[230] 'Illud enim, propitiante Deo, labores nostros asserit quod se otiosam generalitas esse cognoscit.'

[231] 'Quapropter illustris magnitudo vestra praesenti jussione commonita, patrocinium partis Prasini, quod gloriosae recordationis pater noster impendit, dignanter assumat.' This passage probably alludes to Theodoric's adoption by Zeno. But one reading is 'pater vester.'

[232] See for the office of the Sajo, note on ii. 13.

[233] I presume that 'portum Lucini' is an error for the Lucrine harbour; but there is an allusion which I do not understand in the following passage: 'Simul etiam portubus junctis, qui ad illa loca antiquitus pertinebant, et nunc diversorum usurpatione suggeruntur invasi?'

[234] This is evidently the writer's father.

[235] 'Onera indictorum titulorum.'

[236] 'Tributa sunt purpurae, non lacernae.'

[237] See i. 23, from which it appears that these two men had special jurisdiction in cases affecting Patricians.

[238] See Letter i. 20.

[239] Ibid.

[240] 'Expensae publicae' perhaps = curatores annonae.

[241] For a fuller translation of this marvellous letter, see Introd. p. 18.

[242] See remarks on this letter in Dahn, Könige der Germanen iv. 147-8. Some MSS. read Coion or Goinon, as the name of the Senator to whom it is addressed.

[243] 'Quae circa referendos curiae priscus ordo designavit.'

[244] Either 509-510 or 524-525; more probably the former.

[245] An unintelligible translation doubtless, but is the original clearer? 'Burgundionum dominus a nobis magnopere postulavit ut horologium quod aquis sub modulo fluentibus temperatur et quod solis immensi comprehensa illuminatione distinguitur ... ei transmittere deberemus.' It is pretty clear that the first request of the Burgundian King was for a clepsydra of some kind. The second must be for some kind of sundial, but the description is very obscure.

[246] Evidently 'sic enim Atheniensium scholas longe positus introisti' does not mean that Boethius actually visited Athens, but that he became thoroughly at home in the works of Athenian philosophers.

[247] 'Portamque dierum tali nomine dicatus annus, tempos introeat.' The figure here used seems borrowed from Claudian, In Primum Cons. Stilichonis ii. 425-476.

[248] 'Cum soli genitalis fortunâ relictâ, velut quodam postliminio in antiquam patriam commeasses.'

[249] 'Ubi praeconium meretur effusio.'

[250] 'Illud Humani generis procreabile Sacramentum.'

[251] 'Foemina spectabilis.'

[252] 'Retentatores.' So the Gepid Prince is called the Retentator of Sirmium (Ennodius, Panegyric. Theod. 178. Ed. Migne).

[253] The Sajo was an officer, not of very high rank, apparently always of Gothic nationality, who was charged with executing the King's mandates. Perhaps our word 'henchman' would be the best translation of his title. His conventional attribute was 'devotio.' See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 181-186, and my 'Italy and her Invaders' iii. 282-284.

[254] Quaere if named from the last Emperor.

[255] 'Quam etiam ferocitas gentilis expavit.'

[256] Cf. iii. 9 for a similar heading.

[257] 'Quod si eos vel ad honores transire jura vetuerunt, quam videtur esse contrarium, Curialem Reipublicae, amissâ turpiter libertate, servire? et usque ad conditionem pervenisse postremam quem vocavit antiquitas Minorem Senatum.'

[258] 'Cum jam in soli faciem paulatim mollities siccata duresceret, celatamque longâ voracitate tellurem sol insuetus afflaret.' I cannot understand these words. I suppose there was a hard cake of clay left when the water was drained off, which was baked by the sun, and that there should have been further digging to work through this stratum and get at the good soil beneath; but the wording is not very clear.

[259] 'Primae transmissionis tempus.'

[260] See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 153 and 112, n. 5.

[261] Here follows a sentence which I am unable to translate: 'Superbia deinde conductorum canonicos solidos non ordine traditos, sed sub iniquo pondere imminentibus fuisse projectos nec universam siliquam quam reddere consueverant solemniter intulisse.' I think the meaning is, that the stewards of the Senators (conductores) arrogantly refused to allow the money paid to the tax-collectors (canonici solidi) to be tested, as in ordinary course it should have been, to see if it was of full weight. The 'imminentes' are, I think, the tax-collectors. I cannot at all understand the clause about 'universam siliquam.'

