'The Scribe's office is the great safeguard of the rights of all men. The evidence of ownership may be destroyed by fire or purloined by dishonest men, but the State by making use of the Scribe's labours is able to make good the loss so sustained. The Scribe is more diligent in other men's business than they are in their own. His muniment-chest is the refuge of all the oppressed, and the repository of the fortunes of all men[867].
'In testimony of your past integrity, and in the hope that no change will mar this fair picture, we appoint you to this honourable office. Remember that ancient Truth is committed to your keeping, and that it often really rests with you, rather than with the Judge, to decide the disputes of litigants. When your indisputable testimony is given, and when the ancient voice of charters proceeds from your sanctum, Advocates receive it with reverence, and suitors, even evil-intentioned men, are constrained into obedience.
'Banish, therefore, all thoughts of venality from your mind. The worst moth that gets into papers and destroys them is the gold of the dishonest litigant, who bribes the Scribes to make away with evidence which he knows to be hostile. Thus, then, be ready always to produce to suitors genuine old documents; and, on the other hand, transcribe only, do not compose ancient proceedings[868]. Let the copy correspond to the original as the wax to the signet-ring, that as the face is the index of the emotions[869] so your handwriting may not err from the authentic original in anything.
'If a claimant succeed in enticing you even once from the paths of honesty, vainly will you in any subsequent case seek to obtain his credence for any document that you may produce; for he will always believe that the trick which has been played once may be played again. Keep to the line of justice, and even his angry exclamations at the impossibility of inducing you to deviate therefrom, will be your highest testimonial. Your whole career is public, and the favour or disgrace which awaits you must be public also.'
[This letter was written Sept. 1, 537, probably in consequence of the scarcity which the operations of Belisarius were already causing at Ravenna. Apparently the whole taxes levied from a Province at an Indiction were divided into two heads: so much for the central authority, and so much for the Province. Cassiodorus in this and the following letter says in effect: 'All the State's share of the taxes we will take not in money, but in your staple products, corn, wine, and oil. The rest goes as usual to the Province; but owing to the scarcity at Ravenna we shall be glad to buy all that can be spared either by the authorities of the Province or by individuals, whether farmers or merchants.']
'The true way to prevent the requirements of the public revenue from becoming oppressive, is to order each Province to supply those products in which it is naturally most fertile.
'Now I have learned by conversation with travellers that the Province of Istria is this year especially blessed in three of its crops—wine, oil, and corn. Therefore let her give of these products the equivalent of ... solidi, which are due from you in payment of tribute for this first Indiction[870]: while the remainder we leave to that loyal Province for her own regular expenses. But since we require a larger quantity of the above-mentioned products, we send ... solidi from our state chest for the purchase of them, that these necessaries may be collected for us with as little delay as possible. Often when you are desirous to sell you cannot find a purchaser, and suffer loss accordingly. How much better is it to obey the requirements of your Lords than to supply foreigners; and to pay your debts in the fruits of the soil, rather than to wait on the caprices of a buyer!
'We will ourselves out of our love of justice state a fact of which you might otherwise remind us, that we can afford to be liberal in price because we are not burdened by the payment of freights [on account of your nearness to the seat of government]. For what Campania is to Rome, Istria is to Ravenna—a fruitful Province abounding in corn, wine, and oil; so to speak, the cupboard of the capital. I might carry the comparison further, and say that Istria can show her own Baiae in the lagunes with which her shores are indented[871], her own Averni in the pools abounding in oysters and fish. The palaces, strung like pearls along the shores of Istria, show how highly our ancestors appreciated its delights[872]. The beautiful chain of islands with which it is begirt, shelter the sailor from danger and enrich the cultivator. The residence of the Court in this district delights the nobles and enriches the lower orders; and it may be said that all its products find their way to the Royal city. Now let the loyal Province, which has often tendered her services when they were less required, send forward her stores freely.
'To guard against any misunderstanding of our orders, we send Laurentius, a man of great experience, whose instructions are contained in the annexed letter.
'We will publish a tariff of moderate prices when we next address you, and when we have ascertained what is the yield of the present crops; for we should be deciding quite at random before we have received that information.'
'Anyone can discharge the duties of the Commissariat in a time of abundance. It is a mark of our high appreciation of your experience and efficiency, that we select you for this service in a time of scarcity. We therefore direct you to repair to the Province of Istria, there to collect stores of wine, oil, and corn, equivalent to ... solidi, due from the Province for land-tax[874], and with ... solidi which you have received from our Treasurer to buy these products either from the merchants or from the peasants directly, according to the information prepared for you by the Cashiers[875]. Raise your spirits for this duty, and discharge it in a manner worthy of your past reputation. Make to us a faithful report of the yield of the coming harvest, under these three heads[876], that we may fix a tariff of prices which shall be neither burdensome to the Provincials nor injurious to the public service.'
