[IV'-24] I can find no better place than this to bring up some matters which require attention concerning certain pueblos which Pike locates on his map, but which, being off his route, he does not notice in his text. The Tañoan pueblos have been pretty fully noted in the foregoing itinerary, but the Tusayan and Keresan have not been sufficiently treated. We must first come to an understanding of the term "Pueblo Indians." This is simply a convenient phrase, or façon de parler, to designate various tribes which, in New and Old Mexico, and Arizona, settled in permanent habitations, became attached to the soil, practiced agriculture, kept flocks, and built the kind of towns called "pueblos." They are thus collectively distinguished from all roving and more or less warring tribes; they are settlers, not nomads; farmers and graziers rather than hunters, and of peaceful rather than predatory proclivities. This step in the direction of civilization was not however taken without some sacrifice of the strength of the natural wild animal, and they have suffered in consequence. They are never "bad" Indians; simply poor, tame ones, who for ages have been the prey of the priest, the trader, and the wild Indian. But the point to be insisted on is, that "Pueblo Indian" does not mean all one kind of Indians. It includes various tribes of distinct ethnic characters, the representatives of several linguistic lineages, who have severally yielded to their environments, and thus become collectively modified in a way that brings about that appearance of affinity which does not exist, and tends to obscure those radical distinctions of race which do exist. We say, for instance, "New Yorker," meaning anyone who lives in New York; but it would be as far from the fact to suppose that all Pueblo Indians are of one race as that all New Yorkers are Americans. The differences in language, and therefore in lineage, of the Tusayan, Keresan, Tañoan, and Zuñian pueblonians is as great as that of the English, French, German, and Spanish peoples. We must not be misled by the convenience of a phrase: see note3, p. 598. The Pueblonians to be here noted belong either (1) to the Tusayan federation, or (2) to the Keresan linguistic family.

1. Pike marks, W. of the Continental divide and in the region of the Colorado Chiquito, S. of the San Juan r., six Indian villages, which he calls Oraybe, Mosanis, Songoapt, Gualpi, Chacat, and Cumpa. For the last two, see note21, p. 630; the other four are the well-known Moki Indians, living on the four Moki mesas, about 50 m. N. E. of the Colorado Chiquito, in N. E. Arizona. With a single (Tañoan) exception, those Indians are of Shoshonean stock; and without exception, they form the Tusayan confederacy. The ethnic affinities of Mokis are with such Indians as the Snakes, Utes, Comanches, and other well-known members of the Shoshonean race which overran so vast an area in western parts of the United States. But these settled down in Arizona and built pueblos, isolated from their kindred and surrounded by Athapascan (Navajo and Apache) tribes. They are at present the only Shoshonean tribe in Arizona, excepting the handful of Chemehuevis who live among Yuman tribes on the Colorado Grande, and unless there be also a few Kwaiantikwokets on the northern border about Mt. Navajo. The Mokis have resided in their present position for more than 200 years. This habitat is the plateau of moderate extent, commonly called the Moki mesa, some special elevations of which are well-known landmarks by the name of the Moki buttes, in full view from the main road which passes S. of them. Three of the most conspicuous of these buttes are called Chimney, Signal, and Spring. The mesa is between long. 110° and 111° W., in lat. 36° N. and southward, and thus to the S. W. of the Navajos; the locality is sometimes called the "Province of Tusayan." Here the Mokis proper, of Shoshonean stock, built six villages; and a seventh village, probably also about 200 years old, called Hano (or Tewa) was built with them by Tañoan (Tewan or Teguan) refugees from the Rio Grande. Thus even the compact and isolated Moki establishment is not quite homogeneous, ethnically speaking. The Tusayan census is about 2,000; the Tañoans there were lately counted as 132. Among the names of the seven villages, the four which Pike gives can be recognized under their modern spellings, as Oraybe=Oraibi, etc. One authority I have consulted renders Oraibi, Shipauliwisi, Shongapavi, Mishongnivi, Shichoamavi, Walpi (or Hualpee), and Tewa (i. e., Hano). Another, and probably preferable set of orthographies, is Oraibi, Shupaulovi, Shumepovi, Mashongnavi, Sichumovi, Walpi, and Hano. The name Tusayan, which varies to Tuçayan, Tuzan, etc., is derived from a Zuñian word Usaya, applied to certain pueblos once inhabited by the confederacy. The Tusayans' name of themselves is a word variously rendered Hopituh, Hapitu, Hopee, Hopi, Opii, etc. Other words designating them, or some of them, are Cinyumuh, Shenoma or Shinumo, and Totonteac. The term now usually rendered Moki was longest current as Moqui; it is also found as Maqui, Magui, Mohace, Mohotse, and "Monkey."

2. The Keresan family consists entirely of Pueblo tribes who live in New Mexico along the Rio Grande and some of its tributaries, where their pueblos are interspersed with others of Tañoan stock, in the moderate area to which their range is thus restricted. The family name is variously rendered by different authors, as Keres, Keran, Kera; Queres, Queris, Quera, Quirix; Chuchacas or Chuchachas; also, Keswhawhay. Some ethnists divide these people into two dialectal groups: one including the pueblos of Acoma and Laguna and their outliers; the other, all the rest of the pueblos about to be named. Acoma is the only pueblo which exists on the site occupied at the date of the earliest Spanish annals. Laguna dates from 1699. There were five Keresan pueblos in 1582; there had been seven in 1542. The full list of Keresan pueblos, as given by Powell in alphabetical order, with the census for 1890, is: 1. Acoma, including the summer pueblitos of Acomita and Pueblita; pop. 566. 2. Cochití, on the W. bank of the Rio Grande, 27 m. S. W. of Santa Fé; pop. 268. "The inhabitants formerly successively occupied the Potrero de las Vacas, the Potrero San Miguel, the now ruined pueblo of Cuapa, and the Potrero Viejo," Cent. Cyc., s. v. 3. *Hasatch. 4. Laguna, including the eight other places whose names are here starred; pop. 1,143. Laguna is thus really a group of small pueblos situated on and near Rio San José, W. of the Rio Grande. The original foundation was by Zuñians as well as by Keresans, and the place was called Kawaiko. 5. *Paguate. 6. *Punyeestye. 7. *Punyekia. 8. *Pusityitcho. 9. San Felipe; pop. 554. This is called by the name of the mission which the Spanish founded there. 10. Santa Ana, pop. 253, on the Rio Jemez, W. of the Rio Grande. This Spanish name is also that of a mission, usurping the native name Tamaya. 11. Santo Domingo; pop. 670. 12. *Seemunah. 13. Sia, on the Jemez; pop. 106; also called Chea, Chia, Cia, Cilia, Silla, Tsea, Tsia, Tzia, Zia. "In 1582 Sia was said to be the largest of five villages forming a province called Punames. The recent pueblo dates from about 1692, when the village formerly occupied was abandoned. The tribe, which was once comparatively populous, now numbers but 106. The decrease is attributed largely to infectious disease and to the killing of persons accused of witchcraft," Cent. Cyc., s. v. 14. *Wapuchuseamma. 15. *Ziamma. Total pop. 3,560 for the 17 places, of which 15 (all but Acomita and Pueblita) are permanent pueblos, and 7 are officially rated as principal and distinct. Those which are given by Pike in his itinerary have been already noted, along with the Tañoan pueblos as they occur in his text.