[262] This appears to have been a tax levied on all traders, otherwise known as the Chrysargyron. See Cod. Theod. xiii. 1. Aurarii is therefore equivalent to Licensed Traders.

[263] Are we to understand by this expression the Officium of the Praetorian Praefect?

[264] Curial obligations.

[265] 'Fixum tenuisti militiae probatae vestigium. Spectabilitatis honorem, quem militiae sudore detersis justa deputavit antiquitas praesenti tibi auctoritate conferimus ut laboris tui tandem finitas excubias ... intelligas ... Tibique utpote militiae munere persoluto.' The term 'militia' is employed here, as in the Codes, of 'service in a bureau.'

[266] 'Quia Regnantes est gloria, subjectorum otiosa tranquillitas.'

[267] For Eustorgius, cf. Letter i. 9.

[268] Auraria pensio. See note on ii. 26.

[269] 'Ad exhibitionem thermarum supra consuetudinem.'

[270] απονος.

[271] I think this is Cassiodorus' meaning, but his language is obscure.

[272] Cf. Milton:

[273] 'Bene quidem arbitrati, si causam celestis beatitudinis non in sonis sed in Creatore possuissent; ubi veraciter sine fine gaudium est, sine aliquo taedio manens semper aeternitas: et inspectio sola Divinitatis efficit, ut beatius esse nil possit. Haec veraciter perennitatem praestat: haec jucunditates accumulat; et sicut praeter ipsam creatura non extat, ita sine ipsâ incommutabilem laetitiam habere non praevalet.'

[274] There are two allusions to the relationship between the Kings: 'vestrae virtutis affinitate' (line 1), and 'ad parentum vestrorum defensionem confugisse' (line 10).

[275] 'Quamvis Attilam potentem reminiscamini Visigothorum viribus inclinatum.'

[276] Compare the state of Europe during the wars of the French Revolution, as expressed by Tennyson:

[277] 'Et leges gentium quaerat.' But how was the law of nations to be enforced?

[278] Notice the use of the word modernus here, a post-classical word, which apparently occurs first in Cassiodorus.

[279] 'Origo ipsa jam gloria est: laus nobilitati connascitur. Idem vobis est dignitatis, quod vitae principium. Senatus enim honor amplissimus vobiscum gignitur, ad quem vix maturis aetatibus pervenitur.'

[280] 'Et quot edidit familiae juvenes, tot reddidit curiae consulares.'

[281] iii. 145, n. 4.

[282] Note these three classes; as also in ii. 17.

[283] I have not been able to identify this place.

[284] 'Moderna sine priorum imminutione desideramus erigere.'

[285] 'Platonias.' This, which is the spelling found in Nivellius' edition, seems to be a more correct form than the 'platomas' of Garet. Ducange, who has a long article on the subject, refers the word to the Greek πλατυνιον.

[286] Possibly the columns in S. Apollinare Deutro may have been some of those here mentioned.

[287] 'Catabulenses,' or 'Catabolenses'—freighters, contractors, who effected the transport of heavy goods by means of draught-horses and mules.

[288] Tillemont understands this of the times of Odovacar, vi. 438.

[289] This is no doubt the nephew of Theodoric.

[290] 'Vicarius Praefectorum.' Vicar of what Praefects? Why the plural number? Had Theodoric a titular Praefect of the Gauls, to whom this Vicarius was theoretically subject while practically obeying the Praefect of Italy? Or, to prevent bickerings, did he give the 'Praefectus Italiae' and the 'Praefectus Urbis' conjoint authority over the new conquests? There is some mystery here which would be worth explaining.

[291] 'Consuetudines abominanter inolitas.' Fornerius thinks this means 'all extortionate taxes.' Compare the English use of the word 'customs.'

[292] 'Cur ad monomachiam recurritis, qui venalem judicem non habetis?'

[293] 'Aut unde pax quaeritur si sub civilitate pugnetur.'

[294] Father of the writer.

[295] There is an obscure sentence in this letter: 'Hinc omnibus factus notior, quia multi te positum in potestate nesciunt.' Possibly the meaning is that the elder Cassiodorus used his power so little for his own private aggrandisement, that many people did not even know that he possessed it.

