes have also compelled the other merchants, natives of countries now under the dominion of France, to remain almost entirely inactive, waiting impatiently for some change that may enable them to resume, with some security, their commercial negociations; so that, with the exception of two or three houses, there is, at present, no European establishment of any consequence at Mogodor.

The commerce of Mogodor with America during the years 1804 and 1805, was impeded by a dispute between that country and the Emperor, which however has been amicably adjusted, and the trade is now resumed. Vessels going from Salem, Boston, and other parts of America with East and West India produce to Mogodor, receive, in return, the various articles of Barbary produce; and by this means, the agents of the American merchants established at Mogodor are enabled to undersell us in all East and West India articles.

A close connexion with the empire of Marocco is of the greatest importance to Great Britain both in a political and commercial point of view; for besides the various articles of trade already enumerated, it affords ample supplies of provisions; and if a friendly intercourse between the two nations were firmly established, we should never have any difficulty in victualling not only Gibraltar, but also all our different fleets which cruize in the Mediterranean, and on the northern coast of Africa, a resource, which, in the present state of things, certainly merits the serious attention of this country. The advantages of a trade with this empire must be evident from what has been detailed in the preceding pages, where it will be seen that nearly the whole of the exports to Marocco consists of manufactured goods, and that the returns for these are entirely raw materials, many of which are essentially necessary in our manufactures. That the present trade is so inconsiderable, arises entirely from the little encouragement and support it meets with; for British subjects, finding they had to depend on their own exertions alone, for the protection and safety of the property embarked in this traffic, have, for the most part, abandoned it, and now it is falling into the hands of subjects of Marocco, established in England. This is the more to be regretted, as we have it in our power, by proper representations and a judicious negociation, to supply, through this channel, a great part of the interior of Africa with our superfluous manufactures, while we might receive in return many very valuable and useful articles, such as oil of olives, hides, skins, almonds, gums, wax, silver, and gold, in addition to which may be mentioned oranges and lemons, of which a greater quantity might be procured from two ports[186] in the empire, than is afforded by both Spain and Portugal. The oranges of Tetuan are the finest in the world, and are sold for eight drahims, or about 3s. 6d. per thousand. Those of Marocco, of Terodant, of Fas, of Mequinas, of Rabat, and the adjacent country, are also very good, abundant, and equally cheap; they might be imported from Rabat to England with considerable advantage: but I believe the exportation has lately been prohibited, this fruit being included in the general prohibition to the exportation to Europe of all articles of provision. The season for gathering them for exportation is from November till January.

It may, perhaps, be objected by some, who have experienced difficulties in treating with the Emperor, that he would not, probably, allow fruit to be exported: to this I answer, that it is possible, by proper means, to obtain almost any favour from a Sovereign who is uncontrollable; it is not gold which rules his conduct, though some ingenious persons have imagined that to be the only means of procuring any thing from him: had this been the case, he would not have granted me the privilege of exporting mules to the West Indies at half the duty that another house offered him. In short, nothing is wanting to secure a most extensive and lucrative trade with Marocco, but an established friendship between the two nations, strengthened by a mutual return of good offices and attentions. Indeed the present Emperor, Muley Soliman, may be said to have made overtures of this nature; but from our impolicy, and inattention, added to the ignorance of the proper mode of treating with him, these overtures were neglected.