[IV'-25] For remarks on the Indians mentioned in this paragraph which would be introduced here had I not recently given them elsewhere, the reader is referred to Lewis and Clark, ed. 1893, p. 55, note7; p. 58, note11; p. 60, note15; and p. 477, note3.

[IV'-26] The Navajos, Navahos, or, as they call themselves, Tennai, are one of the three main divisions of the southern group of Athapascan Indians (the other two being the Lipans and the Apaches). They have always lived, so far as is known to history, in the country where they do now, and whence they raided in every direction before their final subjugation in our times. They focused on the upper waters of the Rio San Juan, in N. W. New Mexico, whence they habitually ranged down the river in Colorado and Utah, and S. of it in Arizona. They were thus in contact and conflict with Shoshonean tribes on the N., and warred when they pleased with the various Apache tribes of their own stock which were about them; they were of course a terror to the peaceful Pueblonians, who had to hold their own as best they could against all the battlesome savages by whom they were beset on every hand. They were powerful, and are still one of the largest tribes with which we have to do, like the Comanches and some of the divisions of the Sioux. A late census returns about 17,000, nearly all on the large Navajo reservation which occupies the contiguous N. W. corner of New Mexico and N. E. corner of Arizona.

An interesting account of the expedition of Colonel Doniphan and some of his officers to the Navajos in 1846, together with the text of the first treaty of peace concluded between them, the New Mexicans, and Americans, at Ojo Oso (Bear spring), Nov. 22d, occupies Chaps. IX-XI of Hughes' Don. Exp., 8vo, ed. of 1847, pp. 61-76.

[IV'-27] The Lipans or Sipans cut no figure now in the United States, where they are practically extinguished, though the case may be different in Mexico. They were a numerous and roving tribe of stalwart Indians who scoured the plains of Texas from Red r. to the Rio Grande. They were a sort of Apaches, having their nearest affinities with the latter, and in fact might be considered the Apaches of the plains as distinguished from those of the mountains. They have been commonly called Lipan Apaches, and such is no incorrect designation, though they are rather more distinct from most bands of Apaches than these are from one another. They extend in Mexico as far S. as Durango. A Lipan collision which made some history, and enriched the cabinet of S. G. Morton, the craniologist of Philadelphia, may be read in Hughes' Don. Exped., pp. 130-132, and Wislizenus, Mem., pp. 71, 72: see also note5, p. 697.

[IV'-28] There is no historic period when the Apaches were not the scourge of the country they inhabited, down to the time when they were brought to terms by General Crook, in his Arizona campaigns of 1872 seq., and even since then their repeated escapades are matters of recent notoriety. They always warred with other Indians, always warred with the whites, and not seldom with one another. In Arizona particularly, so far as we are concerned, they did more to retard the development of the country than all other causes combined. For some years after the Territorial government was established, it was at the risk of life that one went out of sight of Prescott or Fort Whipple alone or with a small party. The Apaches lurked behind every rock, and hid in every bush; or, failing that, under cover of every three blades of grass—a trick they did to perfection—and reddened with blood every trail that led to the capital or the post. People were killed and stock was run off within a few hundred paces of both these places, and more than one pitched battle came off within ear-shot. A regular part of my business for two years was the extraction of Apache arrow-heads. The arrows used by the tribes nearest us were exactly such as Pike describes, though, so far as my observation went, the heads were all of stone, quite small and sharp, and very brittle, so that they usually shivered when they struck a bone and the fragments were not easily removed. They were only held in place with gum in the shallow notch at the end of the small hardwood stick that was set in the large reed, and thus were always left in the wound when the stick was pulled out. It is within my certain knowledge that they were in some cases poisoned; the common opinion was that the septic substance was derived from a deer's liver into which a rattlesnake had been made to inject its venom, and which was then left to putrefy in the sun; but how this case may really be, I never ascertained to my satisfaction. We continually hunted Apaches and killed a good many; a particular friend of mine, Mr. Willard Rice, who saved my life on a very ticklish occasion, when we were on a deer-hunt together without other companions, and who is still living near Prescott, is to be credited with at least 20 "good" (dead) Apaches—none of the score women or children, either. But such desultory operations as we could conduct in those years seemed to make little difference; it required Crook's systematic campaigns, on a large scale, to render the country inhabitable. The other side of the picture is, that the Apache has never committed an atrocity that we have not exchanged in kind, with the sole exception that we have probably never put a prisoner to death by slow torture, as was the Apache custom; that the Apache has not broken faith with us oftener than we are proud to say we have with him, and has not robbed us of more than we would like to take from him, if he had anything left to steal and we had an opportunity. The secrets of Indian agencies, like those of the Roman confessional, only leak out under great pressure. The Apaches that troubled us most in that particular vicinity of which I speak were known or supposed to be those of the Tonto basin, commonly called Tontos (Pinal Coyoteros). In scientific classification the Apache tribes and sub-tribes are numerous. The alphabetical list now recognized by high authority is: Arivaipa, Chiricahua, Faraone, Gileño (Gilans, or Apaches of the Gila, with four sub-tribes, Coyotero, Mimbreño, Mogollon, and Pinal Coyotero or Tonto), Jicarilla, Lipan, Llanero, Mescalero, Naisha, Querecho, Tchikun, Tchishi. All the Apaches within our jurisdiction have been brought under military subjection and restraint. The largest body of Apaches is now on the San Carlos reservation; their number is uncertain, say 2,000, representing several different tribes. Nearly as many more are in charge of the military at Camp Apache, in Arizona, say 1,900, known collectively as White Mountain Apaches. About 800 Jicarillas are on the Southern Ute Reservations in Colorado; some 500 Mescaleros are on the reservation of that name in New Mexico; and 300 other Apaches are on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation in Indian Territory. After a recent outbreak had been quelled 356 prisoners were sent to Mount Vernon Barracks in Alabama. There are about 150 children at school in Carlisle, Pa. The total of perhaps 6,000 Apaches with which we have still to deal is not large in comparison with the numbers of some other tribes—but it is enough.

