[The following document has been abstracted from a portion of the original document by Pablo Pastells, S.J., and is given by him in his edition of Colin’s Labor evangélica (Barcelona, 1904), i, pp. 157, 158, note. In it will be found many of the names of the early conquistadors, and abundance of proof of the inexact knowledge of the country obtained by the Spaniards.]

In the testimony given by the notary Fernando Riquel in the city of Manila, June 2, 1576, and which was taken from the government records, appears an attested relation of the encomiendas which were distributed among the original Spanish conquistadors of Filipinas. From this document especially noteworthy from the viewpoints of history, geography, and politics, it appears that the islands at the time of Sande’s arrival, had been divided into encomiendas in the following manner. In Cebú, Legazpi assigned to his Majesty the port and the village as far as Canipata (January 16, 1571). In the rest of the island he apportioned (January 25, 1571) 3,000 Indians to Jerónimo de Monzón; 2,000 to Cristóbal Sánchez; and 1,000 to Francisco Carreño. In Panay, he assigned to his Majesty (January 16, 1571) the river and settlement of Panay from the coast to Catitlán. On October 31, he apportioned about 4,000 Indians of Sogut (the mouth of the Araut River) and Malpa, with their tingües (mountains) and hills to the chief-constable Gabriel de Ribera; about 6,000 Indians on the Araut River near the coast from the villages of Dayt, Payán, Pinabao, Tongo, Pandán, Nonoc, Dumangal, Cararao, Balig, Bantao, Mata, Harún, Daripe, and the villages of the tributary that flows into the Bumey River between Potocán and Bulney with their tingües and hills, to Captain Luis de la Haya; to Lope Rodríguez and Diego López de Valdepeñas, 2,000 Indians apiece, in the villages of Cali and Sibucao up the river (at the entrance of the Araut River) past the village of Daripe and as far as Sicapurut. On November 2, he assigned 4,000 Indians of the Pua River between Bago and Marianao, and the branch of Barbarán, with their tingües and hills, to the soldiers Baltasar Rodríguez and Alonso Sánchez; 2,000 Indians apiece on the tributary of the Sibalinte between Amíndan and Banga to the soldiers Francisco de Ribera and Diego García; the Indians of Maluhud and its creeks to the soldier Alvaro de Angulo; 2,000 Indians of the bay of Moguín, namely, the Indians of the creek of Batán, Aguísan, Initantarón, Capulanbaril, Dinao, Moguin, and Manuc, with their tingües and hills, to the soldier Gonzalo Riquel; and 2,000 on the tributary of the Mayo to the soldier Francisco Rey. On November 3, 2,000 Indians on the river of Daclan, and the villages of Amacatan and Tagaun, with their tingües and hills, to Antonio Flores; the Indians of the villages of Guimba, Caranga, Argahao, Marabagui, and Bugau, with their tingües and hills to Hernando de Monroy; the Indians of the river of Arui, and the natives of Barugo, Uyungán, Cuyuran, Naorguán, Bangot, Tibao, Lonio, Cabáyan, Lalac, and Tabangan, with their tingües and hills to Rodrigo de Vargas; the Indians of Tibaguán and Baguinguín, with their tingües and hills to Estéban Rodríguez; and the Indians of the river of Xaro and those of the villages of Calataca, Pasanhan, Cabuga, Alenguen, Samble and Sunamburi, with their tingües and hills, to Francisco Durán. On April 5, 1572, the natives of Xaro and the others whom Francisco Durán had held to Luis Pérez. On April 15, the Indians of Dulúngan, Antique, Bunital, and Aslúman to Diego Ximénez. On June 1, the Indians of the villages of Otón with its tingües and hills to Miguel de Loarca. In Cibabao and Paita, on January 25, 1571, Legazpi assigned the 2,000 first Indians to Bartolomé Cindila; 2,000 to Juan de Aguera; 2,000 to Diego de Quintanilla; 1,500 to Diego Godínez; 1,500 to Damián González; 1,500 to Antonio Ginovés; and the same number each to Juan Méndez, Francisco de Torres, Andrea de Luca, de la Xari, and Juan Pérez; 1,000 on the river of Panae of the said islands to Augustín Duerto. On above two islands in order to avoid disputes among February 14, Legazpi united the encomiendas of the the encomenderos, giving the Indians of Limanca, Vaván, and Samal to Augustín Duerto and Bartolomé Andrea; those of Paita to Juan Griego; those of Caguayán to Juan Méndez; those of Buri to Felipe de la Xara; those of Tunaoyiran to Juan Pérez; those of Paranas to Andrés de Luca; those of Calviga to Juan Gutiérrez; and those of Bondó to Miguel Godínez and Antonio Ginovés.

