[1387] The sign for image occurs in connection with some of the gods.
[1388] The term can hardly be used here in the strict sense of 'towers,' but appears to have become a general word for a sacred structure.
[1389] Ib. col. iii. ll. 22-34.
[1390] Meissner-Rost, Bauinschriften Sanherib's, p. 7.
[1391] See, e.g., the list IIIR. 66. An exception is formed by the temple to Ramman in the city of Asshur, which has a special name. See the following note.
[1392] Including the one to Ramman in Asshur.
[1393] IR. 2. nos. 11, 2.
[1394] IIR, 50, obverse 13.
[1395] Lge-e-nir = zikkurat; Kidur = shubtu (dwelling); Makh = rabu (great).
[1396] The name approaches closely to the conception of a zikkurat in the Book of Genesis, as a 'ladder' connecting heaven and earth. Gen. xxviii. 12.
[1398] The ideas 'true, fixed, established, eternal' are all expressed by the element Zida.
[1399] I adopt this reading as the one generally used.
[1401] Or tush. Cf. Brünnow, Sign List, no. 10523.
[1402] Or ab. See Jensen, Keils Bibl. 3, i. pp. 15, 173.
[1404] Compare the name 'Belit-seri,' 'mistress of the fields,' as the name of a goddess who belongs to the pantheon of the lower world. See p. 588.
[1405] IIR. 61, nos. 1, 2, 6.
[1406] Text, Kar, i.e., 'dam,' 'wall,' or 'quay.'
[1407] IIR. 50, l. 8.
[1408] Bezold Catalogue, etc., p. 1776.
[1409] One is reminded of Isaiah's sentiment (lvi. 7) regarding the temple of Yahwe, which is to be called 'a house of prayer for the world.'
[1410] Lit., 'enclosure.'
[1411] The synagogue is called a 'house' just as the Babylonian temple is, and among names of synagogues (or of congregations) in modern times that form close parallels to the names of Babylonian temples may be instanced 'house of prayer,' 'glory of Israel,' 'tree of life.' The custom of naming Christian churches after the apostles represents a further development along the order of ideas current in Babylonia.
[1412] E.g., IIR. 50 (zikkurats); IIR. 61; IIIR. 66.
[1413] See Bezold Catalogue, etc., p. 1776 and elsewhere.
[1414] E.g., IIR. 54-60; IIIR. 67-69; VR. 43, 46.
[1415] IIR. 60, no. 1, obverse.
[1416] See p. 172. Some of the gods invoked by Sennacherib (see p. 238), as Gaga, Sherua, and perhaps also Khani, are foreign deities.
[1417] Assyrian and Babylonian Religious Texts, i. 56-59.
[1418] As Lagamal, Kanishurra.
[1419] See Peters' Nippur, ii. chapter x, "The History of Nippur."
[1420] Ib. ll. 260. (Published in Hilprecht's Old Babylonian Inscriptions, I. 1. pl. 21, no. 43. See also pl. 8, no. 15.)
[1421] VR. 63.
[1422] VR. pls. 60, 61.
[1423] So, e.g., as late as the days of Nebopolassar (Scheil, Recueil des Travaux, xviii. 16).
[1424] Besides this temple, there were two others, perhaps only chapels, dedicated to Sin at Ur: (a) E-te-im-ila (mentioned first by Ur-Bau, IR. pl. 1, no. 4), and (b) E-Kharsag (mentioned first by Dungi, IR. 2, II. no. 2). The zikkurat at Ur had, of course, a special name (IIR. 50, obverse 18).
[1425] See Nöldeke, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xi. 107-109. Hilprecht's theory (Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 2, 55) has not been accepted by scholars.
[1426] VR. 64, col. i. 3-9; col. ii. 46.
[1431] So Antiochus Soter, VR. 66, col. i. l. 3.
[1432] For a further account of the financial side of the temple establishments, see Peiser's excellent remarks in his Babylonische Verträge des Berliner Museums, pp. xvii-xxix.
[1433] Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 2, p. 24.
[1434] Nine magnificent diorite statues of Gudea were found by De Sarzec at Telloh.
[1435] Ashes—the trace of sacrifices—were also found on the altar.
[1436] See the illustrations in Perrot and Chiplez, History of Art in Chaldea, etc., i. 143, 255. Similar horns existed on the Hebrew and Phœnician altars.
[1437] See the illustrations in Perrot and Chiplez, ib., i. 194, 256, 257. On seal cylinders altar titles are frequently represented.
[1438] Book i. sec. 183.
[1439] See Schick, Die Stiftshütte, etc., pp. 119 seq.
[1442] Described in De Sarzec's Découvertes en Chaldée, pp. 216, 217. For other specimens, see ib. pp. 106, 171; and see also Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 2. p. 39, note.
[1443] Inscription D, col. iii, 1-12.
[1444] See Winckler's note, Keils Bibl. 3, 2, p. 16.
[1445] IR. 54, col. iii. l. 10.
[1446] Ib. 55, col. iv. l. 1, 2.
[1447] IIR. 61. no. 2, obverse.
[1448] See Perrot and Chiplez, History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria, i. 75, 76.
[1449] See the illustration in Snouck-Hurgronje Mekka, pl. V.
[1450] I.e., of the god, E-Kua being the name of the sacred chamber in Marduk's temple at Babylon. See p. 629, note 1.
[1453] The largest canal in Babylonia.
[1454] E.g., ishakku.
[1455] Sha and nakû, i.e., 'the one over the sacrifice.' Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, vii., 174, note.
[1456] That these terms represent classes of priests is indicated by the fact that the abstract derivatives shangûtu, kalûtu, ishippûtu, and also ramkûtu (see below) are used as general terms for priesthood.
