(ii) Ehwald (KB 71) followed Gronovius' second explanation, retaining the manuscripts' norit, and glossing 'tellus, quae sub ullo caelo posita est et te, meae salutis seruatorem, meque, libra et aere tuum, minus norit'.
(iii) Némethy followed Gronovius' first explanation, adding as an illustration AA I 643-44 'ludite, si sapitis, solas impune puellas: / hac minus [Burman: magis codd] est una fraude tuenda [Naugerius ex codd suis: pudenda codd] fides'. The citation does not strengthen the case for minus.
(iv) André wrote 'Minus me paraît avoir le sens de citra "sans aller jusqu'à", i.e. "sans même avoir recours à la mancipation": "tu es mon maître de ma propre volonté, et non, comme tu l'es de tes autres propriétés, par achat."' But the meaning seems to weaken the force of the poem.
I have with reluctance adopted libra ... et aere magis, taking it in the sense magis quam libra et aere ('I am yours even more than I would be if I had been acquired through mancipatio'). The closest parallel I have found for this compressed use of the ablative is the idiom at v 7 'luce minus decima', 'before the tenth day'.
Of the other readings, F1's tuum ... datum cannot itself be correct, although it may offer a clue to the truth. Heinsius' tuum ... tuum is grammatical enough, but (as Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me) makes Ovid say that he is Pompeius' literally through mancipatio. As well, the repetition seems odd. Rappold's tuae ... manus cannot be right, since manus did not have the sense of mancipium, except for the limited meaning of a husband's authority over his wife. Still, Rappold's conjecture may be a step in the right direction, particularly in view of v 39-40 'pro quibus ut meritis referatur gratia, iurat / se fore mancipii tempus in omne tui'.
The anonymous detractor to whom Ovid apparently addresses this poem is probably fictional; at 47 he substitutes Liuor, dropping the pretence of speaking to a single enemy.
Ovid begins the poem by asking his detractor why he criticizes Ovid's verse. A poet's fame increases after his death; Ovid's fame was great even while he was still alive (1-4). There were many poets contemporary with Ovid (5-38). There were also younger poets, not yet published, whom he will not name, with the necessary exception of Cotta Maximus (39-44). Even among such poets, he had a reputation. Envy should therefore cease to torment him; he has lost everything but life, which is left only so that he can continue to experience pain (45-50).
The poem is of particular interest because of the catalogue of the poets of the earlier part of the reign of Tiberius. It is a reminder of how much Latin verse has been lost, for of the poets listed only Grattius survives.
Similar catalogues of poets are found at Prop II xxxiv 61-92 and Am I xv 9-30, the poets listed being however not contemporaries but illustrious predecessors. Tr IV x 41-54 is complementary to the present poem, being a list of the leading Roman poets at the beginning of Ovid's career. All of these poems come last in their book, and it seems clear enough that the present poem was meant to close a published collection. Other links exist with the earlier poems: mention is similarly made in them of the poet's fame after his death (Prop II xxxiv 94, Am I xi 41-42, Tr IV x 129-30), and Am I xv (which Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests may have ended the original edition in five books of the Amores) is, like the present poem, addressed to Liuor.
1. INVIDE, QVID LACERAS NASONIS CARMINA RAPTI. Compare the question that opens Am I xv 'Quid mihi, Liuor edax, ignauos obicis annos, / ingeniique uocas carmen inertis opus'. For inuide ... laceras compare Cic Brutus 156 'inuidia, quae solet lacerare plerosque'.
1. LACERAS. Lacerare 'attack verbally' is a prose usage, found in Cicero, the historians, and the elder Seneca (OLD lacero 5; TLL VII.2 827 50).
The primary meaning of lacerare behind this usage is mordere; lacerare is found in this literal sense at Cic De or II 240 'lacerat lacertum Largi mordax Memmius', Phaedrus I xii 11 'lacerari coepit morsibus saeuis canum', and Sen Clem I 25 1.
For mordere in the same transferred sense, see at xiv 46 mordenda (p 424).
1. NASONIS ... RAPTI. 'Of Ovid, who is now dead'. For rapti, see at xi 5 rapti (p 362).
2. NON SOLET INGENIIS SVMMA NOCERE DIES. The same thought at Am I xv 39-40 'pascitur in uiuis Liuor; post fata quiescit, / cum suus ex merito quemque tuetur honos' and EP III iv 73-74 'scripta placent a morte fere, quia laedere uiuos / Liuor et iniusto carpere dente solet'.
3. CINERES = mortem. Bömer at Met VIII 539 post cinerem (where cinerem, as Bömer saw, means 'cremation'), cites among other passages Prop III i 35-36 'meque inter seros laudabit Roma nepotes: / illum post cineres auguror esse diem', Martial I i 2-6 'Martialis ... cui, lector studiose, quod dedisti / uiuenti decus atque sentienti, / rari post cineres habent poetae' and Martial VIII xxxviii 16 'hoc et post cineres erit tributum'.
3. AT is my correction for the manuscripts' ET. The point that Ovid was famous even while alive is made by tum quoque later in the verse; the only meaning that could therefore be given to et mihi nomen is 'even I had a name, even when I was alive', which is inappropriate, since in this poem Ovid is not belittling his poetic talent.