'We have previously given orders that Istria should send wine and oil, of which there are abundant crops this year, to the Royal residence at Ravenna. Do you, who possess numerous ships on the borders of the Province, show the same devotion in forwarding the stores which they do in supplying them.
'Be therefore active in fulfilling this commission in your own neighbourhood, you who often cross boundless distances. It may be said that [in visiting Ravenna] you are going through your own guest-chambers, you who in your voyages traverse your own home[878]. This is also added to your other advantages, that to you another route is open, marked by perpetual safety and tranquillity. For when by raging winds the sea is closed, a way is opened to you through the most charming river scenery[879]. Your keels fear no rough blasts; they touch the earth with the greatest pleasure, and cannot perish however frequently they may come in contact with it. Beholders from a distance, not seeing the channel of the stream, might fancy them moving through the meadows. Cables have been used to keep them at rest: now drawn by ropes they move, and by a changed order of things men help their ships with their feet. They draw their drawers without labour, and instead of the capricious favour of sails they use the more satisfactory steps of the sailor.
'It is a pleasure to recall the situation of your dwellings as I myself have seen them. Venetia the praiseworthy[880], formerly full of the dwellings of the nobility, touches on the south Ravenna and the Po, while on the east it enjoys the delightsomeness of the Ionian shore, where the alternating tide now discovers and now conceals the face of the fields by the ebb and flow of its inundation. Here after the manner of water-fowl have you fixed your home. He who was just now on the mainland finds himself on an island, so that you might fancy yourself in the Cyclades[881], from the sudden alterations in the appearance of the shore.
'Like them[882] there are seen amid the wide expanse of the waters your scattered homes, not the product of Nature, but cemented by the care of man into a firm foundation[883]. For by a twisted and knotted osier-work the earth there collected is turned into a solid mass, and you oppose without fear to the waves of the sea so fragile a bulwark, since forsooth the mass of waters is unable to sweep away the shallow shore, the deficiency in depth depriving the waves of the necessary power.
'The inhabitants have one notion of plenty, that of gorging themselves with fish. Poverty therefore may associate itself with wealth on equal terms. One kind of food refreshes all; the same sort of dwelling shelters all; no one can envy his neighbour's home; and living in this moderate style they escape that vice [of envy] to which all the rest of the world is liable.
'Your whole attention is concentrated on your salt-works. Instead of driving the plough or wielding the sickle, you roll your cylinders. Thence arises your whole crop, when you find in them that product which you have not manufactured[884]. There it may be said is your subsistence-money coined[885]. Of this art of yours every wave is a bondservant. In the quest for gold a man may be lukewarm: but salt every one desires to find; and deservedly so, since to it every kind of meat owes its savour.
'Therefore let your ships, which you have tethered, like so many beasts of burden, to your walls, be repaired with diligent care: so that when the most experienced Laurentius attempts to bring you his instructions, you may hasten forth to greet him. Do not by any hindrance on your part delay the necessary purchases which he has to make; since you, on account of the character of your winds, are able to choose the shortest sea-track[886].'
[This letter appears to have been written in the early autumn of 538, about a year after the three last letters, and also after Letters 27 and 28, which precede it in order of date, though they follow it in this collection. For an account of the terrible famine in Italy, the beginning of which is here described, see Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 20.]
'Since the world is not governed by chance, but by a Divine Ruler who does not change His purposes at random, men are alarmed, and naturally alarmed, at the extraordinary signs in the heavens, and ask with anxious hearts what events these may portend. The Sun, first of stars, seems to have lost his wonted light, and appears of a bluish colour. We marvel to see no shadows of our bodies at noon, to feel the mighty vigour of his heat wasted into feebleness, and the phenomena which accompany a transitory eclipse prolonged through a whole year.
'The Moon too, even when her orb is full, is empty of her natural splendour. Strange has been the course of the year thus far. We have had a winter without storms, a spring without mildness, and a summer without heat. Whence can we look for harvest, since the months which should have been maturing the corn have been chilled by Boreas? How can the blade open if rain, the mother of all fertility, is denied to it? These two influences, prolonged frost and unseasonable drought, must be adverse to all things that grow. The seasons seem to be all jumbled up together, and the fruits, which were wont to be formed by gentle showers, cannot be looked for from the parched earth. But as last year was one that boasted of an exceptionally abundant harvest, you are to collect all of its fruits that you can, and store them up for the coming months of scarcity, for which it is well able to provide. And that you may not be too much distressed by the signs in the heavens of which I have spoken, return to the consideration of Nature, and apprehend the reason of that which makes the vulgar gape with wonder.