[IV'-29] See note13, p. 615, note14, p. 616, note15, p. 618; also, note24, p. 743. The towns here mentioned are those usually called San Domingo, San Felipe, and Sandia—the latter being the Tañoan one Pike elsewhere speaks of as St. Dies.

[IV'-30] Juan de Oñate, first governor of New Mexico, b. Guadalajara, Mex., about 1555, d. after 1611. "He was a son of the founder of Guadalajara, and was married to a granddaughter of Hernando Cortés. In 1595 his proposition to settle New Mexico was accepted by the viceroy Velasco, and after much delay the grant was confirmed by the Count of Monterey. Oñate left Zacatecas in Jan., 1598, with 130 men besides Indians, a large wagon- and cattle-train, etc.; reached the Rio Grande, probably at El Paso, April 20; took formal possession April 30; crossed the river; and in Aug. founded the first capital, San Juan (Santa Fé was founded later). After the first year he had little trouble with the Indians. Early in 1599 he explored a part of Arizona, and in 1604 followed the Gila river down to the Gulf of California. He probably ceased to rule as governor in 1608." (Cent. Cyc. Names, s. v.) (See Nadal and Niza, in the Index.)

[IV'-31] The province which Pike calls indifferently Biscay and New Biscay was properly Nueva Vizcaya. It was named Reino de la Nueva Vizcaya by Francisco de Ibarra, who invaded it about 1560-70, and retained the name until after the independence. As a colonial division of New Spain it had been originally called Copala, and was much more extensive than Pike's Biscay, as it corresponded to the present states of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, and a southern part of Coahuila. This region was included among the Provincias Internas in 1777, and such was its status in Pike's time; but meanwhile it had become contracted in extent by the exclusion of Sonora and Sinaloa, so that in Pike's time it was little if any more than equivalent to the two present states of Chihuahua and Durango. Present Chihuahua has Sinaloa and Durango on the S. Present Durango is surrounded by Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Zacatecas, and Jalisco.

[IV'-32] Wislizenus, Mem., p. 55, quotes this passage, and adds: "By rubbing the hair of cats and dogs in the dark, I could elicit here a greater mass of electricity than I had ever seen produced in this way. Some persons, entitled to confidence, informed me that by changing their woollen under-dress in the night, they had at first been repeatedly frightened by seeing themselves suddenly enveloped in a mass of electrical fire. The remarkable flames that appeared after a thunder-storm in the mountains south of El Paso, already mentioned by me [Mem. p. 43], were no doubt connected with electricity. I recollect also, from an account published in relation to the battle of Buena Vista, that during a sultry evening electrical flames were seen on the points of the bayonets among the sentinels stationed in the mountains."

[IV'-33] For these, see the itinerary, Apr. 30th-May 13th, pp. 668-678, and notes there. The lakes Pike proceeds to mention are in or on the border of present Coahuila. The situation of the Presidio del Norte, where the Conchos discharges, is lat. 29° 33´ 53´´ N., long. 104° 36´ 27´´ W., by the river 346 m. above the mouth of the Pecos, and 348 below El Paso—both of these distances much in excess of the direct line between these points. "Batopilis" is very far out for the source of the Conchos, unless Pike refers to some other place than the modern Batopilas. This is situated below lat. 27° N., and in the Pacific water-shed, being on a branch of the Rio del Fuerte, which runs from Chihuahua through Sinaloa and empties into the Gulf of California at Point Ahome.

[IV'-34] Before undertaking to answer this query, it would be well to ascertain the fact. The scorpions which Pike describes are known by the Spanish name alacran, and I presume are closely related to the widely distributed Androctonus biaculeatus, if not the same species. Kendall's Narrative of the Texan Expedition of 1841, pub. Lond., 1845, II. p. 114, cites Pike in this connection, and also has: "I believe that the city of Durango is somewhat celebrated for the beauty and talent of its women—I know that it is noted for the numbers and venomous qualities of its alicrans, or scorpions. Frequently, while travelling through the State of Durango, were we regaled with Mexican stories of the swarms of poisonous alicrans which infest the capital.... A bounty of some three or six cents ... is paid by the authorities for each insect secured, and according to some of the stories told us, no inconsiderable business is carried on in catching and bottling the much dreaded scorpions." When Gregg was in Durango, March, 1835, he noted that city "as being the headquarters, as it were, of the whole scorpion family. During the spring, especially, so much are the houses infested by these poisonous insects, that many people are obliged to have resort to a kind of mosquito bar, in order to keep them out of their beds at night. As an expedient to deliver the city from this terrible pest, a society has already been formed, which pays a reward of a cuartilla (three cents) for every alacran (or scorpion) that is brought to them. Stimulated by the desire of gain, the idle boys of the city are always on the look-out; so that, in the course of a year, immense numbers of this public enemy are captured and slaughtered. The body of this insect is of the bulk and cast of a medium spider, with a jointed tail one or two inches long, at the end of which is a sting whose wounds are so poisonous as often to prove fatal to children, and are very painful to adults. The most extraordinary peculiarity of these scorpions is, that they are far less dangerous in the north than in the south, which in some manner accounts for the story told Capt. Pike, that even those of Durango lose most of their venom as soon as they are removed a few miles from the city," says Gregg, very sensibly, Comm. Pra., II. 1844, p. 89. Hughes, Doniphan Exp., p. 128: "the soldiers would sometimes shake their blankets, toss ... the lizards and alacrans, exclaiming angrily, 'd——n the scorpion family!'"