At seems to be the obvious solution, giving the sense 'poets usually become famous after they die; I, however, was famous even while alive'. Compare Tr IV x 121-22 (to his Muse) 'tu mihi, quod rarum est, uiuo sublime dedisti / nomen, ab exequiis quod dare fama solet' and Martial I i 2-6 (cited in the previous note). The more usual situation of obscurity during the poet's lifetime followed by posthumous fame is described at Prop III i 21-24.
Professor C. P. Jones points out to me that et can have an adversative sense (OLD et 14a). But the two instances there cited from Augustan verse are examples of nec ... et (Fast V 530; Tr V xii 63 'nec possum et cupio non nullos ducere uersus'). Where et alone carries the adversative sense, it is generally used to join two opposing verbs or verbal phrases: compare Cic Tusc I 6 'fieri ... potest ut recte quis sentiat et id quod sentit polite eloqui non possit' and Sen NQ II 18 'quare aliquando non fulgurat et tonat?'.
4. CVM VIVIS ADNVMERARER. For Ovid's considering himself already dead, compare EP I ix 56 'et nos extinctis adnumerare potest' and EP I vii 9-10 'nos satis est inter glaciem Scythicasque sagittas / uiuere, si uita est mortis habenda genus'.
Ovid is the first poet to use adnumerare in this sense ('reckon in with'), and only in his poems of exile; it is afterwards found at Her XVI 330 and Manilius V 438.
5-36. It is possible to discern a rough order in the catalogue of names; first come the writers of epic and Pindaric verse (5-28), then the dramatists (29-31), and finally the writers of lighter verse (32-36).
5. CVM FORET ET FHT CVMQVE FORET BCMIL. Clearly either et or -que was lost, and one or both inserted to restore the metre. Cumque would be a continuation of at mihi nomen ..., which seems an inelegant construction. Cum foret et, introducing a sentence of forty-two lines ending in 'dicere si fas est, claro mea nomine Musa / atque inter tantos quae legeretur erat' seems preferable; this very long sentence serves not as a continuation of the statement in 3-4, but as evidence for it.
5. MARSVS. Domitius Marsus[29] is often mentioned by Martial as a writer of epigram, sometimes being coupled with Catullus and Albinovanus Pedo (I praef, II lxxi 3 & lxxvii 5, V v 6, VII xcix 7). A friend of Maecenas, he wrote an epic poem on the Amazons (Martial IV xxix 8), and at least nine books of fabellae (Charisius I 72 Keil). Quintilian quotes from his treatise on urbanitas (VI iii 102 ff.); and he is cited as an authority by the elder Pliny (NH I 34).
The scholiasts and grammarians preserve seven fragments (Morel 110-11), the most interesting being the four lines on the death of Tibullus: 'Te quoque Vergilio comitem non aequa, Tibulle, / Mors iuuenem campos misit ad Elysios, / ne foret aut elegis molles qui fleret amores / aut caneret forti regia bella pede'.
5. MAGNIQVE RABIRIVS ORIS. Similar phrasing at Virgil G III 294 'magno nunc ore sonandum', Prop II x 12 'magni nunc erit oris opus', and AA I 206 (to Gaius) 'et magno nobis ore sonandus eris'. In the last two passages, as here, there is a specific reference to epic verse.
5. RABIRIVS. Velleius Paterculus (II 36 3) mentions Rabirius (Schanz-Hosius 267-68 [§ 316]; Bardon 73-74) alongside Virgil: 'paene stulta est inhaerentium oculis ingeniorum enumeratio, inter quae maxima nostri aeui eminent princeps carminum Vergilius Rabiriusque'. Quintilian speaks of him with rather less admiration: 'Rabirius ac Pedo non indigni cognitione, si uacet' (X i 90). Seneca (Ben VI 3 1) quotes a passage of his with Mark Antony speaking; presumably one of his poems dealt with the civil war.
Five short fragments of Rabirius survive (Morel 120-21).
6. ILIACVSQVE MACER. Pompeius Macer[30] was one of Ovid's closest friends; he is the addressee of Am II xviii and EP II x. The son of Theophanes of Mytilene, Pompey's confidant, he was intimate with Tiberius (Strabo XIII 2 3); under Augustus he had served as procurator of Asia and had been placed in charge of the libraries at Rome (Suet Iul 56 7). Two poems in the Greek Anthology are generally attributed to him (VII ccxix; IX xxviii).
Iliacus is explained by Am II xviii 1-3 'Carmen ad iratum dum tu perducis Achillem ['while you are writing a poem about the Trojan war up to the starting-point of the Iliad'] / primaque iuratis induis arma uiris, / nos, Macer, ignaua Veneris cessamus in umbra' and EP II x 13-14 'tu canis aeterno quicquid restabat Homero, / ne careant summa Troica bella manu'; Macer had written poems narrating those parts of the Trojan war not covered by the Iliad.
The Macer mentioned at Tr IV x 43-44 must be a different person, for he is described as already being grandior aeuo in Ovid's youth.