'The middle air is thickened by the rigour of snow and rarefied by the beams of the Sun. This is the great Inane, roaming between the heavens and the earth. When it happens to be pure and lighted up by the rays of the sun it opens out its true aspect[888]; but when alien elements are blended with it, it is stretched like a hide across the sky, and suffers neither the true colours of the heavenly bodies to appear nor their proper warmth to penetrate. This often happens in cloudy weather for a time; it is only its extraordinary prolongation which has produced these disastrous effects, causing the reaper to fear a new frost in harvest, making the apples to harden when they should grow ripe, souring the old age of the grape-cluster.
'All this, however, though it would be wrong to construe it as an omen of Divine wrath, cannot but have an injurious effect on the fruits of the earth. Let it be your care to see that the scarcity of this one year does not bring ruin on us all. Even thus was it ordained by the first occupant of our present dignity[889], that the preceding plenty should avail to mitigate the present penury.'
'We are glad when we can reconcile the claims of the public service with the suggestions of pity. The Venerable Augustin, a man illustrious by his life and name, has brought under our notice the lamentable petition of the Venetians, to the effect that there have been in their Province no crops of wine, wheat, or millet, and that they must be ruined unless the Royal pity succours them.
'In these circumstances it would be cruel to exact the customary supplies from them, and we therefore remit the contributions of wine and wheat for the use of the army which we had ordered from the cities of Concordia, Aquileia, and Forojulii[891], exacting only the meat, as shown by the accompanying letter[892].
'We shall send from hence a sufficient supply of wheat when the time comes; and as we are told that there is a plentiful crop of wine in Istria, you can buy there the wine that would have been furnished by the three cities. Be sure that you ask for no fee in this matter. This remission of taxes is absolutely gratuitous on our part.'
'It is most fitting that good and holy men should be made the stewards of the Royal bounty. We therefore request your Holiness, in accordance with the King's commands, to open the granaries at Ticinum[894], and Dertona[895], and sell millet thereat to the starving people at the rate of 20 modii per solidum[896]. We are anxious that you should do this, lest the work should fall into venal hands which would sell the King's bounty to those who are able to provide for themselves. It is the poor, not the rich, that we wish to help: we would pour our bounty into empty vessels. Let not then your Holiness think this work of compassion, unworthy of your sacred office. In order to assist you we have sent A and B, who will simply obey the orders of your Holiness, doing nothing of their own motion.
'Send us an account of the solidi received in payment for the said millet, that they may be stored up with our Treasurer[897], in order to replace the before-mentioned grain, and thus provide a reserve for future times of scarcity; like a garment taken to pieces that it may be made up again as good as new.'
[It is not very easy to assign a date to this letter. The mention of the famine would incline us to assign it to 538, as that seems to have been the year when the full force of the famine was felt in Italy (see Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 20, where 538 and 539 seem to be marked as the two great famine years). But very early in 538 the Bishop of Milan, the same Datius to whom this letter is addressed, visited Rome to entreat Belisarius to send a small garrison to occupy Milan, which had already revolted, or was on the verge of revolting, from the Gothic King. As soon as the siege of Rome was raised Belisarius complied with this request, and sent 1,000 men, under Mundilas, to escort Datius back to Milan. This expedition set forth probably in April 538, and as soon as it arrived at Milan that city openly proclaimed its defection from Witigis and its allegiance to the Emperor. It was soon besieged by Uraias, nephew of Witigis, by whom in the following year (539) it was taken. The city, we are informed, was rased to the ground, and Bishop Datius escaped to Constantinople. Evidently we have here a continuous chain of events, which makes it impossible for us to date this letter in 538 or any subsequent year.
We ought probably therefore to assign it to the autumn of 537, and to look upon it as an attempt (unsuccessful, as it proved) to retain Datius and the citizens of Milan on the side of the Goths. We know from the Twenty-second Letter of this book that signs of scarcity had already shown themselves in Italy by the 1st September, 537; and in an interesting passage of the 'Historia Miscella' (Book xvi.), famine in Liguria, the year 537, and the name of Datius are all combined. 'Praeter belli instantiam angebatur insuper Roma famis penuriâ: tanta siquidem per universum mundum eo anno [the year of the siege of Rome], maxime apud Liguriam fames excreverat, ut sicut vir sanctissimus Datius Mediolanensis antistes retulit, pleraeque matres infelicium natorum membra comederent.' I owe this reference to Baronius.]