[IV'-35] Gregg, Comm. Pra., II. 1844, p. 114, cites Pike in his own description of Chihuahua, as it appeared to him in 1839, and the two accounts may be here brought together. Noting the regularity of the city in comparison with Santa Fé, the dressing of the best buildings with hewn stone, the paving of some of the streets, and the population of about 10,000, this author continues:

"The most splendid edifice in Chihuahua is the principal church, which is said to equal in architectural grandeur anything of the sort in the republic. The steeples, of which there is one at each front corner, rise over 100 feet above the azotea [roof]. They are composed of very fancifully-carved columns; and in appropriate niches of the frontispiece, which is also an elaborate piece of sculpture, are to be seen a number of statues, as large as life, the whole forming a complete representation of Christ and the 12 Apostles. This church was built about a century ago, by contributions levied upon the mines (particularly those of Santa Eulalia, 15 or 20 miles from the city), which paid over a percentage on all the metal extracted therefrom; a medio [6¼ cents], I believe, being levied upon each marco of eight ounces. In this way, about a million of dollars was raised and expended in some 30 years, the time employed in the construction of the building. It is a curious fact, however, that, notwithstanding the enormous sums of money expended in outward embellishments, there is not a church from thence southward, perhaps, where the interior arrangements bear such striking marks of poverty and neglect. If, however, we are not dazzled by the sight of these costly decorations for which the churches of Southern Mexico are so much celebrated, we have the satisfaction of knowing that the turrets are well provided with bells, a fact of which every person who visits Chihuahua very soon obtains auricular demonstration. One, in particular, is so large and sonorous that it has frequently been heard, so I am informed, at the distance of 25 miles.

"A little below the Plaza Mayor stand the ruins (as they may be called) of San Francisco—the mere skeleton of another great church of hewn stone, which was commenced by the Jesuits previous to their expulsion in 1767, but never finished. By the outlines still traceable amid the desolation which reigns around, it would appear that the plan of this edifice was conceived in a spirit of still greater magnificence than the Parroquia which I have been describing. The abounding architectural treasures that are mouldering and ready to tumble to the ground bear sufficient evidence that the mind which had directed its progress was at once bold, vigorous, and comprehensive.

"This dilapidated building has since been converted into a sort of state prison, particularly for the incarceration of distinguished prisoners. It was here that the principals of the famous Texan Santa Fé Expedition were confined, when they passed through the place, on their way to the City of Mexico. This edifice has also acquired considerable celebrity as having received within its gloomy embraces several of the most distinguished patriots, who were taken prisoners during the first infant struggles for Mexican independence. Among these was the illustrious ecclesiastic, Don Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, who made the first declaration at the village of Dolores, September 16, 1810. He was taken prisoner in March, 1811, some time after his total defeat at Guadalaxara; and being brought to Chihuahua, he was shot on the 30th of July following, in a little square back of the prison, where a plain white monument of hewn stone has been erected to his memory. It consists of an octagon base of about 25 feet in diameter, upon which rises a square, unornamented pyramid to the height of about 30 feet. The monument indeed is not an unapt emblem of the purity and simplicity of the curate's character.

"Among the few remarkable objects which attract the attention of the traveller is a row of columns supporting a large number of stupendous arches which may be seen from the heights, long before approaching the city from the north. This is an aqueduct of considerable magnitude which conveys water from the little river of Chihuahua, to an eminence above the town, whence it is passed through a succession of pipes to the main public square, where it empties itself into a large stone cistern; and by this method the city is supplied with water. This and other public works to be met with in Chihuahua, and in the southern cities, are glorious remnants of the prosperous times of the Spanish empire. No improvements on so exalted a scale have ever been made under the republican government.... ¡Ojalá por los dias felices del Rey!"

[IV'-36] Sonora then was nearly the same as the present State of that name, but lost a northern strip (the Gadsden Purchase) to our Arizona, and also lost its New Mexican line. For the present boundary between it and the United States, running on lat. 31° 20´ N. to long. 111° W., see note32, p. 645. In Mexico, Sonora is now bounded on the E. by Chihuahua, on the S. by Sinaloa, and on the W. by the Gulf of California, except the short extent to which the Colorado r. separates it from Lower California. Area, 77,550 sq. m.; pop. 140,500; capital, Hermosillo, pop. 7,000; principal seaport, Guaymas, pop. 5,500, situated in lat. 27° 56´ N., long. 110° 36´ W.

[IV'-37] The whole Sonoran water-shed is Pacific, and the river-system runs on general S. and S. W. courses to the Gulf, in a series of somewhat parallel streams. The northernmost one of these, of any size, which Pike calls Ascencion r., I find lettered Rio Altar; its main branch is Rio Magdalena; some of its ultimate sources are in Arizona, in the country about Arivaca, Tubac, and old Fort Mason; it discharges between George's bay and Cape Tepoca. The Sonora is much larger, with a main branch called San Miguel; it discharges opposite Tiburon isl. Arizpa, which Pike speaks of as near the head of the Yaqui, is high up on the right bank of the Sonora; lower down is Hermosillo (lat. 29° 10´ N., long. 110° 45´ W.). The Yaqui is the largest Sonoran river, falling into the Gulf below Guaymas and above Point Lobos. It has two main forks, Rio Moctezuma and Rio Bavispe. Rio Matape, a small river, is the one that falls in at Guaymas, and not the Yaqui. Another small one, Rio Mayo, falls in below Vacamora and Point Rosa. Rio Alamos, which heads in Sonora, falls over the Sinaloan boundary.

[IV'-38] Arizpe is now a small place, with a population of probably 4,000, and is of interest chiefly to the antiquarian. The original mission of Arizpe was already over 150 years old in Pike's time, and the place is believed to have been an Opata village as early as 1540. The derivation of the name is given as the Opata word arit, meaning "ant." The name Arizpe suggests the obvious conjecture, that the root of the word Arizona, the derivation of which has been so much mooted, may be here found. How this may be, I do not know; but Arizona does not appear to be Spanish, and certainly any such etymology as Lat. arida zona, which has been adduced among others, is fictitious.