6. SIDEREVSQVE PEDO. On Albinovanus Pedo, see at x 4 Albinouane (p 327).
For sidereus ('divine' or 'resplendent'), Bardon aptly cited Columella X 434 (written in hexameters) 'siderei uatis ... praecepta Maronis'.
7. ET, QVI IVNONEM LAESISSET IN HERCVLE, CARVS. This is the Carus to whom xiii is addressed: compare xiii 11-12 'prodent auctorem uires, quas Hercule dignas / nouimus atque illi quem canis ipse pares'.
As Jupiter's son by Alcmene, Hercules suffered from Juno's enmity until his deification.
8. IVNONIS SI IAM NON GENER ILLE FORET. Perhaps Carus' poem included Hercules' marriage to Hebe.
9. SEVERVS. On Severus, the addressee of poem ii, see the introduction to that poem; for quique dedit Latio carmen regale, see at ii 1 uates magnorum maxime regum (p 162).
10. SVBTILI ... NVMA. Numa is otherwise unknown. Subtilis means 'clean and elegant in style'; compare Cic De or I 180 'oratione maxime limatus atque subtilis' and Brutus 35 'tum fuit Lysias ... egregie subtilis scriptor atque elegans, quem iam prope audeas oratorem perfectum dicere'.
10. PRISCVS VTERQVE. Only one poet of this name is known, Clutorius (Tac Ann III 49-51) or C. Lutorius (Dio LVII 20 3) Priscus. All that is known of him is the manner of his death: in AD 21 he was put to death for composing and reciting a premature poem on the death of Drusus.
11. IMPARIBVS NVMERIS ... VEL AEQVIS. Like Ovid, Montanus wrote both elegiac and hexameter verse.
For impar used of elegiac verse, compare Hor AP 75 (the earliest instance) 'uersibus impariter iunctis', Am II xvii 21, Am III i 37, AA I 264, Tr II 220, EP II v 1 (disparibus), EP III iv 86 (disparibus), EP IV v 3 (nec ... aequis), and line 36 of the present poem.
11. MONTANE. Iulius Montanus is mentioned in passing at Sen Cont VII 1 27, where he is called egregius poeta; in Donatus' life of Virgil (29) his admiration of Virgil's manner of reciting is mentioned, on the authority of the elder Seneca. The younger Seneca, calling him 'tolerabilis poeta et amicitia Tiberi notus et frigore', tells some amusing anecdotes about the length of his recitations and his fondness for describing sunrises and sunsets (Ep CXXII 11-13). He quotes from him twice (Morel 120).
13-14. ET QVI PENELOPAE RESCRIBERE IVSSIT VLIXEM / ERRANTEM SAEVO PER DVO LUSTRA MARI. All that is known of Sabinus is what Ovid says here and in his list of Sabinus' poems at Am II xviii 27-34 'quam cito de toto rediit meus orbe Sabinus / scriptaque diuersis rettulit ille locis! / candida Penelope signum cognouit Vlixis; / legit ab Hippolyto scripta nouerca suo. / iam pius Aeneas miserae rescripsit Elissae, / quodque legat Phyllis, si modo uiuit, adest. / tristis ad Hypsipylen ab Iasone littera uenit; / det uotam Phoebo Lesbis amata lyram' (this line, like the letter of Sappho, has been considered suspect; see R. J. Tarrant, "The Authenticity of the Letter of Sappho to Phaon (Heroides XV)", HSPh 85 [1981] 133-53).
Since the letter of Ulysses is the first one mentioned in the list at Am II xviii 29, it was presumably the first poem in Sabinus' collection of epistles; hence Ovid's use of it here to indicate the entire collection.
Line 14 may be an echo of one of Sabinus' poems.
15. TRISOMEN C TRISOMEM B1. For the many other variants, see the apparatus. The word is clearly corrupt; correction is difficult in the absence of further information on Sabinus. TROEZENA (a conjecture reported by Micyllus) seems unattractive. Heinsius had difficulty with the passage: 'an Tymelen? opinor certe nomen puellae a Sabino decantatae hic latere'. TROESMIN, suggested by Ehwald (JAW CIX [1901] 187), is unlikely—why would Sabinus have wished to recount Vestalis' capture of the city?—but not, as claimed by Vollmer (PW I A,2 1598 34), unmetrical: lengthening is common enough before the main caesura (although I have found no example of lengthened -in). Bardon (61) wished to read TROEZEN (which is in fact the reading of T), apparently not realizing that an accusative form is required.
15-16. DIERVM ... OPVS. Sabinus apparently started work on a calendar-poem, which may have resembled the Fasti; compare Fast I 101 'uates operose dierum'.
16. CELERI = 'premature'.
17. INGENIIQVE SVI DICTVS COGNOMINE LARGVS. For the play on the name compare xiii 2 'qui quod es, id uere, Care, uocaris, aue'. Nothing is known of Largus beyond what Ovid here tells us.
18. GALLICA QVI PHRYGIVM DVXIT IN ARVA SENEM. Largus described Antenor's migration to Venetia and founding of Patavium, for which see Aen I 242-49 and Livy I 1.