'Divine Providence uses adversity as a means of testing our characters. Famine has afflicted the Provinces, but the result of it has been that they have proved more fully than before the bounty of their King. Rejoice herein, oh ye Ligurians! For when, as you will remember, on a previous occasion the savage temper of your neighbours was aroused, and Aemilia and your Liguria were shaken by an incursion of the Burgundians, who waged a sneaking campaign by reason of their nearness to your territory, suddenly the renown of the insulted Empire[898] arose like the sun in his strength. The enemy mourned the ruin which was caused by his own presumption, when he learned that that man was Ruler of the Gothic race whose rare valour he had experienced when he was still a private soldier[899]. How often did the Burgundian wish that he had never left his own frontiers to be compelled to fight with such an adversary as our Sovereign; for though he found with relief that he escaped his actual presence in the field, none the less did his rashness bring him in contact with the good fortune of his arms. For when with redoubled fortitude[900] the Goths turned to the prosecution of the war, with such successfully combined operations did they strike the bands of the rebels, that you would have thought those were all armed men, these were all defenceless[901]. Such was the just judgment of God, that the robber should perish in those very plains which he had presumed to desolate. Exult now, oh Province, adorned with the carcases of thine adversaries! rejoice, oh Liguria, at the heap of dead bodies! If the harvest of corn is denied thee, the harvest of dead enemies shall not be wanting. Tribute thou mayest not be able to offer to thy King, but the triumphs which are won in thy land thou canst offer with pride.
'[902]To these triumphs must be added the lately foiled plunder-raid of the Alamanni, so checked in its very first attempts that their entrance and exit were almost one event, like a wound well and opportunely cauterised. Thus were the excesses of the presumptuous invader punished, and the subjects of our King were saved from absolute ruin. I might indeed enumerate to you what crowds of the enemy fell in other places, but I turn rather—such is human nature—to more joyful themes, and revert to the point with which I at first commenced, namely that the Sovereign who has saved you from the hostile sword is determined now to avert from your Province the perils of famine.
'In this new war the citadels are well-stored granaries; Starvation is the dreaded foe: if they are closed she enters; by opening them wide she is put to flight. I know not what the world in general may think of the relative merit of these two campaigns of our King. For my part, though I recognise it as the mark of a brave man to have fought a winning battle, I think it is something above mere human valour to have conquered penury.
'In addition to these benefits the King has remitted one-half of the taxes of the Province, that he might not sadden with the one hand those whom he was gladdening with the other. Herein he compares favourably with Joseph, who sold corn to the Egyptians, but on such terms that they lost their personal freedom. Doubtless that holy man was placed in a dilemma between the necessity of satisfying a covetous King on the one hand, and that of rescuing a starving people on the other. Still I must think that the Egyptian, whose life was preserved, groaned over the loss of his liberty; and if I may say so, with all respect to so great a patriarch[903], far nobler is it to sell corn to freemen who remain freemen, and to lighten their taxes on account of poverty. This is really a gratuitous distribution, when both the money with which to buy is handed over to you [by the abatement of tribute], and a price is fixed on purpose to please you.
'The generosity of the State therefore will sell 25 modii, when the peasant has lost his crops, at the price at which 10 are usually sold[904]. Humanity has altered the usual course of affairs, and by a strange kind of chaffering, but one which truly becomes a King, just when the famished peasant is willing to offer us an enhanced price for food, we are directed to offer it to him for a smaller one.
'The King himself had seen your calamity, and thereupon bestowed on you previously one favour. Now, on hearing of its continuance, he adds to it a second. Happy calamity, which forced itself on the notice of such an eye-witness!
'Now, oh Ligurian, rejoice in the good fortune which has come to thee. Compare thy lot with the Egyptian's and be happy. He was fed, but lost his freedom; thou art fed, and at the same time defended from thy enemies. Joseph gave back the purchase-money to his brethren in their sacks, showing a greater kindness to his kindred than to his subjects. Our King shows no such partiality, but bestows on all the taxpayers larger benefits than he did on his brethren. Happy age! in which Kings may be likened, not to Kings, but to Prophets, and yet bear away the palm.
'But that we may not longer detain you from the desired enjoyment of the Royal benefits, know that our commands have been given to those whose business it is to attend to this affair, that, according to the tenour of this edict, the generosity of the Sovereign may penetrate into your homes.'