[IV'-39] Tubson is now Tucson, Ariz. San Cruz is Santa Cruz, also in Arizona, on or near the branch of the Gila of that name. Tubac is likewise now Arizonian, being a place about on long. 111° W., N. W. of Nogales, and not far from old Forts Mason and Crittenden. Altac is Altar, on the Sonoran river of that name. "Fiuntenas" I take to be a misprint for Fronteras, a place on one of the headwaters of the Yaqui, about lat. 31° N. Bacuachi is on one of the branches of the Sonora r., above Arizpe. Bavista is Bavispe, a place high up on the river of that name, close to the eastern border of the State. Horcasites, to judge from its location on Pike's map, was on or near the Sonora r., in the vicinity of present Ures; but I have not found the place. Near it Pike locates a Presidio San Antonio, omitted from the text. Buenavista is a place low down on the Yaqui r.; the present road from Punta de Agua on Rio Matape goes through it to Batacoso, Alamos, and so on.

[IV'-40] Sinaloa or Cinaloa is practically the same as it was, but would be now said to be bounded by Sonora, Chihuahua, Durango, and Jalisco; its whole S. W. length is sea-coast, on the Gulf of California and Pacific Ocean. Area, 36,180 sq. m.; pop. 245,700; capital, Culiacan, on the river of that name, in lat. 24° 50´ N., long. 107° 20´ W.; pop. 8,000. The principal city and port is Mazatlan, in lat. 23° 15´ 36´´ N.; pop. 12,000.

[IV'-41] Sinaloa has a long series of comparatively short rivers, with a general S. W. trend to the sea. Rio del Fuerte (River of the Fort) is the largest and, excepting Rio Alamos, the northernmost. The Sinaloa is the next one of any size; on this is Sinaloa, in Pike's time the capital, but not now a place of special importance. Further S. come successively, Rio San Lorenzo, Rio San Miguel, Rio Piaxtla, Rio Mazatlan, and Rio El Rosario; the latter is charted by Pike, who empties it into the Gulf, near 23°, which is about right.

[IV'-42] Coahuila, or Coahuila de Zaragoza, or Cohahuilla, or Quagila, etc., has much the same limits now, excepting of course the cis-Grandean portion which is now a part of Texas. On the eastern side there is a curious peninsula or panhandle of the State, which is wedged between two similar projections of Nuevo Leon and Tamaulipas respectively. On the S. are San Luis Potosí as well as Zacatecas, and on the W. the former Biscay gives Chihuahua and Durango. Area, 60,500 sq. m.; pop. 178,000; capital, Saltillo, about lat. 25° 25´ N., long. 101° 4´ W., founded 1586; pop. 23,000.

[IV'-43] The Rio Grande does not now cross Coahuila, but forms its whole U. S. border on the N. W., N., and N. E. But there are a good many rivers in Coahuila, some of them notable. 1. Prominent among these is the whole course of the Sabinas, and of its main fork on which is Monclova, together with their respective tributaries, down to where the two are joined, to continue under the name of Rio Salado to the Rio Grande; the Salado cuts across the tip end of New Leon, but again becomes Coahuilan to the extent of separating Coahuila from Nuevo Leon before entering Tamaulipas. The "Aqua Verde" lake which Pike names, and which is rather centrally than westerly located, is the Laguna de Agua Verde; which, with a neighboring one called Santa Maria, belongs to the water-system of the Sabinas. 2. The two rivers which flow into Lag. del Muerto and Lag. de Parras enter Coahuila. 3. The headwaters of the Rio San Juan, on one of which Saltillo, the capital, is situated, are in Coahuila. 4. A series of Coahuilan streams falls into the Rio Grande at successive points from below Presidio Salto to above Presidio San Vincento.

[IV'-44] The tree is not the palmetto of the Southern States, Sabal palmetto, but one of the large woody yuccas, of the same genus as the small shrubby ones commonly called Spanish bayonets, from the character of the leaves Pike notes. Yucca treculeana (or canaliculata) is a Mexican species sometimes 25 feet high and 2 feet thick, thus answering to the requirements of the text. The one best known in our country is the tree yucca, Yucca arborescens, very similar to the last named. This grows abundantly in some parts of Southern California in the valley of the Mohave r., sometimes so thickly as to make a sort of forest. Multitudes may be seen along the line of the Atl. and Pac. R. R. in the desert, where there is for many miles no sign of anything else that looks like a tree.

[IV'-45] For various places mentioned in this and the following paragraphs, see the itinerary of May 16th to June 1st, pp. 680-689, and notes along there.

[IV'-46] Robert Cavelier, Le Sieur de la Salle, b. Rouen, Normandie, France, Nov. 22d, 1643, murdered by Duhaut in conspiracy with other assassins, in Texas, on a branch of the Trinity, or of the Brazos, Mar. 19th or 20th, 1687, was never at the mouth of the Rio Grande. La Salle sailed from France with four vessels and about 280 persons, July 24th, 1684; three of the vessels sighted Florida Jan. 15th, 1685; landed at St. Louis, later St. Bernard, now Matagorda, bay, in Feb., 1685; one vessel sailed away in Mar., 1685, leaving La Salle with about 180 adventurers or colonists. He founded Fort St. Louis at or near present La Vaca, in Apr., 1685, giving a color of French claim that did not entirely fade away till 1803, though the settlement speedily aborted. The remainder of 1685 and the year 1686 were mainly passed in fruitless wanderings and warrings in different directions, with misery and disaster at every turn. La Salle's people dwindled down to about 20 who were left at the fort, and 17 who started with their leader, Jan. 7th, 1687, overland to Canada. This verloren hoop included: La Salle; Father Jean Cavelier, his brother; their two nephews, Moranget and Cavelier; Sieur de Maria, Friar Anastase Douay, who afterward wrote of the journey, a witness of La Salle's death; Joutel, a trusty soldier, whose account (pub. 1713) is to be preferred to Douay's when the two differ; Teissier, a pilot, one of the conspirators; Liotot, the surgeon, ditto; Hiens, a German ex-buccanier, ditto; Duhaut, the actual assassin; Jean Archevêque, his servant and accomplice; Saget, La Salle's servant; Nika, a Shawanoe hunter; another Indian, and some other persons. This party had crossed the Colorado and Brazos Mar. 15th, 1687. After a quarrel which arose over some buffalo meat, in a detached party who were 6 m. away from La Salle, Duhaut, Liotot, Hiens, and others conspired to kill Moranget; Liotot brained him; Saget and Nika were also then and there killed. La Salle left Joutel and others in their own camp and proceeded to the scene of this tragedy, accompanied only by Father Douay, and an Indian, Mar. 19th or 20th. On his approach, Duhaut shot him in the head from ambush; Liotot and others mocked and buffeted his corpse. Some time in May Duhaut was murdered by Hiens; at the same time Liotot was murdered by one Ruter. Some survivors of this bloody expedition reached Poste aux Arkansas in July. The colony left at Fort St. Louis had been utterly extirpated by Indian massacre and dispersion of the few survivors, before Apr. 22d, 1689, when the spot, void of all but the dead there buried, was visited by a Spanish party under Don Alonzo de Leon. See note21, p. 560.