18. GALLICA ... ARVA. Patavium was in Cisalpine Gaul.
18. PHRYGIVM ... SENEM. At Il III 149-50 Antenor is listed among the 'δημογέροντες ... γήραϊ δὴ πολέμοιο πεπαυμένοι' sitting on the Trojan wall who see Helen approach.
19. DOMITO ... AB HECTORE TROIAM. 'The story of Troy after the death of Hector'. Gothanus II 121 has the interpolation DOMITAM ... AB HECTORE, which Korn printed.
19. CAMERINVS. Nothing is known of this poet.
20. SVA PHYLLIDE. Presumably Tuscus' equivalent of Gallus' Lycoris. However, as Professor A. Dalzell points out, the reference to love poetry is odd in a sequence of epic and didactic writers.
20. TVSCVS is not otherwise certainly known. Kiessling (Coniectanea Propertiana, Greifswald, 1875) proposed that he was the "Demophoon" addressed in Prop II xxii; this suggestion has won support from Birt [RhM XXXII [1877] 414), Bardon (61; I owe these references to him), and André, but does not seem extremely convincing, especially since Propertius had been writing some three decades earlier. Merkel, in his edition of the Tristia (p. 373), identifies him with the grammarian Clodius Tuscus, without offering a reason.
21. VELIVOLIQVE MARIS VATES. It is not known who this was, or what the precise subject of the poem might have been; perhaps it resembled the Halieutica. André mentions that Varro Atacinus has been proposed, but does not name the author of the suggestion, which seems rather fanciful; as he points out, Varro had died some fifty years previously. Luck in his edition has proposed Abronius Silo, of whom two hexameters survive (Sen Suas II 19 = Morel 120), but, as André remarks, the fact that he, like Ovid, was a follower of the rhetor Porcius Latro is hardly sufficient evidence for the identification.
For ueliuolique see at v 42 ueliuolas (p 224).
22. CAERVLEOS ... DEOS = 'the gods of the sea'. Compare Met II 8 'caeruleos habet unda deos'.
23. ACIES LIBYCAS ROMANAQVE PROELIA. The poem may have concerned the Jugurthine war, or Caesar's African campaign; compare Fast IV 379-80 'illa dies Libycis qua Caesar in oris / perfida magnanimi contudit arma Iubae'.
For the juxtaposition of opposing proper adjectives (Libycas Romana), see Tarrant on Sen Ag 613-13a Dardana tecto / Dorici ... ignes.
24. ET MARIVS SCRIPTI DEXTER IN OMNE GENVS. For the phrasing compare Tr II 381-82 'omne genus scripti grauitate tragoedia uincit: / haec quoque materiam semper amoris habet' and Tr II 517-18 'an genus hoc scripti faciunt sua pulpita ['stage'] tutum, / quodque licet, mimis scaena licere dedit?'. C's MARIVS SCRIPTOR and B's SCRIPTOR MARIVS were no doubt induced by the hyperbaton of scripti ... genus.
Marius is not otherwise known.
25. TRINACRIVSQVE ... AVCTOR. In view of the following auctor ... Lupus, Trinacrius should be taken as a proper name, and not as an adjective. The adjectival form of the name is, however, suspicious, and may be a corruption far removed from what Ovid wrote.
25. SVAE seems strange, and is probably corrupt. Wheeler translated 'Trinacrius who wrote of the Perseid he knew so well', while André ignored suae altogether: 'l'auteur trinacrien de la "Perséide"'.
25-26. AVCTOR / TANTALIDAE REDVCIS TYNDARIDOSQVE LVPVS. Lupus (otherwise unknown) apparently wrote of the return of Menelaus and Helen to Sparta.
Tantalides is used only here of Menelaus. Elsewhere in Latin verse it is used of Agamemnon, Atreus, and Pelops: see OLD Tantalides. Ovid is here using the diction of high poetry.
27. ET QVI MAEONIAM PHAEACIDA VERTIT. Tuticanus; his translation of the Phaeacian episode of the Odyssey is mentioned at xii 27-28. As that poem explains, his name could not be used in elegiac verse: hence the periphrasis in this passage.
27. ET VNE HLB2 ET VNE M2c ET VNA IT ET VNI B1C IN ANGVEM F. Vne was liable to corruption because of the hyperbaton with Rufe in the next line, and because of the rarity of the vocative of unus. For unus in the sense 'unique, outstanding', compare Catullus XXXVII 17 'tu praeter omnes une de capillatis' ('you outstanding member of the long-haired set'—Quinn) and Prop II iii 29 'gloria Romanis una es tu nata puellis'.
27-28. VNE / PINDARICAE FIDICEN TV QVOQVE, RVFE, LYRAE. An imitation of Hor Carm IV iii 21-23 'totum muneris hoc tui est / quod monstror digito praetereuntium / Romanae fidicen lyrae'.
28. RVFE. Otherwise unknown. André correctly points out that he is unlikely to be the Rufus addressed in EP II xi, 'dont Ovid n'aurait pas manqué alors de vanter le talent poétique'. Bardon (59) mentions that A. Reifferscheid ("Coniect. noua", Ind. lect. Bresl., 1880/81, p. 7) identified this Rufus with the Pindaric poet Titius of Hor Ep I iii 9-10, thereby creating 'le très synthétique Titius Rufus'. But there is nothing very compelling about the identification.