[The same considerations which were applied to the date of the preceding letter seem to require that this also be dated in 537. After the raising of the siege of Rome (March, 538), by the despatch of Imperial troops into Liguria, and the enthusiastic adherence of that Province to the Imperial cause, a new state of things was established, and one to which the language of this letter would have been utterly inapplicable.
There are two events of which we have no other knowledge than that furnished by this letter: the invasion of the Burgundians, and the ravages of the Alamanni in the Province of Liguria.
(1) The invasion of the Burgundians seems, as stated in a previous note, to have occurred in the spring or early summer of 536; so that Cassiodorus could represent the invaders as surprised and disheartened by learning of the elevation of Witigis. It no doubt formed part of those hostile operations of the Frankish Kings described by Procopius (De Bello Gotthico i. 13), the termination of which was purchased by Witigis by the cession of Provence and the payment of a subsidy. It is interesting to observe, however, that the Burgundians, notwithstanding their subjugation in 534, and their incorporation in the Frankish monarchy, are still spoken of as conducting an invasion on their own account. This is just like the invasion of Italy in 553 by the Alamannic brethren, and is quite in keeping with the loosely compacted character of the Merovingian monarchy, in which it was copied by the Anglian and Saxon Kingdoms.
(2) For the ravages of the Alamanni consult, as before stated, von Schubert's monograph. This passage quite confirms his view of the events connected with the overthrow of the Alamannic Kingdom by Clovis. A remnant of the people, settled as refugees in Raetia under Theodoric's protection, now, in the decline of the Ostrogothic monarchy throw off their allegiance to his successors, and press forward over the Alps to share the spoil of Italy. Witigis, however, notwithstanding his struggle with Belisarius, is still able promptly to repel this incursion; but it co-operates with the Burgundian invasion and the inclement spring and summer of 537 to bring about the famine in Liguria in the autumn of that year.]
A.
Abundantius, Praetorian Praefect, v. 16, 17,
23, 34; ix. 4.
Acretius, see Eutropius.
Adeodatus, iii. 46.
Adila, Vir Spectabilis, Comes, ii. 29.
Aemilianus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, iv. 31.
Aestunae, Possessores, Defensores, and Curiales dwelling at, iii. 9.
Agapitus, Praefectus Urbis, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 6,
23, 32, 33,
41; ii. 6.
Alaric (II), King of the Visigoths (484-507), iii. 1.
Albienus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 20;
Praefectus Praetorio, viii. 20.
Albinus and Albienus, Viri Illustres atque Patricii, i. 20.
Albinus, Vir Illustris, Patricius, iv. 30.
Albinus, Actores of, iv. 35.
Aloisius, Architect, ii. 39.
Amabilis, Exsecutor, i. 8;
Vir Devotus (? Sajo) and Comes, iv. 5.
Ambrosius, Quaestor, viii. 13;
Vir Illustris Agens Vices (Praefecti Praetorio), xi. 4, 5; xii. 25.
Ampelius, Despotius, and Theodulus, Viri Spectabiles, ii. 23.
Ampelius, Count Luvirit and, v. 35.
Ampelius and Liveria, v. 39.
Anastasius, Emperor (491-518), i. 1; ii. 1.
Anastasius, Consularis, v. 8.
Anastasius, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xii. 12,
14.
Anat(h)olius, Cancellarius of Province of Samnium, xi. 36.
Andreas, Primiscrinius, xi. 21.
Andreas, see Maximian.
Annas, Vir Spectabilis and Comes, iv. 18.
Antianus, Vir Spectabilis, ex-Cornicularius, xi. 18,
34.
Antonius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Pola, iv. 44.
Apronianus, Vir Illustris, Comes Privatarum, iii. 53.
Arator, Vir Illustris, Comes Domesticorum, viii. 12.
Arelate (Arles), Possessores of, iii. 44.
Argolicus, Vir Illustris, Praefectas Urbis, iii. 11,
29, 30, 33; iv. 22,
25, 29, 42.
Arigern, Vir Illustris, Comes, iii. 36, 45; iv. 23.
Artemidorus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, Praefectus Urbis, i. 42; ii. 34; iii. 22.
Assuin (Assius, or Assum), Vir Illustris, Comes, i. 40.
Aurigenes, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, iii. 14.
Avilf, Sajo, v. 20.
B.
Baion (Coion, or Goinon), Vir Spectabilis, i. 38.
Beatus, Vir Clarissimus and Cancellarius, xi. 10;
Primicerius Augustalium, xi. 30.