In the island of Mindanao, the chief river Vindanao, the point of Cauit, the port of Caldera, the village of Zamboanga and all the villages and coast where cinnamon is grown, were assigned by the adelantado to his Majesty on January 16, 1571. On January 25, he assigned to Juan Griego the natives of the villages of Cagayan, Gonpot, and Tagoloan(?), with their tingües and hills; to Pedro Brizeño de Oseguera, regidor of the town of Santísimo Nombre de Jesús, the Indians of Dapitan, Si Cáyap, Siripolo (Dipólog) and Guindáyan (Ilaya), with their tingües and hills; to Pedro Navarro and Garci Sierras Chacón, the rivers and villages of Surigao and Parasao, with their tingües and hills; and to Diego de Porras, the villages of Layaguán, Lucúlan, and Silamaylegue with their tingües and hills. The same adelantado assigned, on January 25, 1571, to Luis de Santa Cruz the first two thousand Indians to be reduced; to Diego López Povedano, a like number; and the same to Mateo Sánchez, Domingo de Zuazo, Benito de la Cerda, Francisco Rodríguez, Simón García, Andrés de Villalobos, and Pedro Isardo; 1,500 to Alonso Osorio, Martín López, Bartolomé Madrigal, Juan Gutiérrez, Cristóbal Núñez Pareja, Miguel Galván, Gaspar Ruiz, and Martín de Campos. He did not assign the above any definite villages, but the tribute was to be divided pro rata in proportion to the number conceded to each one. However, in order to avoid disputes, on September 6 of that same year, Legazpi assigned to Francisco Rodríguez and Luis de Santa Cruz the rivers of Tanac, Davi, and Monalongon, with their tingües and hills; to Francisco Téllez, Domingo Zuazo, Benito de la Cerda, Martín López, Simón García, and Martín de Campos, the river and villages of Ilo and Majamio, with their tingües; to Andrés de Villalobos, Diego Lopez Povedano, Mateo Sánchez, and Pedro Isardo, the river and villages of Inabángan and Adelinte, with their tingües; to Juan Gutiérrez Cortés, the river of Bago; to Gaspar Ruiz, that of Tigaguán, and to Cristóbal Nuñez Pareja, that of Caracol. In the island of Leite, Legazpi assigned, on January 25, 1571, the two thousand Indians first reduced to Juan Martín; 2,000 to Juan Vexarano, Lázaro Bruzo, Alonso de Henao, Francisco de Sepúlveda, and Pedro Sedeño; 1,500 to Juan de Trujillo, Juan Fernández de León, Lorenzo de Villafaña, Gaspar de los Reyes, and Martín de Aguirre. September 5, 1571, he assigned 2,000 Indians to Francisco de Quirós. On the sixth, he assigned to the abovesaid the villages and environs of Maracaya, Omoc, Calbacán, and the rivers of Barugo, Palos, Vito, Mayay, Vincay, Inunganga, Zuundaya, Cabalían, Minaya, and de los Mártires [i.e., of the martyrs], and the villages of Súgut, Canamocán, and Ilongos.