29. MVSAVE TVRRANI. The poet is not otherwise certainly known. Bardon (48) reports the conjectures of Hirschfeld ("Annona", Philologus, 1870, p. 27) identifying him with C. Turranius, praefectus annonae at the time of Augustus' death (Tac Ann I 7) and of Munzer (Beitr. zur Quellenkritik 387-89), identifying him with the geographical writer Turranius Gracilis mentioned by the elder Pliny (NH III 3, IX 11).
29. INNIXA COTVRNIS. The coturnus was distinguished by its high sole; hence innixa ('supported by'). Compare Am III i 31 (of Tragedy) 'pictis innixa coturnis' and Hor AP 279-80 'Aeschylus ... docuit magnumque loqui nitique coturno'.
29. COTVRNIS. As Brink at Hor AP 80 points out, coturnus (not cothurnus) is the spelling favoured by the best manuscripts of Virgil and Horace.
30. ET TVA CVM SOCCO MVSA, MELISSE, LEVIS. H offers LEVI, also conjectured by Heinsius, which may be right: the epithet with socco would provide a pleasing balance with the preceding tragicis ... coturnis. On the other hand, Professor R. J. Tarrant in support of leuis cites RA 375-76 'grande sonant tragici, tragicos decet ira coturnos: / usibus e mediis soccus habendus erit' and Hor AP 80 'socci ... grandesque coturni'; in both passages soccus has no adjective.
Propertius uses Musa leuis of his verse (II xii 22); compare as well Tr II 354 'Musa iocosa' (Ovid's amatory verse), EP I v 69 'infelix Musa', Lucretius IV 589 & Ecl I 2 'siluestrem ... Musam', and Quintilian X i 55 'Musa ... rustica et pastoralis' (the poetry of Theocritus).
Leuis is used of comedy at Fast V 347-48 'scaena leuis decet hanc [sc Floram]: non est, mihi credite, non est / illa coturnatas inter habenda deas' and Hor AP 231 'effutire leues indigna Tragoedia uersus'.
30. MELISSE. Thanks principally to Suetonius Gram 21, we are comparatively well informed about Melissus (Schanz-Hosius 176-77 [§ 277]; Bardon 49-52). Brought up a slave (his father had disowned him at birth), he was given a good education by the man who accepted him, and was given to Maecenas, who manumitted him. He wrote one hundred and fifty books of Ineptiae. 'Fecit et nouum genus togatarum inscripsitque trabeatas'; it is no doubt these plays that Ovid is here referring to.
31. VARIVS. Possibly the famous author of the Thyestes and editor of the Aeneid (Schanz-Hosius 162-64 [§ 267]; Bardon 28-34; fragments at Morel 100-1 and Ribbeck 265). Riese objected to the identification on chronological grounds (the Thyestes was produced in 29 BC), but the date of his death is unknown, and he may have survived to the time of Ovid's exile.
31. GRACCHVSQVE. The manuscripts omit the aspirate, and Ehwald cites CIL VI 1 1505 for a mention of Ti. Sempronius Graccus, but in his discussion of the aspirate Quintilian makes it clear that Graccus was an obsolete spelling (I v 20).
Gracchus (Bardon 48-49) is mentioned by Priscian, Nonius, and the author of the De dubiis nominibus, who among them preserve four fragments and three titles (Ribbeck 266). One of the titles is a Thyestes; Professor R. J. Tarrant plausibly suggests that Ovid may here be alluding to the plays by Varius and Gracchus on the theme with his words cum ... darent fera uerba tyrannis, Atreus being the archetype of the tyrant in tragedy.
Nipperdey proposed that Ovid's Gracchus was the Sempronius Gracchus implicated in the disgrace of Julia (Vel Pat II 100 5); see Syme HO 196 and Furneaux on Tac Ann I 53 4. The identification is however far from certain.
32. CALLIMACHI PROCVLVS MOLLE TENERET ITER. Proculus is otherwise unknown. Ehwald suggested (JAW 43 [1885] 141) that he was a dramatic poet like Varius and Gracchus, citing a mention of the 'σατυρικὰ δράματα, τραγῳδίαι, κωμῳδίαι' of Callimachus in the Souda. But Callimachus' primary reputation was hardly that of a tragedian; and molle ... iter must be a reference to Aetia 25-28: 'καὶ τόδ' ἄνωγα, τὰ μὴ πατέουσιν ἅμαξαι / τὰ στειβειν, ἑτέρων δ' ἴχνια μὴ καθ' ὁμά / [Hunt: δίφρον ἐλ]ᾷν μηδ' οἷμον ἀνὰ πλατύν, ἀλλὰ κελεύθους / [Pfeiffer: ἀτρίπτο]υς, εἰ καὶ στεινοτέρην ἐλάσεις'.
For mollis used specifically of elegy (the Aetia were in elegiac verse), see EP III iv 85 and Prop I vii 19 (cited by André); for the word in an overtly Callimachean context, see Prop III i 19 'mollia, Pegasides, date uestro serta poetae'.