Benenatus, Vir Spectabilis, iv. 15.
Bergantinus, Vir Illustris and Patrician, Comes Patrimonii, viii. 23; ix. 3.
Boetius, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 10, 45; ii. 40.
Brandila, v. 32.
C.
Cancellarii diversi Provinciarum Singularum, xii. 1,
10.
Canonicarius Venetiarum, xii. 4, 7.
Capuanus, Vir Spectabilis, v. 21.
Carinus, Vir Illustris, v. 28.
Cart(h)erius, Regerendarius, xi. 29.
Cassiodorus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius (father of Cassiodorus Senator), i. 3; iii. 28.
Catana, City of, Honorati Possessores, Defensores, and Curiales of, iii. 49.
Catellus, Scriniarius Actorum, xi. 22.
Cheliodorus, Commentariensis, xi. 28.
Clovis, see Luduin.
Coelianus and Agapitus, Viri Illustres et Patricii, i. 23.
Colossaeus, Vir Illustris, Comes, Governor of Pannonia, iii. 23.
Comes Siliquatariorum et Portus Curas Agens, ii. 12.
Constantian, Vir Experientissimus, xii. 18.
Constantinian, Cura Epistolarum Canonicarum, xi. 23.
Consularis, Vir Illustris, iii. 52.
Consularis Liguriae, xii. 8.
Crispianus, i. 37.
Cunigast, Vir Illustris, viii. 28.
Cyprian, Comes Sacrarum Largitionum and Patrician, v. 40; viii. 21.
D.
Dalmatia and S(u)avia, all the Goths and Romans in, ix. 9.
Daniel, iii. 19.
Datius, Bishop of Milan, xii. 27.
Decius, Vir Illustris, Patricius, ii. 33.
Decoratus, Vir Devotus, v. 31.
Dertona (Tortona), all Goths and Romans abiding (consistentes) at, i. 17.
Despotius, see Ampelius.
Densdedit, Scriba Ravennas, xii. 21.
Domitianus and Willias, i. 18.
Dromonarii, the, ii. 31.
Duda, Vir Spectabilis and Comes, iv. 28;
Sajo, iv. 32,
34.
Dumerit, Sajo, viii. 27.
E.
Ecdicius (or Benedictus), Vir Honestus, ii. 4.
Elpidius (or Hespidius), Deacon, iv. 24.
Epiphanius, Vir Spectabilis, Consularis of Dalmatia, v. 24.
Episcopi et Honorati (?), ix. 5.
Episcopi sui, x. 34;
diversi, xi. 3.
Eugenius (Eugenites, or Eugenes), Vir Illustris, Magister Officiorum, i. 12.
Eusebius, Vir Illustris, iv. 48.
Eustorgius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Milan, i. 9.
Eutropius and Acretius, v. 13.
F.
Faustus, Praefectus Praetorio (in the edition of Nivellius his title is given as Praepositus), i. 14,
26, 34, 35; ii. 5,
9, 26, 30,
37, 38;
Vir Illustris, iii. 21;
Praefectus Praetorio, iii. 47,
51; iv. 36, 38,
50.
Felix, Vir Clarissimus, i. 7;
Vir Illustris, Consul (511), ii. 2; iii. 39.
Felix, Quaestor, viii. 18.
Feltria (Feltre), Possessors of, v. 9.
Ferrocinctus, see Grimoda.
Festus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 15, 39; ii. 22; iii. 10.
Florentinus (or Florentianus), Vir Devotus, Comitiacus, viii. 27.
Florianus, Vir Spectabilis, i. 5.
Forum Livii (Forli), Honorati Possessores, and Curiales of, iv. 8.
Fruinarith, Sajo, ii. 13.
G.
Gaudiosus, Cancellarius of Province of Liguria, xi. 14.
Gaul, all the Provincials of, iii. 17, 42; viii. 7.
Geberich, Vir Spectabilis, iv. 20.
Gemellus, Vir Spectabilis, Governor of Gaul, iii. 16,
18, 32; iv. 12,
19, 21.
Genesius, Vir Spectabilis, viii. 30.
Gepidae, ad Gallias destinati, v. 11.
Gesila, Sajo, iv. 14.
Gildias, Vir Spectabilis, Count of Syracuse, ix. 11,
14.
Goths, all the, i. 24; x. 31;
settled in Italy, viii. 5.
Goths, all the, and Romans, i. 28.
Goths, all the, and Romans, and those who hold the harbours and mountain-passes, ii. 19.