[296] This letter is well illustrated by an inscription of the time of Severus Alexander, found at Great Chesters in Northumberland, and recording the repair of 'horreum vetustate conlabsum.' The words of Cassiodorus are 'horrea longi temporis vetustate destructa.'

[297] 'Per ingentia ligna decurrere.' Fornerius proposes to read 'stagna.'

[298] 'Si vero aliquid modernâ praesumptione tentatum est.' (Again 'modernus.')

[299] Possibly Referendi is the same as Referendarii. See Var. vi. 17.

[300] 'Causae sacerdotum a sacerdotibus debent terminari.'

[301] Probably a Gothic officer.

[302] See Letters iii. 16 and 32.

[303] 'In sacratissimâ urbe.'

[304] The double 'r' seems to be the correct spelling, though the MSS. of the Variarum apparently have the single 'r.'

[305] 'Milites ad Verrucam illum—sic enim M. Cato locum editum asperumque appellat—ire jubeas' (Gell. 3. 7. 6). Verruca therefore means primarily a steep cliff, and only secondarily a wart. See White and Biddell, s.v.

[306] 'Agger sine pugna.'

[307] 'Obsessio secura.'

[308] 'Tenens claustra provinciae.'

[309] 'Nostri sedes delegit fovere Imperii.'

[310] The Ostia are denoted by A and the Hermulae by H in the accompanying plan. (See page 230.)

[311] 'Ut quadrigis progredientibus, inde certamen oriretur: ne dum semper propere conantur elidere, spectandi voluptatem viderentur populis abrogare.' In fact, to compel the charioteers to start fair.

[312] Each sign of the Zodiac was considered to have three decani, occurring at intervals of ten days.

[313] 'Unde illuc delphini aequorei aquas interfluunt.' The sentence is very obscure, but the allusion must be to the dolphins, the figures of which were placed upon the spina.

[314] 'Obeliscorum quoque prolixitates ad coeli altitudinem sublevantur: sed potior soli, inferior lunae dicatus est: ubi sacra priscorum Chaldaicis signis, quasi litteris indicantur.'

[315] I can extract no other meaning than the above from this extraordinary sentence: 'Circenses, quasi circu-enses: propterea quod apud antiquitatem rudem, quae necdum spectacula in ornatum deduxerat fabricarum, inter enses et flumina locis virentibus agerentur.'

[316] Missibus. In a previous sentence Cassiodorus makes the acc. plural missos.

[317] The number of times that the charioteers had rounded the goal was indicated by large wooden eggs, which were posted up in a conspicuous place on the spina. It seems that in a corresponding place near the other end of the spina figures of dolphins were used for the same purpose. Upon the Cilurnum gem (figured on page 231) we can perceive four eggs near one end of the spina, and four creatures which may be dolphins near the other, indicating that four circuits out of the seven which constitute a missus have been accomplished by the quadrigae.

[318] Alluding probably to the story of Castor and Pollux.

[319] 'Et ideo datur intelligi, volitantes atque inconstantissimos inde mores nasci, quos avium matribus aptaverunt.' Ovium would seem to give a better sense than avium.

[320] 'Casarum.' Casa is evidently no longer a cottage; perhaps the estate attached to a villa. There is probably still a flavour of rusticity about it.

[321] 'Votiva inundatione.'

[322] An excellent description of an antiquary walking along a Roman 'Limes Imperii.'

[323] 'Apud Graecos ille.' Cassiodorus has left the name blank, and has either forgotten or been unable to fill it up; like the 'ille et ille' in his State documents.

[324] 'Nunc etiam longius claritate Imperialis sanguinis fulgeatis.'

[325] Notice the strong expression, 'Et ideo more gentium et conditione virili filium te praesenti munere procreamus.'

[326] 'Damus quidem tibi equos, enses clypeos, et reliqua instrumenta bellorum, sed quae sunt omnimodis fortiora, largimur tibi nostra judicia.'

[327] In 512, says Marcellinus Comes, 'Gens Erulorum in terras atque civitates Romanorum jussu Anastasii Caesaris introducta.' But what relation that entry of the Heruli into Roman territory may bear to this letter is a very difficult question. See Dahn, Könige der Germanen ii. 8, n. 2.

[328] Same expression as in preceding letter.