[IV'-47] For the several rivers about to be treated here, see the itinerary, June 7th-29th, and notes there.

[IV'-48] This description of the Nachez, Angelina, and Toyac (Atoyac) rivers agrees with the map, and with the misapprehension under which Pike labored. As already indicated, note18, p. 710, the three are branches of one, which falls into the Gulf in the same bay with the Sabine; but Pike cuts off the Nachez and Angelina from the Toyac and turns them into the Trinity as branches of the latter, thus leaving the Toyac alone to pursue the course all three should have taken together.

[IV'-49] The reboso, with which the women muffle their faces, in a characteristic manner perhaps traceable back to the Moors, or to the wives of the prophet himself, is as indispensable an article of attire as a fan. The Spaniards have a phrase de reboso, equivalent to the Italian in petto, Latin sub rosa, to indicate secrecy, intrigue, and the like. The reboso varies much in size, shape, color, texture, price, and other qualities; and, according to one distinguished author, it has various uses: "The church was crowded with women of all conditions, and the horrid reboso, which the poor use for shawl, bonnet, handkerchief, and spit-box, sent out an odor which the incense from the altar failed to stifle," says Emory, Ex. Doc. 41, 30th Cong., 1st Sess., 1848, p. 41. Some say that the large mobile lips of Mexican señoras acquire their osculatory capacity by the habitual use of those features in gesticulation as well as articulation; their hands and arms being kept bundled up with their heads in that comprehensive article of attire, they are obliged to use their lips for pointers.

[IV'-50] Humboldt, in his Personal Narrative, etc., p. xxii of the Philada. ed. of 1815, takes express exception to these statistics, in the following terms: "The numerous statistical data, which Mr. Pike has collected in a country of the language of which he was ignorant, are for the greater part very inaccurate. According to this author the mint of Mexico coins every year 50 millions of piastres in silver, and 14 millions in gold; while it is proved by the tables annually printed by order of the Court, and published in the Political Essay [of Humboldt and Bonpland], that, the year in which the produce of the mines was the most abundant, the coinage amounted only to 25,806,074 piastres in silver, and to 1,359,814 piastres in gold."

[IV'-51] Bernardo Galvez y Gallardo, viceroy of Mexico from June 16th, 1785, until his death at Tacubaya, Nov. 30th, 1786. He was b. at Marcharavieja July 23d, 1746, was son of Mathias de Galvez, and had a very eminent career as soldier and statesman.

[V'-1] The Appendix to Pt. 3 of the orig. ed. was the most extraordinary hotch-potch I ever saw in type—a lot of letters and other papers bundled together in no intelligible or imaginable order. There being no evidence of design or purpose, the first step toward bringing an appearance of order out of this confusion must be taken by disregarding the original helter-skelter entirely, and by rearranging the various pieces of which this Appendix consisted as freely as if they were loose manuscripts accidentally disordered. The documents with which we have to do were disarranged as follows:

No. 1. Pike's Observations on New Spain, the leading article, not numbered, making pp. 1-51, or more than half of the whole Appendix. (This I have disposed of in the foregoing Chap. IV.)

No. 2, pp. 52, 53. A fragmentary vocabulary of Mississippi place-names, having no connection with Pt. 3 of the book. (This I have made Chap. IX., pp. 355, 356, of Pt. 1, where it belongs.)

No. 3, pp. 53-55. A letter from Pike to Wilkinson.

No. 4, pp. 55-57. A letter from Wilkinson to Pike.

No. 5, pp. 57-63. A letter from Pike to Wilkinson.

No. 6, pp. 64-68. A Congressional report, with accompanying documents, including matter relating to all three of Pike's expeditions, yet lacking one of the most important of the papers belonging to it (see No. 13, below). (All these I shall relegate to the following Chap. VI.)

No. 7, p. 69. A mere paragraph about a priest. (This I have simply interpolated in the text of the itinerary, Chap. II., pp. 603, 604—the place where it belongs.)

No. 8, pp. 69, 70. A letter from Pike to Allencaster.

No. 9, p. 70. A certificate from Allencaster to Pike.

No. 10, p. 71. A letter from Pike to Allencaster.

No. 11, p. 72. A letter from Pike to Salcedo.

No. 12, p. 72. A letter from Salcedo to Pike.

No. 13, pp. 73-77. The missing document which belongs to No. 6 (see above), being a brief sketch of Pike's Arkansaw Expedition and of his Mexican Tour, no date, no place, no addressee. (This, of course, goes with No. 6, in the following Chap. VI.)

No. 14, pp. 78, 79. A letter from Pike to Salcedo.

No. 15, pp. 79, 80. A letter from Salcedo to Pike.

No. 16, pp. 80-82. Inventory of papers seized by the Spanish authorities, with accompanying certificate.

No. 17, pp. 82, 83. A letter from Pike to Salcedo.

No. 18, pp. 83-85. A letter from Pike to Salcedo.

No. 19, pp. 86, 87. A letter from Salcedo to Wilkinson.

By eliminating from the above No. 1, No. 2, No. 6, No. 7, and No. 13, as above indicated, the residuum consists entirely of correspondence relating to the Mexican Tour, which is easily rearranged in the chronological order of the several letters, and thus forms the present Chapter V.

[V'-2] On this subject I can throw a little further light, as reflected from some documents which I find on file in the Archives of the War Department. The following letter is in a clerk's hand, with Pike's signature:

Washington city Feby. 10th. 1808.

