The following is Dr. Warre’s translation:—
“Polybius 11, 22.—On this occasion Scipio seems to have employed two stratagems. He observed that Hasdrubal was in the habit of marching out late in the day, of keeping his Libyan troops in the centre, and of posting his elephants in front of each wing. His own custom was to march out at the said hour to oppose him, and to set the Romans in his centre opposite to the Libyans, while he posted his Spanish troops upon his wings. On the day upon which he determined to decide matters he did the reverse of this, and thereby greatly assisted his forces towards gaining a victory, and placed the enemy at no small disadvantage. At daybreak he sent his aides and gave orders to all the tribunes and to the soldiers that they were first to get their breakfast, and then to arm and to parade in front of the ramparts. This was done. The soldiers obeyed eagerly, having an idea of his intention. He sent forward the cavalry and light infantry, giving them joint orders to approach the camp of the enemy, and to skirmish up to it boldly; but he himself took the heavy infantry, and at sunrise advanced, and when he had reached the middle of the plain formed line in just the opposite order to his previous formation. For he proceeded to deploy the Iberians on the centre and the Romans on the flanks.”
“For a while the Romans remained as usual silent, but
after the day had worn, and the light infantry engagement was
indecisive and on equal terms, since those who were hard
pressed retired on their own heavy infantry and (ἐκ μεταβολῆς κινδυνεύειν), after retreating formed again for attack, then it
was that Scipio withdrew his skirmishers through the intervals
of the troops under the standards, and divided them on
either wing in rear of his line, first the velites, and in succession
to them his cavalry, and at first made his advance in
line direct. But when distant (? five) furlongs from the enemy he
directed the Iberians to advance in the same formation, but gave
orders to the wings to turn outwards (to the right wing for the
infantry to turn to their right, and to their left to the left). Then
he himself took from the right and Lucius Marcius and Marcus
Junius from the left the three leading squadrons of cavalry, and
in front of these the usual number of velites, and three cohorts
(for this is the Roman term), but the one body wheeled to the left
and the other to the right, were led in column against the enemy,
advancing at full speed, the troops in succession forming and
following as they wheeled....
(They were in line, and the cavalry and velites got the word turn, left wheel, and the infantry right wheel and forward, i.e. the light troops and cavalry wheeled from their outer flank, and the heavy infantry from their inner flank.)
“And when these troops were not far off the enemy, and the Iberians in the line direct were still a considerable distance behind, as they were advancing slowly, they came in contact with either wing of the enemy, the Roman forces being in column according to his original intention.
“The subsequent movements by which the troops in rear of these columns came into line with those leading were exactly the reverse, generally, in the case of the right and the left wings, and particularly, in case of the light troops and cavalry and the heavy infantry. For the cavalry and velites on the right wing forming to the right into line were trying to outflank the enemy, but the infantry formed on the contrary to the left. On the left wing the cavalry and light infantry left formed into line, and the heavy infantry right formed into line. And so it came to pass that on both wings the cavalry and light troops were in inverted order, i.e. their proper right had become their left. The general took little heed of this, but cared only for that which was of greater importance, the outflanking of the enemy; and rightly so, for while a general ought to know what has happened, he should use the movements that are suitable to the circumstances.”
The date of these voyages of Pytheas is uncertain beyond the fact that they were somewhere in the 4th century B.C. His Periplus, or notes of his voyage, was extant until the 5th century A.D. The fragments remaining have been published by Arvedson, Upsala, 1824. The objection raised by Polybius to the impossibility of a poor man making such voyages is sometimes answered by the supposition that he was sent officially by the Massilian merchants to survey the north of Europe and look out for places suitable for commerce. The northern sea, which he describes as “like a jellyfish through which one can neither walk nor sail,” is referred “to the rotten and spongy ice which sometimes fills those waters.” This is assuming Thule to be Iceland. Tacitus supposed it to be Shetland (Agr. 10), and described the waters there as sluggish, and not subject to the influence of the wind. See Elton (Origins of English History, pp. 73-74). Elton quotes Wallace (Concerning Thule, 31), who comments on Tacitus by saying, “This agrees with the sea in the north-east of Scotland, not for the reason given by Tacitus, but because of the contrary tides, which drive several ways, and stop not only boats with oars but ships under sail.”
Schweighaeuser in his note on this passage quotes Aristotle de Anim. 6, 15, who states that gudgeon thus hide themselves in the earth; and Seneca, Nat. Q., 3, 17 and 19, who refers to the fact piscem posse vivere sub terra et effodi, and quotes an instance as occurring in Caria. See also Livy, 42, 2, who, among other prodigies occurring in B.C. 173, says, in Gallico agro qua induceretur aratrum sub existentibus glebis pisces emersisse dicebantur. Eels and other fish have been found in the mud of ponds long after the ponds have been dried up. The truer account is given in Strabo (4, 1, 6): “There was a lake near Ruscino, and a swampy place a little above the sea, full of salt, and containing mullets (κεστρεῖς), which are dug out; for if a man dig down two or three feet, and drive a trident into the muddy water, he may spear fish which is of considerable size, and which feeds on the mud like the eels.”