When we recollect, however, that the envoys to Marocco for the last century, have been men almost wholly unacquainted with the manners, customs, and religious prejudices of the people, and ignorant of their language, we shall cease to be surprised that our connection with that empire has been so limited, and impeded by mutual misunderstanding of each others sentiments, originating, but too often, in deficiency and inaccuracy of interpreters. What expectations can be indulged of terminating successfully negociations with a prince, in conversing with whom some ignorant illiterate interpreter, generally a Jew, and a devoted subject of the Emperor, must be made the confidential servant of the party treating? besides, every one acquainted with the nature of the government, and political principles of the Court of Marocco, is well aware, that, even supposing it possible to procure a Jew, capable of interpreting accurately the English into Arabic, and vice versa, yet there are many expressions necessary for an Envoy to use to the Emperor, which no Jew in the country would dare to utter in the imperial presence on pain of losing his head: the general garrulity of these people, moreover, is such, that they are perhaps unworthy of being entrusted with any secret wherein the interest of a nation is concerned. Of this the Emperor himself is convinced, as was also his father, who frequently, during his reign, expressed his regret to Mr. A. Layton, that no English consul could be found, capable of holding direct intercourse with him. The weakness and instability of our treaties are generally in proportion to the weakness and inaccuracy of the interpreter, their force and meaning being often frittered away by the misplacing of a word through his indecision or fear; and possessing, probably, but a slight knowledge of the style of writing, he is obliged to have the treaty read by a Moor, and explained according to his own manner, in the vulgar Arabic, or Moorish language, which alone is sufficient, without any additional cause, to do away the force and intent of any document, possessing that energy of expression for which the Arabic language is so remarkable. Suppose we were negociating a peace with France, what would be the probable result if there were no person attached to our embassy but a French subject, who understood the French and English languages sufficiently to convey the aggregate only, but not the precise sense of the stipulations? we should certainly have but little expectation of success under such circumstances, and should probably be worse off than if no treaty had been concluded, so easy would it be to give a turn to any clause, the force and point of which was not distinctly ascertained. This has been literally our case with Marocco: treaties have been made without being understood, or even translated, till many months after the conclusion of them; how then can we expect to acquire influence or consideration at a court, where a man who does not speak the Arabic is considered as an illiterate barbarian (ajemmie m’dollem), and is treated accordingly? The Emperor has frequently expressed a wish to communicate with our Sovereign, but the publicity to which his sentiments must be exposed in the present routine of British diplomacy, deters him from it, and restricts or diminishes the intercourse between the two countries.[187]

By way of shewing the extreme disadvantages under which our negotiations are carried on with the Barbary powers, I will relate a circumstance which happened during the last embassy to Marocco; I do not mean to say any thing prejudicial to Mr. Matra, who conducted that embassy; he was a man of capacity, and understood the nature of the court, as well as a long residence in the country, without a knowledge of the language, could enable him: he was attended by a Jewish interpreter, a subject of Marocco, who was required by the Emperor to wear the dress of his tribe,[188] but being in the suite of the Ambassador, and his interpreter, Mr. Matra repeated his injunction to the Emperor, alleging, that as he was in his immediate service, he was, and ought to be considered as, a British subject, and therefore entitled to wear the dress which the Jews of Great Britain wore: this argument was admitted by the Emperor, and the Jew was accordingly permitted to appear before him in the English dress. This was certainly a point gained by the Ambassador, and might have been the prelude to more considerable concessions, had it been judiciously followed up; indeed, the Emperor was desirous to temporise with the English, and treated the Ambassador and his suite in a better style than he had done any former one, and, as I was credibly informed, even permitted Mr. Matra to sit down by him, an honour never before conferred on any but a prince. Much affability and politeness of this kind was terminated by a long treaty of peace and amity, written in Arabic, but which unluckily nobody in the Ambassador’s suite could properly understand, except by circuitous and inaccurate explanation by a Moor to the Jew interpreter, and then from him to the consul; the latter, however, being dissatisfied with it, was persuaded to entrust it to a Spanish student, who, instead of giving an accurate translation to the Ambassador, sent one, as it was reported, to Madrid, kept the paper a month, and then returned it to Mr. Matra, so that the whole treaty was known at Madrid before it was known at London, or even by the Ambassador himself at Tangier! and in this manner, I am sorry to say, are our affairs conducted at Marocco. In short, I am well persuaded, that so long as gentlemen are sent to the Barbary powers as ambassadors or consuls, and remain there four or five years before they can make themselves sufficiently acquainted with the complection of the Mohammedan courts and intrigues, not to say the language, which but very few are at all likely ever to acquire sufficiently to hold colloquial intercourse at Court: we must not expect to gain any considerable commercial or political advantages with these countries.