In the island of Luzón, January 16, 1571, he assigned to his Majesty the settlements of Manila, the port of Cavite, and the seacoast settlements lying between them. July 28, he conceded to Goiti 8,000 Indians of the lake and river of Bombón; November 14, to Juan González de Pedraza, the villages of Bondo, Butanguian, Tonacatán, Marabatau, Purusgu, Manilau, Mahauay, Naos, Camaurón, Tarique, Macabaras, Bigo, and Nuslan; to Fernando Riquel, the Indians of the principal branch of the river Macabur, and its creeks; to Andrés de Ibarra, from the point of the bay of Manila, to the terminus of Bonbon; to Juan de la Isla, the Indians of Malinao, Banban, Tuxas, Palatnia, and others of the Pasig River, island and hill, and the villages of Bayáuan and Pasún; to Captain Juan Maldonado, the Indians of the river of Morón of the lake of Bai, and eleven villages of the said lake; to sargento-mayor Juan de Moron, the Indians of the Islet of Calumpit; to Hernan Lopez, 19 villages of the province of Batán near the river of Lubao of the bay of Manila; to Marcos de Herrera, 8 villages of the creek of Malolos; to Gaspar Ramírez, 16 villages, 14 of which are on the river of Calamba; to Francisco de León, 12 villages of the river of Lunbán, belonging to the lake; to Francisco de Herrera, 4 other villages of the lake; to Martín Gutiérrez, 5 villages of the same; to Alonso Ligero, 5 villages; to Pedro de Herrera, the Indians of the river of Sinoluán and 6 villages of the lake; to Antonio Alvarez, 12 villages of the river of Manila; to Lope García de Herrera, 4 [villages] of the lake. April 15, he assigned to Jerónimo Tirado, 6 villages on the creek of Atlae; to Juan Mateo Obregón, 15 [villages] of the lake; to Francisco Bañol, 3 [villages] of the same lake; to Benito Díaz, 7 [villages] of the creek of Olimare, toward Pampanga; to Amador de Carrurán, 15 villages. May 16, 1572, the adelantado assigned to his Majesty the village of Castilla,1 (so that no other but his Majesty might be lord of the village that bears such a name), and the villages of Cabacite and Cabuyal, and likewise those of Ubán, and Bilílan, of the bay of Ibalón. May 17, he assigned to Cristóbal Sánchez, 13 villages of the bay of Ibalón; and to Juan Lopez, 15 [villages] of the same bay. May 23, to Pedro de Arnedo, 1 village of the bay, and 7 on the coast opposite the entrance to Ibalón, called Busáygan. In the islands of Mindoro, Lubán, and Elín, on January 16, Legazpi assigned to his Majesty the port and village of Vindoro. April 15, 1572, he assigned to Felipe Salcedo the rest of the island of Vindoro, and those of Lubán and Elín. April 10, 1571, the island of Imarás, to Juan Ramos; February 12, to Andrés López Povedano and to Andrés de Villalobos, the islands of Masbat, Capul, and Maçagua; April 11, 1571, the island of Maripipi to Agustín Duerto; January 25, 1571, the island of Camiguinin to Pedro de Figueroa; November 2, those of Tablas and Çubuyan, and the creeks of Mahalúd, of the island of Panae, to Alvaro de Angulo; June 28, 1571, the islands of Bohol and Bantayán to Rodrigo de Frías; October 31, of the same year, the islands of Malinduque and Bantón to Pedro de Mena; April 24, that of Donblón to Gonzalo Riquel; September 12, 1572, that of Cagallanes or Negros to Benito de la Cerda, Domingo de Zuazo, Francisco Téllez, Martín López, Simón García, and Martín de Campos. For brevity we omit the encomiendas assigned by Lavezaris and Doctor Sande, which are also named in this document. This document shows 143 encomenderos whose names are expressed in it.

Sources: These documents are all obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, except the second and eleventh, which are obtained from MSS. in the archives of the Vatican, Rome, and the seventh which is obtained from a pamphlet in the British Museum.

Translations: The second, fourth, and eleventh are by Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.; the remainder are by James Alexander Robertson.