1 The port of Brundisium was known long before. See Herod. 4, 99. The Romans colonised the town in B.C. 244. See Livy, epit. 19.
3 Dr. Arnold declares it “all but an impossibility that an army should have marched the distance (not less than 325 Roman miles) in a week.” Livy (26, 42) accepts the statement without question.
4 Mr. Strachan-Davidson explains this to mean from the sea to the lake, as Scipio’s lines would not have extended right round the lake to the other sea.
5 Escombrera (Σκομβραρία). I must refer my readers to Mr. Strachan-Davidson’s appendix on The Site of the Spanish Carthage for a discussion of these details. See above 2, 13; Livy, 26, 42.
6 This seems to be the distinction between the words γερουσία and σύγκλητος. Cp. 36, 4. The latter is the word used by Polybius for the Roman Senate: for the nature of the first see Bosworth Smith, Carthage and the Carthaginians, p. 27. It was usually called “The Hundred.” Mommsen (Hist. of Rome, vol. ii. p. 15) seems to doubt the existence of the larger council: its authority at any rate had been superseded by the oligarchical gerusia.
7 This and the following chapter were formerly assigned to the description of Scipio’s proceedings in Spain and followed, ch. 20. Hultsch, however, seems right in placing them thus, and assigning them to the account of the tactics of Philopoemen.
8 On the margin of one MS. the following is written, which may be a sentence from the same speech, or a comment of the Epitomator: “A confederacy with democratic institutions always stands in need of external support, owing to the fickleness of the multitude.”
10 This goddess is variously called Anaitis (Plut. Artax. 27) and Nanea (2 Macc. 1, 13). And is identified by Plutarch with Artemis, and by others with Aphrodite.
11 This proverb perhaps arose from the frequent employment of the non-Hellenic Carians as mercenaries. Cp. Plato, Laches, 187 B; Euthydemus, 285 B; Euripides, Cyclops, 654.
13 This passage does not occur in the extant treatise of Aeneas; but is apparently referred to (ch. 7, § 4) as being contained in a preparatory treatise (παρασκευαστικὴ βίβλος).
14 The grouping of these letters will be as follows:—
| 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | |
| 1 | α | ζ | λ | π | φ |
| 2 | β | η | μ | ρ | χ |
| 3 | γ | θ | ν | σ | ψ |
| 4 | δ | ι | ξ | τ | ω |
| 5 | ε | κ | ο | υ |
15 Polybius confuses the Tanais (Don) with another Tanais or Iaxartes flowing into the south-east part of the Caspian.
16 King of Bactria, see 11, 34.
17 See Livy, 27, 39.
18 Livy, 27, 44.
19 There is nothing to show positively that a Rhodian is the speaker: but Livy mentions envoys from Rhodes and Ptolemy this year. For the special attempts of the Rhodians to bring about a peace between Philip and the Aetolians, see 5, 24, 100.
20 The “Tarentines” were horsemen armed with light skirmishing javelins. See 4, 77; 16, 18; and cp. Arrian, Tact. 4, § 5; 18, § 2. Livy, 35, 28; 37, 40.
22 The text is certainly corrupt here, and it is not clear what the general sense of the passage is beyond this,—that Philopoemen calculated on defeating the enemy, as he did, while struggling through the dyke: or on their exposing themselves to attack if they retreated from the dyke without crossing it.
23 Or, according to another reading “five stades.” Livy, 28, 14, says quingentos passus.
24 The text is imperfect.
25 Handing it over to L. Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus, Livy, 28, 38.
26 That is the Caucasus Indicus or Paropamisus: mod. Hindú Kúsh.
27 Cp. a similar custom of the Lycians, Herod. 1, 173.
28 He may have been referring to pre-homeric times, cp. Herod. 6, 137, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον σφίσι κω οὐδὲ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Ἕλλησι οἰκέτας.
29 The text is very imperfect here.
30 For this title see on 22, 19. It is found in inscriptions in Thasos, Crete, and Cibyra. C.I.G. 2163, c; 2583; 4380, b.
31 Both Curtius and Arrian seem to have found in their authorities that Darius crossed the Pinarus. Curt. 3, 8; Arrian, 2, 8.
32 Reckoning the stade at 600 feet (Greek).
33 See note to previous chapter.
34 The Cilician gates.
35 That is, sixteen or thirty-two deep.
36 The text here is in hopeless confusion.
37 Homer, who is generally spoken of as “the poet.” We may remember Horace (Ep. 1, 19, 6) Laudibus arguitur vini vinosus Homerus.