Grimoda, Sajo, and Ferrocinctus, Apparitor, iii. 20.
Gudila, Bishop, ii. 18.
Gudinand, Sajo, v. 19.
Gudisal, Sajo, iv. 47.
Guduim, Sajo, v. 27;
Vir Sublimis and Dux, v. 30.
Gundibad, King of the Burgundians (473-516), i. 46; iii. 2.
H.
Haesti, the, v. 2.
Herminafrid, King of the Thuringians, iv. 1.
Heruli, King of the, iv. 2.
Heruli, Warni, and Thoringi, Kings of the, iii. 3.
Hilderic, King of the Vandals (523-531), ix. 1.
Honoratus, Vir Illustris, Quaestor, v. 3.
Honorius, Praefectus Urbis, x. 30.
I.
Ida (perhaps Ibbas), Vir Sublimis and Dux, iv. 17.
Importunus, Vir Illustris, Patricius, iii. 5.
Istria, Provincials of, xii. 22.
J.
Januarius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Salona, iii. 7.
Jews, all the, residing in Genoa, ii. 27; iv. 33.
Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, Consularis Campaniae, iii. 27; iv. 10.
Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, Referendarius, viii. 25.
Joannes, Vir Clarissimus, Arcarius, v. 7.
Joannes, Canonicarius of Thuscia, xi. 38.
Joannes, Cancellarius, xi. 6;
Praerogativarius, xi. 27.
Joannes, Siliquatarius of Ravenna, xii. 17.
Joannes, Apparitor, ii. 21;
Arch-Physician, iv. 41.
John II, Pope (533-535), ix. 15; xi. 2.
Judges, all the, of the Provinces, ix. 20; xi. 7,
9; xii. 2.
Julianus, Comes Patrimonii, i. 16.
Justin, Emperor (518-527), viii. 1.
Justinian, Emperor (527-566), x. 1, 2,
8, 9, 15, 19,
22, 24, 25,
26, 32; xi. 13.
Justus, Sextus Scholaris, xi. 26.
L.
Laurentius, Vir Experientissimus, xii. 23.
Liberius, Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls, viii. 6.
Ligurians, the, xi. 15, 16; xii. 28.
Liveria, see Ampelius.
Lucillus, Scriniarius Curae Militaris, xi. 24.
Lucinus, Vir Clarissimus, Cancellarius of Campania, xi. 37.
Lucristani (Lustriani?), the, settled (constituti) on the river Sontius (Isonzo), i. 29.
Luduin (Clovis), King of the Franks (481-511), ii. 41; iii. 4.
Luvirit, Count, and Ampelius, v. 35.
M.
Magister Officiorum (at Constantinople), x. 33.
Mannila, Sajo, v. 5.
Marabad, Vir Illustris and Comes, iv. 12, 46.
Marcellus, Vir Spectabilis, Advocatus Fisci, i. 22.
Massilia (Marseilles), citizens of, iii. 34; iv. 26.
Maximian, Vir Illustris, and Andreas, Vir Spectabilis, i. 21.
Maximus, Vir lllustris, Consul, v. 42;
Vir Illustris and Domesticus, x. 11.
Maximus, Vir Clarissimus, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xii. 15.
Maximus, Vicarius Urbis Romae, xii. 19.
Milan, the Jews of, v. 37.
N.
Neudes, Vir Illustris, v. 29.
Noricum, Provincials of, iii. 50.
Nursia, see Reate.
O.
Opilio, Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, viii. 16.
Osun (Osuin, or Osum), Vir Illustris, Comes, iii. 26; iv. 9; ix. 8.
P.
Pannonia, all the Barbarians and Romans settled in, iii. 24.
Parma, Honorati Possessores, and Curiales of, viii. 29.
Paschasius, Praefectus Annonae, xii. 9.
Patricius, Vir Illustris and Quaestor, x. 6.
Patricius, Primicerius Exceptorum, xi. 25.
Paulinas, Vir Clarissimus and Consul, ix. 22.
Paulus, Vir Strenuus, xii. 26.
Peter, Bishop, iii. 37.
Peter, Vir Clarissimus, Erogator Obsoniorum, xii. 11;
Arcarius, xii. 20.
Picenum and Samnium, all the Goths settled in, v. 26.
Pierius, Primicerius Singulariorum, xi. 32.
Possessores, universi, v. 38.
Provinus (Probinus), Vir Illustris, Patricius, ii. 11;
Actores of, iv. 40.
R.
Reate and Nursia, all the inhabitants of, viii. 26.
Reparatus, Praefectus Urbis, ix. 7.