[329] 'Subiisti saepe arduae legationis officium. Restitisti regibus non impar assertor, coactus justitiam nostram et illis ostendere, qui rationem vix poterant cruda obstinatione sentire. Non te terruit contentionibus inflammata regalis auctoritas,' etc.

[330] 'Usus es sub exceptionis officio eloquentis ingenio.' 'Exceptio' is a law term, the defendant's answer to the plaintiff's bill; but is it so used here?

[331] Again we have 'exceptiones' mentioned (see preceding letter). 'Nunc ad colloquia dignus, nunc ad exceptiones aptissimus, frequenter etiam in legationis honorem electus.'

[332] Probably this epithet means that Amabilis was a Sajo.

[333] 'Non ergo sibi putet impositum quod debuit esse votivum. Nulli sit ingrata Roma, quae dici non potest aliena. Illa eloquentiae foecunda mater, illa virtutum omnium latissimum templum.'

[334] Cf. the very similar letter, i. 39.

[335] 'Prosecutores frumentorum.' It would seem that these are not merchants supplying the famine-stricken Provinces of Gaul as a private speculation (according to iv. 5), but public officers who have had certain cargoes of corn entrusted to them from the State magazines, and who, but for this letter, would be bound to make good the loss suffered under their management.

[336] Where is this?

[337] 'Omni incivilitate submotâ.'

[338] 'Necessitas moderamen non diligit.'

[339] 'Gothi per Picenum sive Thuscias utrasque residentes.' What are the two Thusciae?

[340] 'Debitas functiones.'

[341] 'Si quis ergo jussa nostra agresti spiritu resupinatus abjecerit, casas ejus appositis titulis fisci nostri juribus vindicabis; ut qui juste noluit parva solvere, rationabiliter videatur maxima perdidisse.'

[342] 'Scelus enim, quod nos pro sacerdotali honore relinquimus impunitum, majori pondere credimus vindicandum.' The words seem to be purposely vague, but I think they allude to the judgment of Heaven on the offender.

[343] Basilius, the patron of Sidonius, was Consul in 463, and another Basilius, perhaps the father of the accused, was Consul in 480. The person here spoken of may be the same as the Basilius, 'olim regio ministerio depulsus,' whom Boethius (Phil. Cons. i. 4) mentions as one of his accusers; but it seems more likely that in that case this imputation of magical practices would also have been referred to by him. The name Basilius was a somewhat common one at this time.

[344] At the beginning of the first letter occurs the remarkable expression 'Abscedat ritus de medio jam profanus; conticescat poenale murmur animarum,' which the commentator interprets of the ventriloquistic sounds produced by soothsayers. Cf. Milton's Christmas Hymn:

[345] 'Universis Massiliae constitutis.' A curious expression.

[346] The story of this assault is a typical specimen of the style of Cassiodorus, high-flown yet not really pictorial: 'Ita ut ictum gladii in se demersum, aliquatenus postium retardaret objectio: subjecta est vulneri manus, quae ut in totum truncata non caderet, januarum percussa robora praestiterunt: ubi lassato impetu corusca ferri acies corporis extrema perstrinxit.'

[347] Fabricae.

[348] 'Marini relatione comperimus res Tuphae apud Joannem quondam sub emissione chirographi fuisse depositas.'

[349] 'Privilegia debere servari quae Judaicis institutis legum provida decrevit antiquitas.'

[350] 'Quod nos libenter annuimus qui jura veterum ad nostram cupimus reverentiam custodiri.'

[351] How this was to be done is not quite clear, since it is plain that this letter is really and chiefly an order for rifling sepulchres in search of buried treasure.

[352] 'Amali sanguinis virum nos decet vulgare desiderium: quia genus suum conspicit esse purpuratum.'

[353] 'Si momenti tempora suffragantur.' What is the meaning of this limitation?

[354] Can this be the Amphitheatrum Castrense?

[355] 'Levitates quippe seditionum et ambire propriae civitatis incendium, non est velle Romanum.'

[356] It happens that one of the letters addressed to Count Arigern also refers to a Jewish synagogue. See iii. 45.

[357] 'Quod in dominorum caede proruperit servilis audacia: in quibus cum fuisset pro districtione publicâ resecatum, statim plebis inflammata contentio synagogam temerario duxerunt incendio concremandam.' The above is Gregorovius' explanation of the somewhat enigmatical language of Cassiodorus.