[1458] 'A spear carrier of Marduk' occurs in contract tablets.
[1459] Dupsharru.
[1460] Daianu.
[1461] E.g., IIIR. 48, no. 6, ll. 26, 27.
[1462] Shangu = priest; makhu = great.
[1464] Delitzsch, Assyr. Handwörterbuch, p. 149b.
[1466] On these night watches, see Delitzsch's article in the Zeitschrift für Keilschriftforschung, ll. 284-294.
[1469] See his article on "Sacrifice" in the 9th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica and his Religion of the Semites, Lectures VI-XI.
[1470] So in the regulations of the priestly code (Lev. iii. 14-17).
[1471] Inscription G, cols, iii-vi.
[1472] Hardly 'roosters,' as Jensen (Kosmologie, p. 517) proposes.
[1473] See, e.g., Gudea, Inscription F, cols. iii, iv.
[1474] See on this general subject Marillier's admirable articles, "La Place du Totemisme dans l'evolution religieuse" (Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, xxxvi).
[1476] See Peters' Nippur, ll. 131, and Hilprecht, Cuneiform Texts, ix. pl. xiii.
[1477] See Ward, "On Some Babylonian Cylinders supposed to represent Human Sacrifices" (Proc. Amer. Oriental Soc. May, 1888, pp. xxvlii-xxx).
[1478] See, e.g., Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, 1st series, pls. 7, 23; Place, Nineve et l'Assyrie, pl. 46, etc.
[1479] "The Winged Figures of the Assyrian and Other Ancient Monuments," Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. xii. 383-393; see also Bonavia, "The Sacred Trees of the Assyrian Monuments," Babylonian and Oriental Record, vols. iii, iv, whose conclusions, however, are not always acceptable.
[1480] See chapter xix, "Oracles and Omens."
[1482] See, e.g., Sennacherib, IR. 47, col. v. ll. 50-54; Ashurbanabal, Rassam Cylinder, col. ii. l. 116, and col. iv. l. 9.
[1483] IIR. 67, 11, 12.
[1484] Cylinder, l. 4.
[1485] Winckler, Die Keilschrifttexte Sargon's Prunkinschrift, ll. 134, 135.
[1486] Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 1, pl. 33, col. ii. ll. 54-56.
[1487] VR. 65, col. ii. l. 13.
[1488] See, e.g., Tiglathpileser I., IR. 16, col. viii. ll. 56, 57; Sennacherib, IR. 47, col. vi. l. 67-71.
[1489] VR. 64, col. ii. ll. 43-45.
[1490] Gen. xxviii. 18.
[1491] Religion of the Semites, p. 364.
[1492] See Robertson Smith, ib. p. 215.
[1493] VR. 61, col. iv. ll. 33, 34.
[1494] IR. 7, no. ix.
[1495] Heuzey in De Sarzec's Découvertes en Chaldée, p. 209.
[1496] Several examples occur in De Sarzec's Découvertes en Chaldée. See also Ward, Proc. Amer. Oriental Soc., May, 1888, p. xxix, and Peters' Nippur, ii. pl. 2.
[1497] Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidenthums, p. 106.
[1498] Grotefend Cylinder, col. li. ll. 36-39.
[1499] They are also used in the sense of any permanent provision for a temple through an endowment.
[1500] Lit., 'the steady' sacrifice. See the technical employment, Dan. viii. 11.
[1501] VR. 61, col. iv. l. 48-col v. l. 6; see also Ashurbanabal, Rassam Cylinder, col. iv. l. 90.
[1504] Inscription B, cols. vii-viii.
[1505] Chapter iii. 1-7.
[1506] This touch appears to have been added by the Hebrew writer. Nebuchadnezzar is but a disguise for Antiochus Epiphanes.
[1507] VR. 33, col. ii. l. 22-col. iii. l. 12.
[1508] VR. 61, col. vi. ll. 1-13.
[1509] Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 1, pl. 23, no. 62.
[1510] In the museum at Copenhagen. Described by Knudtzon in the Zeits. f. Assyr., xil. 255.
[1511] Tiele, Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte, p. 287.
[1512] In the Berlin Museum (Knudtzon, ib.). It is also on a knob which contains remains of an iron stick, to which, evidently, the knob was fastened.
[1513] Written A-e.
[1514] Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 1, p. 58.
[1515] In reality, glass colored with cobalt. On this production of false lapis lazuli, see Peters' Nippur, ii. 134.
[1516] For examples, see Hilprecht, ib., pl. 18, no. 34; pl. 23, nos. 56, 57; pl. 25, nos. 66, 69; pl. 26, no. 70.
[1517] Peters' Nippur, ii. 77, 133.
[1518] So, e.g., Peters' Nippur, ii. 237, 238, 378, 379.
[1519] De Sarzec, Découvertes en Chaldée, pls. 1 bis and 28.
[1520] The opinion has been advanced that the personage who holds the cone-shaped object is the fire-god turning the fire drill, but this is highly improbable.
[1521] Découvertes en Chaldée, p. 239.
[1522] Peters' Nippur ii. 376, and Hilprecht, Cuneiform Texts, ix. pl. 12.
[1523] Peters ib. pp. 374, 375.
[1525] E.g., Gen. xxxi. 19.
[1526] See the specimens and descriptions in Découvertes en Chaldée, pl. 44 and p. 234.
[1527] Tiglathpileser I. (IR. 12, col. iv. l. 23) presents twenty-five gods of the land of Sugi.
[1528] Ashurnasirbal, IR. 25, col. iii. ll. 91, 92.
[1529] Winckler, Die Keilschrifttexte Sargon's Prunkinschrift, ll. 141-143.
[1530] IR. 27, 8-10.
[1531] VR. 60, col. ii. ll. 11-16.