Sir,

Being informed that the Chevalier Don Fownda, Charge des affaires from his Catholic Majesty to the United States, has forwarded to your office an account of expenses said to have occurred in consequence of my being obliged to pass thro' the internal provinces of New Spain, amounting to a sum, exceeding 21,000 Dollars.—I have thought it proper to state to you the following circumstances. On my being informed by the Govr. at Santa fé that I should be obliged to go to Chihuahua, I addressed a letter to him in which amongst other topics—I demanded to be advised if myself and troops were to be supported at the expense of the U States or his Catholic majesty—On this subject he was silent in his reply—but the day I marched from that city sent me a small sum of money, which I was informed was the subsistence money of my party to Chihuahua—at which place I refunded said sum to an officer of the Govrs. acquaintance & took his receipt for the same—at the seat of goverment I received $1000 and gave triplicate receipts making my goverment responsible for the same—and on the close of my correspondence with Genl. Salcedo was informed that I should be conveyed to our territories in the same manner I had been from New Mexico to Chihuahua—That was to find our own subsistence—but all other expences to be paid by the Spanish officers.—I left a requisition that my party in the rear might be allowed $26¼/100 per diem for their subsistence, and as this was for the support of our troops, when in their country, it remains to be decided by our Govt, whether they will refund the money—At the first place where I changed my escort on this side of Chihuahua, pay was demanded for the services of the mules, and horses, which I positively refused—but finding the officer was embarassed, I gave him a receipt agreable to the enclosed copy and date.—at St. Antonio I received $200 of Govr. Cordero—whereof the account stands enclosed—but I presume in justice no part should be allowed except the cash advanced, and the mens subsistence—as agreable to the Chevaliers own maxim—"the Government which unnecessarily produced the expenditures ought in justice to defray them"—.

I have the honor to be,
Sir,
With high consideration
Your most obt. Servt.
[Signed] Z. M. Pike Captain 1st U States Regt. Infy

The Honable.
James Madison,
Secy. Dept. State

The foregoing letter has two inclosures. One is the following form of account:

"U. States to
the Spanish Govt.—

    Dr.
7th. April 1807. To cash furnished on receipt to Cap: Pike at Chihuahua, $1000
11th. June, 07. To cash furnished Cap: Pike at St. Antonio, on receipt, 200
  To a requisition for subsistence of my party in the rear at $26¼/100 from —— to ——  
  *To amount of five receipts worded in substance as below—not exceeding 250
    $

*—— 07.

I acknowledged to have been furnished by —— with —— mules —— horses for the transport of my party and baggage from —— to —— The hire of said beasts to be hereafter adjusted between the Govt. of the U. States and that of his Cath. Majesty—

"(Signed) Z. Pike.

"N. B. The whole of those charges (the latter of which I by no means conceive the U States under any just obligation to discharge) cannot if my men have recently left the country, amount to more than $2000. 1200 of which I only pledged the faith of the Govt. for—Pike"

The other one of the two inclosures is the following memorandum or indorsement of the State Department:

"The account against Pike inadmissible save the $1200 advanced him in Cash—and what may have been advanced to his men left in Mexico at the rate of $26¼/100 p. day—the Sum he asked for their subsistence—It appears to have been understood by Capt Pike that he was to find subsistence for himself & Party and that the Spanish Govert would meet the other expences of his Journey."

[V'-3] Rivière au Bois d'Arc of the French, as we should say Bodark, Bowdark, or Bowwood r., meaning the Osage. The reference is to the bois d'arc or bowwood, the Osage orange, Maclura aurantiaca, a well-known tree of the lower Mississippi valley, whose wood was formerly in great request for the purpose indicated in the vernacular name. It is very thorny, bears pruning well, and has come to be much cultivated for hedges. Its botanical affinities are with the mulberry.

[V'-4] The meaning of the clause is clear, though it may not be obvious on its face, owing to the use of "summoning" in a particular sense: compare Pike's use of "summons" in Art. 11, p. 825. Agreeably with etymology, "summoning" might be written submonition, on the model of admonition; the radical meaning of these two words is much the same, both conveying the idea of warning, with the implied force of enjoining, restraining, etc. Salcedo simply reminds Wilkinson that the Spanish government had warned the United States off those premises, and consequently that the latter should not have carried into effect any projects of, etc.

[V'-5] Sic—but "Alferez" is not a part of Walker's name, being his rank in the Mexican cavalry: read "Walker, ensign of," etc.

[V'-6] Thomas Humphrey Cushing of Massachusetts, a captain in the Continental Army, became a captain of the 2d Infantry, Mar. 4th, 1791; he was arranged to the second sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792; promoted to be a major in the first sub-Legion Mar. 3d, 1793, and assigned to the 1st Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796; he acted as inspector of the army from Feb. 27th, 1797, to May 22d, 1798, and became lieutenant-colonel of the 2d Infantry April 1st, 1802; he acted as adjutant and inspector-general from Mar. 26th, 1802, to May 9th, 1807, was promoted to the colonelcy of the 2d Infantry Sept. 7th, 1805, to a brigadier-generalship July 2d, 1812, and honorably discharged June 15th, 1815; he died Oct. 19th, 1822.

[V'-7] It will be observed that Pike's syntax leaves the personal pronoun equivocal. We naturally read that Sergeant Meek killed one of his own men, i. e., a man of Pike's party; and I have been more than once summonsed, during my editorial function, to say who this man was. But there is no record that I can discover, and no other intimation than the above ambiguous clause, that any man of Pike's or Meek's party was killed by Meek. On the contrary, Pike's final word about his men accounts for every one of them: see p. 855, and note there. In the absence of any further evidence, we must understand that Sergeant Meek killed one of General Salcedo's men; and if so, might easily be accused of "great intractability."

[V'-8] Of Virginia, appointed from Kentucky a second lieutenant of the 3d Infantry Feb. 16th, 1801, and transferred to the 2d Infantry Apr. 1st, 1802; became a first lieutenant of the same Dec. 20th, 1803, and resigned Jan. 31st, 1808; was made a captain of the first Rifles Mar. 8th, 1809, and appointed major Aug. 12th, 1814, but the appointment was negatived by the Senate Dec. 10th, 1814; he was honorably discharged June 15th, 1815, and died in 1819.