Tenere here has the sense 'keep to', as at Met II 79 'ut ... uiam teneas' and Q Cic (?) Pet 55 'perge tenere istam uiam quam institisti [Gruterus: instituisti codd]'; Professor R. J. Tarrant rightly sees a suggestion of conscious artistic preference, and a faint allusion to the places where Augustan poets renounce the attractions of higher poetry.
33. TITYRON ANTIQVAS PASSERQVE REDIRET AD HERBAS B1C. For the many variants and emendations proposed, see the apparatus.
Housman has offered a defence of B and C's version of this line (937-39). He accepted Riese's printing of Passer as a proper name ('M. Petronius Passer' is mentioned at Varro RR III 2 2), and took the passage to mean 'He wrote bucolics, or, as Ovid puts it, he went back to Tityrus and the pastures of old': the construction is 'cum Passer rediret ad Tityron antiquasque herbas'. In writing the line, Ovid resorted to three devices, 'each of them legitimate, but not perhaps elsewhere assembled in a single verse'. The first is the delay of the preposition ad after Tityron, which it governs; the second is the delay of -que, which properly belongs with antiquas; and the third is the placing of the verb between its two objects. For each of these devices Housman furnishes convincing parallels.
Housman's argument is ingenious and informative, but I do not believe that he is right in defending the line: the accumulation of difficulties is suspicious, and the divergence of the manuscripts is greater here than at any other point in the book. Heinsius wrote of the line, 'haec nec Latina sunt, nec satis intelligo quid sibi uelint'. Like Heinsius, I believe the line to be deeply corrupted and, in the absence of further evidence, impossible to correct.
34. APTAQVE VENANTI GRATTIVS ARMA DARET. Compare Grattius 23 'carmine et arma dabo et uenandi [cod: uenanti et Vlitius] persequar artis'.
34. GRATTIVS. The manuscripts have GRATIVS (CFLT) or GRACIVS (BMHI); and Gratius is what editors both of Ovid and Grattius printed until Buecheler pointed out (RhM 35 [1880] 407) that Grattius is the only form found in inscriptions, and is what is given in the oldest manuscript of Grattius, Vindobonensis 277 (saec viii/ix), which predates the manuscripts of EP IV by at least four hundred years.
35. NAIADAS C. P. Jones NAIADAS A HLI2 NAYADES A MT NAIDAS A BCFI2. Ovid elsewhere invariably uses the dative of agent with amatus (Am I v 12, II viii 12, III ix 55-56, AA II 80, Tr I vi 2, II 400, III i 42, IV x 40).
As Professor Jones notes, following the interpolation of a, the shorter form Naidas was introduced in BCFI1 to restore metre.
35-36. FONTANVS ... CAPELLA. Neither poet is otherwise known.
36. IMPARIBVS ... MODIS. See at 11 imparibus numeris ... uel aequis (p 453).
37-38. QVORVM MIHI CVNCTA REFERRE / NOMINA LONGA MORA EST. Similar phrasing at Met XIII 205-6 'longa referre mora est quae consilioque manuque / utiliter feci spatiosi tempore belli' and Fast V 311-12 (Flora speaking) 'longa referre mora est correcta obliuia damnis; / me quoque Romani praeteriere patres'.
39-40. ESSENT ET IVVENES QVORVM, QVOD INEDITA CVRA EST, / APPELLANDORVM NIL MIHI IVRIS ADEST. All editors, misled no doubt by 37, mispunctuate this passage, placing a comma before quorum instead of after: this destroys the gerundive quorum ... appellandorum, leaving the pentameter without a construction.
Williams proposed excising this distich, the reasons being (1) the sudden change from forent to essent, (2) the use of inedita, which is not found elsewhere, (3) the use of cura in a sense, 'written work', that is found only in late Latin, and (4) the prose turn of quorum ... appellandorum. To which it can be replied that (1) forent and essent are equivalent, and metrical convenience alone could justify the change, (2) the use of negatived perfect participles such as inedita, indeclinatus (x 83), and inoblita (xv 37) is a hallmark of Ovid's style, (3) cura is used in this sense by Tacitus (Dial 3 3 & 6 5; Ann III 24 4 & IV 11 5); its earlier use in verse is not surprising, and (4) gerundives were allowed in Latin verse; here, as at ix 12 'salutandi munere functa tui', the hyperbaton compensates for any awkwardness.
39. CVRA unus Thuaneus Heinsii CAVSA BCMFHILT. The same error in some manuscripts at Her I 20 'Tlepolemi leto cura nouata mea est', and Fast I 55 'uindicat Ausonias Iunonis cura Kalendas'; the inverse corruption at Am II xii 17 and Fast IV 368.
In 1894 Owen printed causa. The word can certainly have the meaning he attributed to it ('ὑπόθεσις', 'theme'), as at Prop II i 12 'inuenio causas mille poeta nouas', but this does not seem appropriate to the context here. In his later edition Owen returned to the usual reading.
41. APPELLANDORVM. Appellare used with the same sense (OLD appello2 11) at III vi 6 'appellent ne te carmina nostra rogas'; nōmĭnāre was not available for Ovid's use.