Most Excellent Sir:

Whenever I have been in this city at the departure of the ship, I have sent your Excellency a report of matters in this country. I did so last year by the ship “Trinidad” which left this port of Manilla. I informed your Excellency of the trouble and the expense to my property to build that ship and the other oared vessels which were built during the two years that the shipyard was established there and I was superintendent of it; and of the pay which Doctor Francisco de Sande gave me for it. He not only did not reward me, but tried to undo me in all possible ways. [He would have done that] if it had been possible, but God has ever upheld me by His hand, so that no unfitting thing could be done to me. When he saw that he could not harm me, he deceived me with promises, all of which have turned out false. All this great hatred that he has exercised toward me has been because of my having gone to explore China by order of Guido de Laveçaris while he was inside the islands. He would have liked that expedition to have been carried on by his own order. Now God has been pleased to deliver us from his wrath. May it please God that it be for the best. I shall tell here in brief what I know about China and this land, as a man who has seen it all and understands a part.1 I petition your Excellency most humbly to pardon my extreme boldness. It is a fact that neither his Majesty in España nor your Excellency in that land are informed truly of what is advisable for the prosecution of these conquests and the increase of his royal crown. Consequently, just the reverse to what is necessary here is enacted, and thus the money is wasted, and all the men who are sent are exhausted. I have recognized this during the present year more strongly than in former years. I would willingly be more specific, but I am sharply warned by experience. Thus the letters which I wrote to your Excellency last year which were carried by father Fray Jeronimo Marin,2 the latter wrote me were either lost or stolen from him. Next year, if it please God to have Captain Pedro Caraballo make the journey I shall dare to write your Excellency at greater length. I beg your Excellency to make use of me as a servant and to shield me with your protection. That is what sustains all of us who are here; and I need it more today than any one else. For, since I had the shipyards for two years in my villages3 without receiving any salary, and without anything needed for the construction of the ships being furnished, or help being sent to those who were working there, and since I was continually written by Dr. Sande and his Majesty’s officials that the royal treasury was entirely empty, and that I should advance money from my household: consequently, as I attended to my obligations in his Majesty’s service, I spent all my substance and have exhausted all my repartimiento. Therefore have I become poor and have now so little relief from any reward unless your Excellency concedes it from there by ordering it to be given me. May our Lord preserve your Excellency’s person for many long and happy years with the health and increasing prosperity that your Excellency merits and that your Excellency’s servants desire. The city of Manilla, June 15, 1580. Most excellent sir, your Excellency’s humble servant kisses the very excellent hands of your Excellency.

Miguel de Loarca

To the most blessed father Gregory XIII, chief pontiff, the humble congregation of discalced brethren resident in the Philippine Islands offer homage.