Roman Church, Clergy of, viii. 24.
Romans, all the, i. 28;
in Italy and the Dalmatias, viii. 4.
Roman people, the, i. 31; viii. 3; x. 14,
17.
Rome, people of the City of, i. 44.
Romulus (? ex-Emperor), iii. 35.
S.
Sabinianus, Vir Spectabilis, i. 25.
Sajones, universi, qui sunt Cancellariis deputati, xii. 3.
Salvantius, Vir Illustris, Praefectus Urbis, ix. 16,
17.
Samnium, see Picenum.
Saturninus and Verbusius, Viri Illustres, Senatores, i. 19.
Senarius, Vir Illustris, Comes Patrimonii, iv. 3;
Comes Privatarum, iv. 7,
11, 13.
Senate of the City of Rome, i. 4, 13,
30, 43; ii. 3,
16, 24, 32; iii. 6,
12, 31; iv. 4,
16, 43; v. 4,
22, 41; viii. 2,
10, 11, 14,
15, 17, 19,
22; ix. 19, 21,
23, 25; x. 3,
4, 7, 12, 13,
16, 18; xi. 1.
Senator (Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus), Praetorian Praefect, ix. 24; x. 27,
28.
Servatus, Dux Raetiarum, i. 11.
Severianus (or Severinus), Vir Illustris, v. 14.
Severus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, ii. 8.
Severus, Vir Spectabilis, viii. 31, 32,
33.
Simeon, Vir Illustris, Comes, iii. 25.
Speciosus, i. 27;
Vir Devotus, Comitiacus, ii. 10.
Stabularius, Comitiacus, v. 6.
Starcedius, Vir Sublimis, v. 36.
Stephanus, Vir Spectabilis, Comes Primi Ordinis et ex-Princeps nostri Ordinis, ii. 28.
S(u)avia, all the Provincials and Capillati, Defensores and Curiales, residing in, iv. 49;
all the Possessores in, v. 15;
all the Goths and Romans in, ix. 9.
Sunhivad, Vir Spectabilis, iii. 13.
Sura (or Suna), Vir Illustris, Comes, ii. 7.
Symmachus, Vir Illustris and Patricius, ii. 14; iv. 6,
51.
Syracuse, all the Provincials of the City of, ix. 10.
T.
Tancila, Vir Spectabilis, ii. 35.
Tezutzat, Sajo, iv. 27.
Theodagunda, Illustris Femina, iv. 37.
Theodahad, Vir Spectabilis, iii. 15;
Vir Illustris, iv. 39; v. 12.
Theodora, Augusta, x. 10, 20,
21, 23.
Theodosius, Homo Theodahadi (?), x. 5.
Theodulus, see Ampelius.
Theon (or Theonius), Vir Sublimis, i. 2.
Theriolus, Vir Spectabilis, i. 36.
Thessalonica, Praefect of, x. 35.
Thomas, Vir Clarissimus, Arcarius, xii. 20.
Thoringi (Thuringians). see Heruli.
Ticinum (Pavia), Comites, Defensores, and Curiales of, iv. 45.
Transmund (or Thrasamund), King of the Vandals, v. 43,
44.
Tribuni Maritimorum, xii. 24.
Tridentinae Civitatis, Honorati Possessores, Defensores, et Curiales, ii. 17.
Tulum, Patrician, viii. 9.
U.
Unigis, Spatarius, iii. 43.
Uniligis (or Wiligis), Sajo, ii. 20.
Urbicus, ex-Primicerius Singulariorum, xi. 31.
Ursus, Primicerius Deputatorum, xi. 30.
V.
Valerian, Vir Sublimis, xii. 5.
Vandals, King of the, v. 1, 43,
44; ix. 1.
Venantius, Vir Illustris, ii. 15;
Spectabilis, Corrector of Lucania and Bruttii, iii. 8.
Veranus, Sajo, v. 10.
Verbusius, see Saturninus.
Verruca, fort of, all Goths and Romans living near, iii. 48.
Victor, Vir Spectabilis, Censitor of Sicily, ix. 12.
Victorinus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, viii. 8.
Vitalian, Vir Clarissimus, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xi. 39.
W.
Wandil (Vuandil), iii. 38.
Warni (Guarni), see Heruli.
Wilitanch, Duke, v. 33.
Willias, i. 18; v. 18;
Vir Illustris, Comes Patrimonii, ix. 13.
Winusiad, Count, x. 29.
Witigisclus (or Wigisicla), Vir Spectabilis, Censitor of Sicily, ix. 12.