41-44. COTTA ... MAXIME. M. Aurelius Cotta Maximus Messalinus[31] (Forschungen in Ephesos III 112 no. 22; cited by Syme HO 117) was the younger son of Messalla, the patron of Tibullus; he was the recipient of six of the Epistulae ex Ponto (I v, I ix, II iii, II viii, III ii & III v). He is undoubtedly the M. Aurelius or Aurelius Cotta recorded by Tacitus as consul for 20 (Ann III 2 3 & 17 4). He was born much later than his brother Messalinus (the addressee of EP I vii and II ii), who was consul in 3 BC; the chronology is confirmed by a mention of him as praetor in 17 (Inscriptiones Italiae XIII i p. 298; see Syme Ten Studies 52), and by Ovid's testimony that Cotta was born after Ovid had become acquainted with his family (EP II iii 69-80). Cotta was clearly a very close friend of Ovid; this can be seen particularly from EP II iii, in which Ovid recounts how Cotta sent the first letter of comfort after his catastrophe (67-68) and tells how he confessed his error to Cotta. ] Tacitus gives some information on Cotta's public career. In AD 16, in the aftermath of the discovery of Libo's plot against Tiberius, Cotta proposed that Libo's image not be in his descendants' funeral processions (Ann II 32 1). In 20, as consul, he similarly proposed penalties against Piso's family (Ann III 17), and in 27 he is mentioned as attacking Agrippina so as to please Tiberius (Ann V 3). The most interesting mention of him is at Ann VI 5 (AD 32), where Tacitus tells of how Tiberius himself intervened in favour of Cotta after he had been charged with maiestas; the eventual result was that charges were laid against Cotta's chief accuser.
42. PIERIDVM LVMEN. At EP III v 29-36 Ovid asked Cotta to send him some of his poetry.
For the sense of lumen here ('ornament'), OLD lumen 11 cites among other passages Cic Sul 5 'haec ornamenta ac lumina rei publicae' and Phil II 54 (of Pompey) 'imperi populi Romani decus ac lumen fuit'.
42. PRAESIDIVMQVE FORI = 'defender of the law'. Compare vi 33-34 'cum tibi suscepta est legis uindicta seuerae, / uerba uelut taetrum singula uirus habent'.
43. MATERNOS COTTAS. This passage should be taken in conjunction with EP III ii 103-8 (to Cotta) 'adde quod est animus semper tibi mitis, et altae / indicium mores nobilitatis habent, / quos Volesus patrii cognoscat nominis auctor, / quos Numa maternus non neget esse suos, / adiectique probent genetiua ad nomina Cottae, / si tu non esses, interitura domus'. The simplest explanation of these two passages is that Cotta had been adopted by a maternal uncle, the last surviving Aurelius Cotta.
The question of Cotta's maternal ancestry is a vexed one; for a full discussion see Syme HO 119-21.
The present passage was written with Prop IV xi 31-32 in mind: 'altera maternos exaequat turba Libones, / et domus est titulis utraque fulta suis'.
44. NOBILITAS INGEMINATA. In a famous study (Kleine Schriften I 1 ff.; trans. The Roman Nobility [1969]), Matthias Gelzer demonstrated that the usual meaning of nobilis was 'descended from a consul'. Cotta was descended from a consul on both sides.
At Met XIII 144-47 Ovid uses nobilitas to mean 'descent from a god': (Ulysses speaking) 'mihi Laertes pater est, Arcesius illi, / Iuppiter huic ... est quoque per matrem Cyllenius addita nobis / altera nobilitas: deus est in utroque parente!'.
44. INGEMINATA. A verbal echo of EP I ii 1-2 (to Fabius Maximus) 'Maxime, qui tanti mensuram nominis imples, / et geminas animi nobilitate genus'.
46. ATQVE INTER TANTOS QVAE LEGERETVR ERAT. This is the end of the sentence that began at 5.
46. INTER TANTOS. Compare EP III i 55-56 (Ovid has just compared himself to Capaneus, Amphiaraus, Ulysses, and Philoctetes) 'si locus est aliquis tanta inter nomina paruis, / nos quoque conspicuos nostra ruina facit'.
47. SVMMOTVM codd SVBMOTVM edd. The assimilated summ- is standard in the manuscripts of Virgil and Lucretius, and should not be altered.
47. PROSCINDERE = 'revile, defame'. This seems to be the first instance of the word in this sense; the other examples cited by OLD proscindo 3 are Val Max V iii 3, Val Max VIII 5 2 'C. Flauium eadem lege accusatum testis proscidit', Pliny NH XXXIII 6, and Suet Cal 30 2 'equestrem ordinem ut scaenae harenaeque deuotum assidue proscidit'. The word connects with laceras in the first line of the poem, and with neu cineres sparge, cruente, meos in 48.
49. OMNIA PERDIDIMVS. The same phrase at Met XIII 527-28 (Hecuba speaking) 'omnia perdidimus: superest cur uiuere tempus / in breue sustineam proles gratissima matri'.
49. TANTVMMODO is a prose word. It occurs elsewhere in Ovid only at Fast III 361 'ortus erat summo tantummodo margine Phoebus' and at Tr III vii 29-30 'pone, Perilla, metum; tantummodo femina nulla / neue uir a scriptis discat amare tuis'. Being a colloquial term, it is found in satire (Hor Sat I ix 54) and comedy (Ter Ph 109).