It may also be necessary here to observe, that there are various expressions, not considered indelicate, among Europeans, which ought not to be used before the Ceed, or Emperor, by any one who is desirous to negociate advantageously. I have known a negociation totally frustrated by one trifling, or incautious expression. Accuracy of pronunciation, and refinement of expression, added to easy and affable manners, and a good person, would be attended with incalculable advantages in negociations at this court, the language, as well as the manners and customs of which, although fixed and regulated by invariable rules, are unknown and unattended to by the nations of Europe, at least by those of the North: and this I conceive to be one of the reasons why a negociation with the Court of Marocco seldom or ever terminates advantageously to the European negociator.

In treaties of peace between any European power and the Sultan of Marocco, one of the clauses always affects to protect the subject: so in the English treaties, if an Englishman residing in the empire commit any misdemeanor, he is not to be judged by the Mohammedan law, but by that of his own country, and is to be delivered up to the Consul until satisfaction be given; From the supineness of Consuls, however, this clause, as well as many others, has been often disregarded, and the wording altogether misunderstood or misconstrued.

As various reports have gone abroad relative to the affair of Mr. A. Layton, a British merchant at Mogodor, having had his teeth pulled out by order of the Emperor, it may be interesting to set that transaction in its true light.

Mr. A. Layton was the chief partner in a house of considerable capital and respectability; the other partners were Frenchmen, who having had official notice given them, that as the King of France had broken off all connection with Marocco, the French merchants should quit the country, or seek some other protection; accordingly, the affairs of this House being extended in the country, various impediments rose against their quitting their establishment suddenly; they proposed therefore to take Mr. A. Layton as a partner under the firm of A. Layton and Co. making it by this stratagem an English house. One afternoon the three partners, A. Layton, Secard, and Barré, together with a clerk, went out on horseback with some greyhounds belonging to the former; and in returning towards Mogodor, one of the dogs attacked a calf belonging to a neighbouring village; a Shelluh, who was the owner of the calf, shot the dog; on this a fray ensued, and the village was soon in an uproar; in the scuffle some Shelluh women were seen to throw stones, and Mr. Barré was considerably bruised: Layton also received and gave several blows. The party returned to Mogodor, when Layton immediately made a complaint to the Governor, who promised him justice should be done, and accordingly sent for the parties, who on their part insisted on justice being done to them, alleging, that a woman had had two of her teeth knocked out by Layton, and called out in the name of God and the Prophet for justice from the Emperor himself: this appeal obliged the Governor to write to the Emperor, and the parties were ordered up to Marocco: witnesses having been brought against Layton, who declared that he had knocked the woman’s teeth out with the thick end of his whip, the Emperor was compelled to order two of his teeth to be pulled out as a satisfaction to the lady for the loss of her’s: his Majesty, however, did not appear disposed to put the sentence into execution, but the people, who had assembled in immense numbers on this extraordinary occasion, exclaimed loudly for retaliation;[189] when the tooth drawer approached, Layton requested that he might have two of his back teeth taken out, in lieu of two of his front teeth, which request the Emperor granted. His Majesty was pleased with the courage with which Layton suffered the operation, and apologized to him the next day, and it was intimated, that he would not have allowed the sentence of the law to have been executed, had it not been necessary to allay the fury of the people; he then desired him to ask any favour, and he would grant it; Layton accordingly requested permission to load a cargo of wheat, which was granted, and, I believe, free of duty; he afterwards conferred on him similar favours, and wished so much to have him appointed British Consul, that he offered to request his Majesty to appoint him, but this Layton declined; the Emperor, however, often repeated to him this wish, alleging the advantages of negotiating with a person who could converse with him in his own language, and promising, in case of his accepting the appointment, to grant every favour that England should ask of him. Whether Layton felt himself not sufficiently supported by his country, after this personal outrage, or what other reason he had to refuse the repeated overtures of Seedy Mohammed, is not for me here to declare. Some general remonstrance was made by all the European Consuls collectively respecting this affair, and the Emperor, it appeared, would have made proper apology to the British Consul had it been demanded with energy and resolution; the influence of Great Britain suffered by not supporting her subject, and ever since this transaction, encroachments have been making on the privileges of Europeans, insomuch, that it is now a remark at the Court of Marocco, that, “If the European nations will not protect their own subjects, how can they expect that we should protect them? The Consuls at Tangier are of no use but to determine disputes of captures amongst the belligerent powers of Europe, which we do not understand, nor wish to interfere in, and if they refuse to adjust these matters they may all leave the country, they are of no further service to us.”[190]