Since in the midst of such weighty, such burdensome labors and sorrows—the while everywhere the mighty forces of so many and such various heresies are raising up storms against the Church, and threatening it as it were with sword and flame, nay, even utter destruction, there is no doubt that with the same charity wherewith, as the true father of all, thou dost embrace all, thou deplorest this most grievous loss of souls; nor can that benignity and clemency of thy spirit, which is from on high, bear without grieving, nor grieve without ceasing, for this most direful plague that is daily spreading apace in the sight of all men, with the havoc of towns, cities, provinces, even kingdoms that at one time were the flourishing abodes of Catholic faith and piety. Therefore, most blessed Father, it has seemed worth our while, as well as our duty, as thy most loyal children, to strengthen thy Blessedness as it were with fresh pleasure and fresh joy, through the recountal of those things which the most merciful God is working in these far away seas and countries. Nor do we think thy spirit, thirsty as it is for the safety of souls, will be refreshed with merely ordinary joy at the news that in these islands of the Indias holy Mother Church has brought forth without number as it were new offspring and new children of the faith. For inasmuch as by order of thy Holiness we have come to these shores, we deem it our duty to relate the whole course of our journey and of our wanderings. From the place where Brother Pedro Alfaro, at the time guardian of our congregation, sent letters to thy Blessedness, we encountered a difficult voyage, all of us nearly having been stricken down with illness, wherefrom six of the brethren our companions died. At length we reached Nova Hispania, whence after a sojourn of six months in order to recover our strength and former good health, we set sail on the Ides of March in the year 1578,1 and after a very long voyage of two thousand one hundred leagues, we fifteen brethren landed at the islands known as the Philippines. While on our voyage thither we touched at a certain island three hundred leagues distant from the Philippines, very fruitful in rice, and cocoanut-bearing palms. This island is inhabited by men who are savages going utterly stark, with no covering at all, the women, however, concealing their private parts with the leaf of a tree. The people are large of frame, robust, and given to pilfering, whence the name of the island Ladrones. The natives brought us fruits, fish, rice, and other eatables, which they bartered for iron, which they value more than gold. Some of our companions through pity for those islanders wished to remain with them, in order to bring them to the light of the faith. But we did not think it wise to leave them alone and without arms among such a multitude of barbarians. Sailing thence we soon reached the Philippine Islands, where we found the fathers of the Augustinian order, who, fairly worn out with their unspeakable hardships, toils, dangers, and sufferings for the last twelve years, gave us the heartiest of welcomes. In the beginning they seemed to be without any hope that we ever could bring those Indians to the light of the Christian faith; all their labors, they said, had been fruitless, their efforts in vain, their toil for the benefit of those people without result. For twelve years they had employed every endeavor, nor left anything undone whereby they might induce them to forswear their idols and embrace the true Catholic religion, but all to no purpose. Wherefore, they had it in mind to prepare for baptism only those whose tender and youthful age gave promise of success. But happily by divine bounty, before long, after hope had given out, after we had been stationed in different parts of the islands, so great a multitude of men, women, and children flocked to us for instruction and baptism, that we were unable to cope with their numbers—a matter that was the more wonderful since this wild and savage race of men had never displayed the slightest trace of religion, and had neither places of worship, nor sacrifices. Very many of them practiced circumcision and many other similar vanities from their relationships with the Mahometans of Burneo, an island three hundred leagues distant. Thus they would not eat swine-meat, nor that of animals that had been strangled, besides other such practices. Some of them, who practiced circumcision, traced its origin not to the Mahometans, with whom they had no acquaintance, but to their own very remote ancestors. Some of them worshiped a certain bird, others the crocodile; for holding the same fancy regarding the transmigration of souls as was held by Pythagoras in his palingenesis, they believed that, after certain cycles of years, the souls of their forefathers were turned into crocodiles. To their parents and children after death, they erected statues rudely hewn of wood, in the belief that the souls of the deceased found lodging in such images. They celebrated Bacchanalian feasts with drinking-bouts and barbarous outcries, with offerings of food and garments made to the idols themselves, from which they sought health and riches. They worshiped the moon, with sacrificial offerings to it in many places at the time of the new moon. Priapus2 after a similar fashion of the Romans they revered as the guardian of their fields. Among these Indians were priests known as catolonas, who were held in such respect that, if they prophesied of a person ill of any disease that he would die of that disease, forthwith the poor patient refusing all food would soon end his life through starvation. Among them are no real rulers and no form of administrative government. Whoever among them is mightiest in strength and riches, whether by force or strategy, reduces all others to bondage to himself. As among them there is constant recourse to bloodshed, robbery, and plundering, so nothing is ever settled by agreement or law. With regard to marriage the same custom does not hold everywhere. For some, the far greater majority, even recognize no real marriage bonds, as for the most trivial reasons they divorce their wives, take up with other women, some of them, the chieftains especially, whom they style maguinoos, having two wives at one time. We have been told that among some Indian tribes the laws of marriage are held in much higher regard. For after the marriage rite has been performed, prayers are offered to the gods to endow the spouses with fruitfulness, nor ever let them be sundered save by death; otherwise, should they be parted, they are cursed and the wrath of the gods called down upon them. Should any person be guilty of securing a divorce, the culprit is punished, the wife with the loss of her dowry, the husband with the payment of gold. Whoever violated these ancestral rites and customs forfeited the respect of the people. By nature these barbarians are sharp-witted beyond belief, and gifted with such tenacity of memory that whatever they once have been taught, for they are wonderfully quick in learning, they rarely if ever forget. Therefore, they easily yield to truth, and when shown what is wrong, quickly detest it, treating the brethren who go among them preaching with courtesy and kindness. Nay, not infrequently, they themselves seek out a brother, to whom as they hearken with readiness they let him depart with tears in their eyes. If we only had enough missionaries, there would be nowhere in the Philippine Islands unbelief of any sort. Very many of the natives confess their sins with sorrow and faith. They believe in the many and very frequent miracles which Almighty God works among them through blessed water, the sacred holy gospels, and the relics of the saints.