50. SENSVM MATERIAMQVE MALI. 'An occasion for pain, and the ability to feel it'. For sensum compare EP I ii 29-30 'felicem Nioben ... quae posuit sensum saxea facta mali [uar malis]' and EP I ii 37 'uiuimus ut numquam sensu careamus amaro'. For materiam compare Her VII 34 'materiam curae praebeat ille meae!', Met X 133-34 'ut leuiter pro materiaque doleret / admonuit' and EP I x 23-24 'dolores, / quorum materiam dat locus ipse mihi'.
51-52. QVID IVVAT EXTINCTOS FERRVM DEMITTERE IN ARTVS? / NON HABET IN NOBIS IAM NOVA PLAGA LOCVM. I believe this distich is an interpolation for the following reasons:
(1) Lines 49-50 form an effective ending, which 51-52 weaken. In 49-50 Ovid says that life is all that is left to him; and in 52 it is stated that he is already wounded in every place possible. These statements are contradictory.
(2) The use of a weapon in 51 is at odds with the rending metaphor of laceras (1) and proscindere (47).
(3) There seems something peculiar about ferrum demittere in artus; the examples of demittere with this sense in the Metamorphoses involve ilia (IV 119, XII 441), armi (XII 491), and iugulum (XIII 436; similar phrasing at Her XIV 5).
The distich's fabrication was assisted by EP II vii 41-42 'sic ego continue Fortunae uulneror ictu, / uixque habet in nobis iam noua plaga locum'.
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The scope of this index is described at pages vii-viii of the Preface.
ad summam = 'in short', 152
addressees in Ex Ponto IV, 6-9
advantages offered by digital editions (ebooks), vi-vii
Albinovanus Pedo, 7-8, 327-328
André, J.
text and translation of 1977, 51-53
apotheoses of Hercules, Aeneas, Romulus, Julius Caesar, and Augustus as described by Ovid, 401
articles arising from this edition, iv-vi
aut = 'otherwise', 184, 373
Black Sea, freezing of, 339
accuracy of Ovid's account, 341
source for Ovid's account of its freezing, 340-42
Ammianus Marcellinus' explanation, 342
Aulus Gellius' explanation, 342
Lucan's description, 342
Macrobius' explanation, 341
Valerius Flaccus' explanation, 341
Brutus, 7, 16, 226
Burman, Peter
folio edition of the works of Ovid (1727), 37-38
Calypso accusative, 332
candidus = 'kind of heart', 421-22
Carus, 8, 20
certus eras = 'you had made up your mind', 228
conative imperfect tense, 185
conative present tense, 148
Cornelius Severus, 7
Cotta Maximus, 8-9, 465-66
Cottius, 244, 253
coturnus vs. cothurnus, 459
cretics, impossibility of using in elegiac verse, 371-73
critical apparatus, conventions used in creating, 34-37
decipere: Me decipit error = 'I am making a mistake', 231
deductum = (1) 'composed', (2) 'finely spun, delicate', 147
Della Corte, F.
translation and commentary of Ex Ponto (1977), 51
deponent verbs, perfect participle of, 290
differences between Ex Ponto IV and Ovid's earlier poems from exile, 9-11
Donnus, ancestor of Vestalis, 253
editions of the Ex Ponto before Heinsius, 37
Ehwald, Rudolf
Kritische Beiträge zu Ovids Epistulae ex Ponto (1896), 45-46
ensis vs. gladius, 309-310
eques: Ovid's status as a member of the equestrian order, 263
Ex Ponto IV a work entirely separate from EP I-III; its structure, 4-5
Ex Ponto vs. De Ponto: correct title of the collection, 145
excidit = 'I forgot', 205
excutere = 'examine', 263
Fabius Maximus, 7
facie dative singular of facies, 343
fueram equivalent to imperfect, 230
Gallio, 7, 19-20
Gete ablative singular of Getes, 195-196
Giants' rebellion, Ovid's unfinished poem about, 272-273
Gracchus vs. Graccus, 461
Graecinus, 6-7, 16, 286
Graius vs. Graecus, 425
gratari used by the poets in place of the metrically difficult gratulari, 399
Harles, Theophilus
edition of 1772; his discovery of manuscript B of the Ex Ponto, 39
Heinsius, Nicolaus
central role in the history of Ovid's text, 37-38
controversial emendations, 41
difficulty in determining preferred readings of, 42-43
Herodotus, Ovid's knowledge of, 190, 271
hexameter endings, monosyllabic, 175-176, 323
hexameter, fourth foot
use of spondees, 150-151
hiemps, spelling of, 339-40
history of this edition, iv-vii
Iazyges Sarmatae (Pontic tribe), 246-47
indices, rationale for the two, vii-viii
indirect questions
Ovid's preference for subjunctive vs. indicative, 391-92
Propertius' indifference to subjunctive vs. indicative, 392-93
ingenium loci = 'difficulty of its terrain', 251
intended audience of this edition, ii
is vs. hic, ille, and iste, 319
Junius Gallio, 359-60