CHAPTER XII.

That part of the coast, which lies between the above-mentioned latitudes, is a desert country interspersed with immense hills of loose and moveable sand, which are from time to time driven by the wind into various forms, and so impregnate the air with particles of sand for many miles out at sea, as to give to the atmosphere an appearance of hazy weather: navigators not aware of this circumstance, never suspect, during such appearances, that they are near land until they discover the breakers on the coast, which is so extremely flat, that one may walk a mile into the sea without being over the knees, so that ships strike when at a very considerable distance from the low-water mark; added to this, there is a current, which sets in from the west toward Africa, with inconceivable force and rapidity, with which the navigator being too often unacquainted, he loses his reckoning, and in the course of a night, perhaps, when he expects to clear the African coast in his passage southward, he is alarmed with the appearance of shoal water, and before he has time to recover himself, finds his ship aground, on a desert shore, where neither habitation nor human being is to be seen. In this state his fears are soon encreased by a persuasion that he must either perish in fighting a horde of wild Arabs, or submit to become their captive; for soon after a ship strikes, some wandering Arabs strolling from their respective duars in the Desert, perceive the masts from the sand hills; and without coming to the shore, repair to their hordes perhaps 30 or 40 miles off, to apprise them of the wreck; when they immediately assemble, arming themselves with daggers, guns, and cudgels. Sometimes two or three days or more elapse before they make their appearance on the coast, where they await the usual alternative of the crew either delivering themselves up to them, rather than perish with hunger, or throwing themselves into the sea. When the former takes place, quarrels frequently ensue among the Arabs, about the possession of the sailors, disputing for the captain or mate because he is better dressed, or discovers himself to them in some other way, and because they expect a larger ransom for him. They afterwards go in boats, and take every thing portable from the vessel, and then if the sea do not dash it to pieces, set fire to it, in order that it may not serve as a warning to the crews of other ships, and thereby save them from a similar misfortune.[191] Sometimes, in these wrecks, the poor seamen perceiving what savages they have to contend with, (though they are far from being so savage and inhospitable as their appearance indicates) determine on making resistance, and by means of cannon, small arms, &c. maintain a temporary defence, until a few falling from the superiority of numbers, they at length yield, and deliver themselves up.

Vessels bound to Senegal, the coast of Guinea, Sierra Leone, the Cape de Verde Islands, should vigilantly watch the currents that invariably set in from the west towards this deceitful coast, which has in times past and now continues to enveigle ships to destruction. A flat hazy coast difficult to be perceived at a distance is the bane of navigators, who too often terminate their hard fate on this coast, it is impossible sufficiently to impress on the minds of our valuable mariners the dangers of this coast, and their subsequent sufferings; sufferings which no tongue can utter, no pen can accurately describe.

About three leagues from this flat shore off Wedinoon, or the river Akassa, a bank of sand near the level of the water extends southward towards Cape Bojador, extremely dangerous to approach; moreover, I have reason to believe, that this coast is laid down too far to the eastward in all our maps.