38 See 3, 37. The point seems to be that the remark was too commonplace to put into the mouth of a hero.
39 The text is again hopeless.
40 The text is uncertain, and I am not at all sure of the meaning of ἐπ’ ὀνόματος, cp. 25 k, 27. These public harangues of doctors to attract patients are noticed in Xenophon, Memorab. 4, 2, 5.
41 Tyrant of Salamis in Cyprus, B.C. 404-374. See Isocrates, Orat. x.
42 For this proverb see Plutarch, Nicias, ch. 9, ἡδέως μεμνημένοι τοῦ εἰπόντος ὅτι τοὺς ἐν εἰρήνῃ καθεύδοντας οὐ σάλπιγγες ἀλλ’ ἀλεκτρυόνες ἀφυπνίζουσι.
43 Ib. ch. 25.
44 Homer, Il. 5, 890.
45 Homer, Il. 9, 63.
46 Euripides, fr.
47 Battle of the Crimesus. See Plutarch, Timol. ch. 27.
48 He refers to the habit of Eastern nations thrusting their hands into long sleeves in the presence of their rulers. See Xenophon, Hellen. 2, 1, 8.
49 Homer, Odyss. 1, 1-4; 8, 183.
50 Republic, v. 473 C. vi. 499 B.
51 The Rhodians had proclaimed war against the Cretan pirates. Philip had secretly commissioned one of his agents, the Aetolian Dicaearchus, to aid the Cretans. Diodor. fr. xxviii.
52 Heracleides having gained credence at Rhodes by pretending to betray Philip’s intrigue with the Cretans, waited for an opportunity, and, setting fire to their arsenal, escaped in a boat. Polyaen. 5, 17, 2.
53 The text of these last sentences is so corrupt that it is impossible to be sure of having rightly represented the meaning of Polybius.
54 These raids on the territory of Megalopolis, however, did not lead to open war till B.C. 202. See 16, 16.
55 Caepio was commanding in Bruttium, Servilius in Etruria and Liguria. Livy, 30, 1.
56 Sophanisba, the daughter of Hasdrubal son of Gesco. Livy, 29, 23; 30, 12, 15.
57 Some words are lost from the text.
58 παρενέβαλλε, which Schweig. translates castra locavit: but though the word does sometimes bear that meaning, I cannot think that it does so here. Scipio seems to have retained his camp on the hill, only two and a half miles’ distant, and to have come down into the plain to offer battle each of the three days. Hence the imperfect.
60 A civil war, apparently in a rebellion caused by his own feeble and vicious character. It seems to be that referred to in 5, 107.
61 Homer, Iliad, 4, 437.
62 Homer, Iliad, 4, 300.
63 A line of which the author is unknown; perhaps it was Theognis.
64 See Livy, 31, 31; Strabo, 12, c. 4. Philip handed over Cius to Prusias.
65 That is, from Rhodes and other states.
66 That is the treaty between Philip and Antiochus.
67 The word βίαχα in the text is unknown, and certainly corrupt. The most obvious remedy is ὑπόβρυχα or ὑποβρύχια. But we cannot be sure.
68 Jam cum Rhodiis et Attalo navalibus certaminibus, neutro feliciter, vires expertus. Livy, 31, 14.
69 An inscription found at Iassus [C.I.G. 2683] has confirmed this name which is found in one MS. instead of Hestias. Whether the meaning of the title is Artemis of the City, or some local designation, is uncertain.
70 Called Panion or Paneion. See Josephus B. Jud. 3, 10, 7, Ἰορδάνου πήγη τὸ Πάνειον. The town near it was called Paneas, and afterwards Paneas Caesarea, and later still Caesarea Philippi. Scopas, the Aetolian, was now serving Ptolemy Epiphanes; see 13, 2; 18, 53.
73 Ptolemy Philopator had made Gaza his chief depôt of war material; see 5, 68. Antiochus destroyed it in B.C. 198 for its loyalty to the King of Egypt.
74 Syria was conquered by the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pilezer about B.C. 747, and was afterwards a part of the Babylonian and Persian empires. It does not seem certain to what invasion Polybius is here referring.
75 That is from the wars undertaken by them against Philip. Livy, 31, 14, 24.
76 For the Phocians see Pausan. 10, 1, 6. For the Acarnanians see supra, 9, 40.
77 According to Hultsch no fragments or extracts of book 17 are preserved. In it would have been contained the campaign of B.C. 199, in the war between Rome and Philip, for which see Livy, 31, 34-43. And the operations of Flamininus in the season of B.C. 198, Livy, 32, 9-18. The first seventeen chapters of this book are generally classed in book 17.
