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The Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536-1537, and the Exeter Conspiracy, 1538, Volume 1 (of 2) cover

The Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536-1537, and the Exeter Conspiracy, 1538, Volume 1 (of 2)

Chapter 3: ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
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About This Book

The authors examine a major northern rising against royal policy, tracing its political background, local grievances, organization, outbreaks in Lincolnshire and the East Riding, mass movements, musters and negotiated truces, and the royal councils' military and diplomatic responses. They reconstruct events from contemporary documents, provide transcriptions, maps, and detailed chapter-by-chapter narrative, and analyze plots, affinities, rumours, and the movement's extent and failure. Appendices and corrections clarify sources and variant spellings. The account balances chronological narrative with documentary evidence to explain how regional disaffection coalesced into widespread insurrection and how negotiations and force ultimately determined its outcome.

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS

PAGE
 
3
For influence on elections in the King’s favour, see “History,” October 1914, A. F. Hattersley, “The Real Position of the Duke of Norfolk in 1529–30.”
50
For Thomas Monkton read William Monketon.
79
The church plate of Hull. This method of securing the value of the church plate to the parish became fairly common in the later part of Henry VIII’s reign and during the reign of Edward VI. See Cox, “Churchwardens’ Accounts” (the Antiquary’s Books), pp. 133, 140–1.
91
For the commission to the clergy see Usher, “The Rise and Fall of the High Commission,” pp. 15–21.
116
Note E. The Sir Marmaduke Constable mentioned was Sir Robert’s brother, not his cousin.
123
Composition of the royal and the rebel forces. See Cox, “Churchwardens’ Accounts” (the Antiquary’s Books), pp. 325–7, for the parish soldier and the parish armour.
145
“Four docepyers.” Not “deceivers,” as suggested, but “douzepers,” great men. See New English Dictionary, and Lydgate, “Minor Poems” (Percy Society), p. 25:—
“Where been of Fraunce all the dozepiere,
Which in Gaule had the governaunce?”
149
The commons of Howdenshire attacked the house of Sir Marmaduke Tunstall, the Bishop of Durham’s nephew, but “some more sober than the residue” prevented any serious damage. See “Richmondshire Wills” (Surtees Society), p. 288 n.
184
Spoiling of Blytheman’s house. Colins was afterwards accused of being the chief plunderer. See L. and P. XII (1), 1264.
203
Oxneyfield is close to Darlington, where it seems that the townspeople rose and joined the rebels. The dean of the collegiate church commended one of his servants who “was the safeguard of my life, for else I had been betrapped by the commons ere I had known.” “Richmondshire Wills” (Surtees Society), p. 40 n. Cf. below, vol. II, p. 94.
208
The lordship of Middleham, which had belonged to Warwick the Kingmaker, on his death and attainder was granted by Edward IV to Richard Duke of Gloucester, afterwards Richard III. (Gairdner, “Richard III,” p. 22.) It is well known that Richard married Warwick’s daughter Anne, co-heiress with her sister Isabel, and thus obtained a claim to the lordship not only by grant but also by inheritance. He and his wife were very popular at Middleham, which he called his home (ibid. pp. 28, 259). When Richard in his turn was killed and attainted, Middleham escheated to the crown, but, Anne and her only child being dead, Warwick’s line was now represented by the Countess of Salisbury, the daughter of Anne’s sister Isabel, who was married to the Duke of Clarence. This expression of affection for the old line may therefore be a reference to the Poles.
209
“Merlione.” This is a misreading of “Meliore,” i.e. Mallory. The leader of the siege of Skipton was not a peasant with a feigned name, but a member of the family of Mallory.
213
For Guisburn read Guisborough, as on p. 71. It is not quite clear whether this incident happened at Guisburn or at Guisborough, but the latter seems the more probable.
233
“St Saviour’s of Newburgh.” The Priory of Newburgh was dedicated to the Virgin Mary, but the canons possessed “the girdle Sancti Salvatoris, which, as it was said, was good for those in child birth.” (L. and P. X, p. 137.) This relic was kept in St Saviour’s chapel at the Priory, where many pilgrims resorted. (L. and P. XII (2), 1231.) Probably Newburgh was called St Saviour’s after the most famous relic which it possessed, though it was really St Mary’s, just as Durham was called St Cuthbert’s, though it also was dedicated to the Virgin.
233b
The message to Darcy from Shrewsbury’s camp. After the rebellion was over, when even the executions were almost at an end, Christopher Lassels, who was imprisoned in the Tower with Aske, was heard to say that Aske had told him “very sure tokens” by which the man who sent the warning might be recognised. This remark of Lassels was reported to Cromwell on 22 July 1537, but there is no record to show whether any arrest was made on Lassels’ information. (L. and P. XII (2), 321.)
237
For “Sir Robert Bowes of Barnard Castle, and his sons” read “Robert Bowes and his brothers.”
266
The deposition against Hogon is printed in full, with illustrative notes by Furnivall, in “Ballads from MSS,” vol. I, pt 2, p. 310 (Ballad Society).
273
Hutton of Snape, probably a misreading of Snaith.
281
Pickering’s poem is printed by Furnivall in “Ballads from MSS,” vol. I, pt 2, p. 301 (Ballad Society). The editor states that it was published at Ripon in 1843, with a preface by J. R. W. I have not seen this last version, but it appears that neither Furnivall nor J. R. W. knew the author of the poem and its occasion, though they conjectured correctly that it referred to the Pilgrimage of Grace.
317
Henry VIII and the letter. Cf. Chapuys’ despatch of 3 November 1533:—“On 25 October Henry had received Gardiner’s letter of the 17th, in which the bishop reported that Clement had refused to dispose of the matrimonial cause in the offhand manner that had been suggested. Henry became pale with anger and crushed Gardiner’s letter in his hand, exclaiming that he was betrayed, and that the King of France was not the true friend he had thought. He continued for some time to swear at the pope, and could not regain his equanimity.” (L. and P. VI, 1392.)
364
As late as 1596 it was maintained that the long bow was superior to firearms (Sir H. Knyvet, “Defence of the Realme,” 1596), but on the other hand as early as 1515 in a paper relating to Ireland it was stated that “the wild Irish and English rebels of all the land doth dread more and feareth the sudden shot of guns much more than the shot of arrows or any other shot of kind of weapon in this world.” (L. and P. II (1), 1366, printed in full Furnivall, “Ballads from MSS,” I, pt 1, p. 38 [Ballad Society].)

Cambridge Univ. Press

Cambridge Univ. Press

Cambridge Univ. Press

Cambridge Univ. Press

Cambridge Univ. Press