Bearing in mind that mandate of our Redeemer, Jesus Christ our Lord, “Go ye into the whole world and preach the gospel to every creature” [Mark xvi, 15], we were fired more and more every day with the desire of preaching the gospel in the mighty kingdom of China. Wherefore, four brethren of our congregation with three soldiers sailed in a small vessel to Quanton [i.e., Canton] the richest city of China, where during their six months’ sojourn, by means of interpreters they preached the gospel of the heavenly kingdom assiduously in the presence of viceroys and governors. But the interpreters, through fear of losing their heads should they speak in disfavor of idols, deceived our brethren by giving their words a far different meaning than uttered. The Chinese marveled indeed at the poorness of the clothing worn by our brethren and their spare diet; while especially did they wonder at our contempt of money when they offered us gold. For this people are lovers of money beyond belief, wherefore they styled our brethren good men who had fallen from the skies. Yet with all their pleadings could Ours not get leave to remain any longer, since the laws forbade strangers from taking up their abode in that kingdom. They accorded them leave, however, to stay in the city of Machán [i.e., Macao], a place inhabited by Portuguese, and distant from Quanton on the mainland twenty leagues away, where two of our priests to the great delight of the patriarch and the Portuguese found a home in the monastery which they built.3 Therein the fathers hoped that with the defeat of the demon’s sway a vast field would be opened to the preaching of the gospel. The kingdom of China is immense, being even a thousand leagues in extent, with such a multitude of inhabitants that the whole kingdom seems one mighty city. The Chinese are fair of color, with small eyes, much given to trafficking, sharp-witted, and masters at trade, though in matters that concern the safety of soul exceedingly dull and senseless. Though fond of letters they yet are as babes in science, with naught of artistic polish. Among them he is held as the greatest scholar who is the quickest to read and write, and from such as these are chosen governors, judges, viceroys, whom the people revere as gods. Above all other nations they are given to sorcery, superstition, and idol-worship. The sky they style the father of the gods, while to the moon to whom they pay their vows, they offer a sheep, pig, goat, and bull. To such men as they judge are superior to others in bravery and probity of life they rear statues. They have too their own monks and hermits, who living in out-of-the-way places feed on herbs and fruits of trees under the belief that after death they will be summoned by the moon to a residence in the sky. Among them reigns a great concern for the observance of equity, along with great skill in the management of the state. In their women so high is their regard for modesty, even in the largest and wealthiest cities, that barely one ever was seen by Ours. The men are most unchaste, utter slaves to sodomy, and so vain as to think themselves the wisest of men.