The Arabs going nearly in a state of nature, wearing nothing but a cloth or rag to cover their nakedness, immediately strip their unhappy victims, and march them up the country barefooted, like themselves. The feet of Europeans, from their not being accustomed, like the Arabs, to this mode of travelling, soon begin to swell with the heat of the burning sand over which they pass; the Arab considering only his booty, does not give himself the trouble to enquire into the cause of this, but abstemious and unexhausted himself, he conceives his unfortunate captive will, by dint of fatigue and travelling, become so too. In these marches the Europeans suffer the pains of fatigue and hunger in a most dreadful degree; for the Arab will go 50 miles a day without tasting food, and at night will content himself with a little barley meal mixed with cold water: miserable fare for an English seaman, who (to use the term that is applied to the richest men among the Arabs) eats meat every day.

They carry the Christian captives about the Desert, to the different markets to sell them, for they very soon discover that their habits of life render them altogether unserviceable, or very inferior to the black slaves, which they procure from Timbuctoo. After travelling three days to one market, five to another, nay sometimes fourteen, they at length become objects of commercial speculation, and the itinerant Jew traders, who wander about from Wedinoon to sell their wares, find means to barter for them tobacco, salt, a cloth garment, or any other thing, just as a combination of circumstances may offer, and then return to Wedinoon with the purchase. If the Jew have a correspondent at Mogodor, he writes to him, that a ship had been wrecked, mentioning the flag or nation she belonged to, and requests him to inform the agent, or consul, of the nation of which the captain is a subject; in the mean time flattering the poor men, that they will shortly be liberated and sent to Mogodor, where they will meet their countrymen: a long and tedious servitude, however, generally follows, for want of a regular fund at Mogodor for the redemption of these people. The agent can do nothing but write to the consul-general at Tangier; this takes up nearly a month, before an answer is received, and the merchants at Mogodor being so little protected by their respective governments, and having various immediate uses for their money, are very unwilling to advance it for the European interest of five per cent.: so that the time lost in writing to the government of the country to whom the unfortunate captives belong, the necessity of procuring the money for their purchase previous to their emancipation, and various other circumstances, form impediments to their liberation. Sometimes, after being exchanged several times from one owner to another, they find themselves in the inmost recesses of the desert, their patience is exhausted, the tardiness and supineness of diplomacy effaces all hope, and after producing despondency, they are at length, under promises of good treatment, induced to abjure Christianity, and accordingly become Mooselmin; after which their fate is sealed, and they terminate their miserable existence, rendered insupportable by a chain of calamities, in the Desert, to the disgrace of Christendom, and the nation under whose colours they navigated. If the interest of the munificent bequest of Mr. Thomas Betton, (who himself experienced during his life the calamity of bondage in Barbary), which now amounts, at simple interest, to 55,900l., had been appropriated, agreeably to the spirit of his will,[192] to the alleviation of the dreadful sufferings; to shortening the duration of captivity; to establishing (with the Emperor of Marocco’s consent) a respectable resident agent, who, to a knowledge of the country, people, and language, added such a philanthropic disposition, as would induce him to exert his utmost energies towards the emancipation of these poor unfortunate men, and direct his time and attention exclusively to this charitable and laudable object, how many an unfortunate Englishman would have been delivered from bondage? how many of our valuable countrymen would have returned to their families and connections? how many valuable sailors would be navigating on the ocean, who, dreadful to relate, are now bereft of all hope of ever again seeing their native land, and are dragging out a miserable existence in the interior of the wild, uncouth African Desert? It is true, that a competent agent would, with difficulty, be found; the inducements of African commerce have not led many of our countrymen to exile themselves from civilized society, to pass their days in regions like these; but where remuneration is offered adequate to the sacrifice, an efficient agent might probably be procured, whose philanthropic soul, glowing with the anticipation of relieving so many useful members of society; of being instrumental in alleviating the hard sufferings of so many fellow creatures, would exult in self-satisfaction, and would experience, in the accomplishment of this great and national object, pleasures