78 The reading ἐναύσασθαι, which I attempt to represent, is doubtful. Schweig. suggests ἐγγεύσασθαι “to taste.”
79 Demosthenes, de Corona, §§ 43, 48, 295.
80 B.C. 338 after the battle of Chaeronea. See Thirlwall, 6, 77; Grote, 11, 315 (ch. 90); Kennedy’s translation of the de Corona, Appendix vi. The argument of Polybius is of course an ex post facto one. It is open still to maintain that, had the advice of Demosthenes been followed, these states might have been freed from the tyranny of Sparta without becoming subject to another master in the king of Macedonia.
81 Attalus spent the winter of B.C. 198-197 at Aegina, in the course of which he seems to have visited Sicyon.
82 That is of Cynoscephalae. Supergressi tumulos qui Cynoscephalae vocantur, relicta ibi statione firma peditum equitumque, posuerunt castra. Livy, 33, 7.
83 I have given the meaning which I conceive this sentence to have; but the editors generally suspect the loss of a word like ἄπρακτα or ἀπραγοῦντα after τὰ μὲν συνεχῆ τοῖς διαγωνιζομένοις. This is unnecessary if we regard συνεχῆ as predicative, and I think this way of taking it gives sufficient sense. Polybius is thinking of the Macedonian army as being so dislocated by the nature of the ground, that, while some parts were in contact with the enemy, the rest had not arrived on the scene of the fighting.
85 Iliad, 13, 131.
88 Livy (33, 13) has mistaken the meaning of Polybius in this passage, representing the quarrel of the Aetolians and Flamininus as being for the possession of Thebes,—the only town, in fact, on which there was no dispute.
89 Referring apparently to the conduct of the Hellenic cities in Asia in presence of Antiochus, who, having wintered in Ephesus (B. C. 197-196), was endeavouring in 196 by force or stratagem to consolidate his power in Asia Minor. Livy, 33, 38.
90 Justin. 17, 1-2; Appian Syr. 62. The battle was in the plain of Corus in Phrygia.
91 The Apocleti, of the numbers of whom we have no information, acted as a consultative senate to prepare measures for the Aetolian Assembly. See Freeman, History of Federal Government, p. 335. Livy, 35, 34.
92 προσένειμαν Αἰτώλοις τὸ ἔθνος, cp. 2, 43. Some have thought that a regular political union with the Aetolian League is meant. But the spirit of the narrative seems to point rather to an alliance.
93 Brachylles, when a Boeotarch in B.C. 196, was assassinated by a band of six men, of whom three were Italians and three Aetolians, on his way home from a banquet. Livy, 33, 28.
94 Livy, 33, 29.
95 At Thermopylae, in which battle Livy (36, 19) states on the authority of Polybius that only 500 men out of 10,000 brought by Antiochus into Greece escaped, B.C. 191.
96 Livy, 37, 9.
97 Son of Antiochus the Great, afterwards King Seleucus IV.
98 This extract, preserved by Suidas, s. v. προστηθιδίων has been restored by a brilliant emendation of Toupe, who reads ἐξελθόντες μὲν Γάλλοι for the meaningless ἐξελθόντες μεγάλοι. Livy calls them fanatici Galli.
99 Dies forte, quibus Ancilia moventur, religiosi ad iter inciderant. Livy, 37. 33. The festival of Mars, during which the ancilia were carried about, was on the 1st of March and following days. If this incident, therefore, took place in the late spring or summer of B.C. 190, the Roman Calendar must have been very far out.
100 The remaining chapters of this book are placed by Schweighaeuser and others in book 22, 1-27.
101 The text of this fragment is much dislocated.
102 Smoking out an enemy in a mine was one of the regular manœuvres. See Aen. Tact. 37. It was perhaps suggested by the illegal means taken by workmen in the silver mines to annoy a rival; for we find an Athenian law directed against it. See Demosth. in Pantaen. § 36.
103 Nothing seems to be known of this exile of Fulvius, who had been granted an ovation in B.C. 191 for his victories in Spain. He was, however, in opposition to Cato, one of whose numerous prosecutions may have been against him.
104 Or “a compliment.” The Greek word στέφανος seems to be used for any present made to a victor. So also in ch. 34, and elsewhere.
105 Hultsch’s text, supported by the MSS., has Δάμις ὁ κιχησίων, from which no sense seems obtainable. According to Suidas, Damis was a philosopher from Nineveh who had settled in Athens. Livy (38, 10), has Leon Hicesiae filius. He must therefore have found the name Leon in his copy, which could hardly have been substituted for Δᾶμις by mistake, though ἹΚΕΣίου may have become κιχησίων.
106 The Greek text is corrupt. The sense is given from Livy, 38, 14.
107 The dynasty lasted until the time of the Mithridatic wars. The last Moagĕtes being deposed by Muraena, when Cibyra was joined to Lycia. Strabo, 13, 4, 71.
108 That is probably “of the necessity of submitting to Rome;” but the passage referred to is lost.