Inasmuch, most blessed Father, as we were in doubt what course to follow with regard to men, who having set aside their first wife had married another, from whom no separation seemed feasible—a stumbling-block too of no little importance in the way of their conversion, we read the letters of the predecessor of thy Holiness, Pius the Fifth of happy memory, which we have taken care shall accompany this letter to thy Blessedness:

Inasmuch as we foresaw that many of these [heathen], if bound to return to their first wives, would refuse baptism, after reading those letters we allowed them, after baptism, to live with the wives they then were mated with, although their former wives were still living, whom they had divorced too for the most trivial of reasons. We were blamed by some who held that the privilege of Pope Pius the Fifth of happy memory was to be understood as applying to those who no longer remembered which of their wives had been married first. But this does not seem reasonable if the ground alleged in this privilege be well considered; moreover, prior to this privilege is another granted by Paul the Third of blessed memory, wherein this very case of one’s separation from his first wife is recognized, should he fail to know which of them really was first. But the second privilege, it seems, ought to have a broader application than the former. Tell us now, most blessed Father, we humbly implore thee, what we are to do—what course to take as to the past, what provision for the future—whether in the case of wives who have been set aside for the flimsiest of reasons, nay, for none save sheer lust of passion, the [second] marriages are to be recognized when made in pursuance of common custom and as it were by force of law. For thus we shall be relieved of the chief part of our burden not only here, but in the kingdom of China. Let thy Blessedness also give instructions to the end that we be not hindered in any way by the Spaniards when traveling to heathen countries, no matter where they be, but on the contrary that we be aided in every manner with due help and favor. Let thy Blessedness also impart from the treasures of holy Church a share of indulgences to this new plantation and to us, the most unworthy servants of thy Blessedness, especially that, whenever mass be said at any altar in the Philippines and at any in the kingdom of China, through the mercy of God a soul be freed from the pains of purgatory. God grant, most blessed Pontiff, especially through thy prayers and aid, that the intestine storms and havoc of heresy be quelled, the pride of the Turks laid low, that with all peoples brought to the light of Catholic faith in this thy age, with thee reigning as pontiff, be fulfilled to thy supreme praise that prediction of our Savior: “There shall be one fold and one shepherd” [John x, 16]. Manila 14 Kalends of July, 1580.

The most obedient son of thy Holiness,

Brother Pablo de Jesus, and all our congregation

Monday, October sixteen of this year one thousand five hundred and eighty-one, while the most illustrious and reverend Don Fray Domingo de Salazar, first bishop of these Philipinas Islands, was in the monastery of St. Augustine in Tondo, he had the very reverend fathers, Fray Pablo de Jesus,1 custodian of the Order of St. Francis, Fray Andres de Aguirre,2 provincial of the Order of St. Augustine, Father Antonio Sedeño,3 rector of the Society of Jesus, Fray Francisco Manrrique,4 prior of the monastery of St. Augustine in Manila, Fray Diego de Muxica,5 prior of the said convent of Tondo, Father Alonso Sanchez,6 of the Society of Jesus, Fray Cristobal de Salvatierra,7 of the Order of St. Dominic and the bishop’s associate, Fray Puan de Plasencia,8 of the Order of St. Francis, and Fray Alonso de Castro9 and Fray Juan Pimentel, of the Order of St. Augustine,10 summoned and assembled in the said monastery. He informed them that the very illustrious Don Gonçalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, his Majesty’s governor of these said islands had communicated with his Lordship in regard to the decree concerning the slaves certain methods that he thought advisable in order that his Majesty’s instructions in regard to the matter might be carried out with more mildness and less severity and hardship to the community. Their Lordships having exchanged opinions regarding the matter, the bishop declared that he thought the matter one of so great seriousness as it touched so deeply on the life and conscience that it ought not to be determined without referring it to the prelates of the orders and the learned and weighty persons of the orders. For his Majesty had sent him to that land and was supporting them there for such necessities and cases. After his Lordship had informed all the abovesaid fathers of the above matter, he said that he had assembled them in order to lay the following matters before them.

First: Whether the hardship that it is thought will follow on the part of those who hold slaves or any other reason that the former can offer in their behalf will be a sufficient reason so that the governor may in conscience neglect to publish and execute the said decree.

Second: Whether, after the publication and order to execute [the decree], he can in conscience neglect the prosecution of its terms and execution because of the petition that may be presented to his Majesty in behalf of the masters of the slaves.

Third: Whether, after the said decree has been ordered executed, the governor can in good conscience assign any limit within which the masters shall release the slaves and the latter be recognized as free; or whether the masters be obliged to declare them free immediately. Inasmuch as the matter is so serious the bishop requested and charged them to commend it to God, and to consider and confer, and then under charge of their consciences to declare their opinion with all freedom and truth. After they had examined and conferred upon the matter among themselves, they resolved as follows.

In reply to the first point they declared that his Majesty’s decree is no new law or order, but a declaration of the justice that the matter of the Indians has of itself, and a reply and resolution of the petitions and reports that have been made from here. It is the confirmation of another decree given for the same purpose by the emperor Carlos Fifth of blessed memory in the former year one thousand five hundred and thirty. He ordered therein that from the time of its date and thenceforth all the Indians yet discovered or to be discovered should not be allowed to become slaves however they might be acquired, whether in just war, or got or bought from the natives, although they should be held by the latter as legitimate slaves. Consequently, it is clear from the above that no fear or suspicion of any inconvenience or hardship is sufficient for the governor or any other person, on whom devolves the execution of the decree, to neglect the execution of it, or to declare the liberty which the Indians possess inherently, and which his Majesty declares and concedes. On the other hand he who shall do the contrary, besides the most grave sin that he will commit, will be obliged to restore immediately to the Indians all the service and wrongs that they shall have received in their persons, possessions, and honors. The former governors were in duty bound to have endeavored to free the slaves, although no new decrees were despatched by his Majesty, both because of the decree already issued and because of the manifest injustice that was being practiced toward one whom they were obliged to protect, defend, and give justice; for his Majesty has sent the governors to this land for the correction of those and other like injuries, and thereby relieves his conscience through them. In regard to what is feared from any troubles, it is not credible that they will follow to a people so loyal and obedient to their king, because they are ordered to obey him in a matter so just and so reasonable.

In reply to the second point, they declared that it is clearly inferred from the answer to the first article that the governor cannot conscientiously neglect to follow up the liberty of the said Indians, even though their masters appeal from the decree. For his Majesty has also been informed of this matter as appears from the old and new decrees, and from the general custom of all the other Yndias, in all of which nothing contrary has ever been allowed or any slave permitted. Hence, it is clear that the present petition is only a means to postpone and prolong the injustice. The judge on whom this matter devolves cannot in good conscience neglect to execute the decree and to further the liberty of the Indians, in spite of any petition or effort to the contrary.

In reply to the third point, they declared that the freedom of the Indians could not be deferred as it was a matter of natural and divine right and clear justice, just as he who has anything belonging to another is obliged instantly to restore it, as soon as he knows it, and the judge who tries the case is bound to order the restoration. However, they thought that if the Indians were declared free immediately and were set at liberty, the governor could order them not to leave their masters for a brief time, because of the trouble that they would suffer if their slaves left them suddenly. When they were asked how long his Lordship could detain them in the power of their masters without endangering his conscience, they said that that depended on the judgment of good and prudent sense. They all thought that his Lordship might extend the time for them for the space of twenty or thirty days. Whoever dared to detain them for a longer period would be committing mortal sin and be obliged to make restitution.

The bishop having examined the opinions of the abovesaid fathers, declared that after he had left his Lordship he had also considered the matter very deeply and had conferred upon it with grave and very erudite persons of conscience. The above opinions and the final resolution of the fathers seemed to him to be quite in harmony with the law of God, and with natural, divine, and human law, and to be established on entire truth and justice. As such he approved and confirmed those opinions and said that his opinion was the same as theirs. In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, amen. His Lordship signed the same and ordered it sealed with his seal. The others above named, who gave their opinions in the form herein contained, nemine discrepante, also signed it. Given in the convent of Tondo, October seventeen, of the above-mentioned year. This opinion was given to the governor with the signatures of all the religious herein contained. In testimony thereof, I affixed my signature to it.

Fray Domingo, bishop of the Filipinas.