[V'-9] That is, Captain Pike wishes to know how he is to account for instruments which were damaged, or which he had ordered to be sold, to prevent further injury on a long march.

[V'-10] That is, F. capote, some sort of surtout, overcoat, or cloak, constantly confounded with F. capot, meaning hood. Among the Canadian voyageurs and other French in America, capote was the most general name of any such outer garment. It constantly occurs, for example, in annals of the fur-trade of the Northwest, capotes being made of several regulation sizes and styles, for barter with the Indians, as well as for wear of the men of the N. W. Company.

[VI'-1] This chapter, which appears to be a number of disjointed pieces, whose connection is not obvious, is really all of a part, being a certain Congressional matter. It is easily traced to its source in American State Papers, as the set of documents which Pike brought to bear on Congress for legislative action in his case, when he was trying to secure some appropriation to recompense himself and his companions for what they had undergone and accomplished during his two expeditions. Barring the way in which it was botched in this book, Nos. 6 and 13 are substantially the same as Doc. No. 259 of the 2d Session of the 10th Congress, being the report of a committee laid before the Ho. Reps. Dec. 16th, 1808, with accompanying papers, and as such will be found printed in American State Papers, folio, Washington, Gales and Seaton, 1834, pp. 942-944. The same volume contains, on p. 719, Doc. No. 248 of the 1st Session of the 10th Congress, being a previous report of a committee, communicated by John Montgomery, chairman, to the Ho. Reps., Mar. 10th, 1808. The same volume also contains, on p. 463, Doc. No. 212 of the 2d Session of the 9th Congress, a Report on Exploration of Western Waters, communicated by Mr. Alston to the Ho. Reps., Dec. 22d, 1806, mentioning Lewis and Clark, Pike, and Freeman, and recommending an annual appropriation for the purpose of such explorations. But none of these bills passed or became a law, though in Pike's own case they were, as we see, entirely favorable to his claim for extra remuneration. The case was reopened by Pike's widow, many years after his death; but nothing ever came of it. This seems hard, especially as Lewis and Clark and their men were well rewarded by Congressional legislation; but acts of Congress are as inscrutable as the ways of Providence, in any question of right or wrong. As to the composition of this chapter, see note1, p. 807, and observe that we have: (1) The Report of the Congressional Committee of which Mr. Montgomery was chairman, recommending an appropriation. (2) A letter from the Secretary of War to this chairman, inclosing copies of instructions Pike received from Wilkinson for each of his expeditions. (3) A copy of one of these instructions, namely, for the Mississippi voyage, but no copy of the other which ought to appear here—for the reason, no doubt, that Pike had put it already in his book, as a sort of preface to Pt. 2: see note1, p. 562. Both or neither of these instructions should have come here. (4) Dearborn's complimentary letter to Pike. (5) Pike's return of men, etc., or roster of his two parties, furnished for the information of Congress upon the question of who were the persons for whom reward was claimed.

[VI'-2] This roster is at variance with that given in the itinerary, p. 358, where it stands one lieutenant (Wilkinson), one doctor (Robinson, who was the volunteer), two sergeants (Ballenger and Meek), one corporal (Jackson), 16 privates (Boley, Bradley, Brown, Carter, Dougherty, Gorden, Huddleston, Kennerman, Menaugh, Miller, Mountjoy, Roy, Smith, Sparks, Stoute, Wilson), and one interpreter (Vasquez). Compare note2, pp. 358-360, and note50, p. 510. Numerous other slips in this sketch, notably of dates, indicate that it was written from memory.

[VI'-3] It appears from Lieutenant Wilkinson's own report that he had but five men with him, the sergeant and four privates. Pike's enumeration of "six men" besides the sergeant includes the two Osages, whom he thus counts twice, to an aggregate of nine persons.

[VI'-4] As a pendent to the foregoing sketch, which was prepared for the information of Congress, may be presented a hitherto unpublished letter which Pike wrote to the Secretary of War soon after his arrival in Washington, when he transmitted reports of his Western Expedition. It is printed literally and punctually true to the manuscript now on file in the archives of the War Department.

Washington City .08
Jany. 26 ...

Sir!

I am at length enabled to present you with the reports of my late expidition from the period of our sailing from Belle Fontain on the 15th. of July 1806; to my leaveing my Stockade on the Rio del Norte under escort of the Spanish Cavalry; on the 27. Feby. 07.

They should have been presented some time since, had I not have been imployed by the Commander in Chief, for a very consedrable proportion of my time since my arrival at the seate of Goverment:—It must be recollected that the Spanish General seized on all my Documents in his power; Amongst which [were] the book of Charts protracted, daily, from my notes and the eye; and although I retained a Copy of Courses, Distances, &c—by which I have been enabled to retrace my plans, and routes, yet they necessarily are not so perfect as the Original and daily protractions would have made them: They likewise obtained, and retained a note book engrossed with Observations on the manners, morals, and habits of the Aborigines of the countries through which we passed; the loss of which naturally abridged my desertation on those heads; also all my Meteorological tables to the entrance of their country where [were] amongst the papers sized [seized]: But what I regret the most was my Astronomical Observations having taken at Several of the most important points, the necessary Data, from which on my arrival at the United States, and having it in my power to refer to the appropriate tables and Calculations, I could have fixed the Latt. and Longitude and thereby secured the Great Geographical Object of giving a Determinate position to Various and important points of our Country, from having it in my power to correct the Chart which I now present you agreeably to the true principals of spherical projections. The few notes you see of the Latt. are ascertained from letters I wrote Genl. Wilkinson at different periods and the Longitude would have been preserved in the same manner had I have had tables with me which would have enabled me to calculate the immersions & emersions;—as well as angular distances at the time the observations were taken.—In the Chart herewith I have included all the Country between the La Platte of the Missouri and the Red river of the Mississsippi; and although it is, and from the nature of our information, of that immense district must be, very imperfect; yet I do not hesitate to assert it is the best extant: I have carefully remarkd on said Chart all the parts by actual survey and the Gentleman by whom surveyed, in order that each may lay claim to his proper proportion of fame.—You have also herewith Lt. Wilkinsons report of his expedition after I detached him down the Arkensaw, (and his seperate Chart on a large scale), in which he encountered immense dificulties in the accomplishment of the desired end.

I have not the talents nor passions requisite for the Botanist or Mineralogist, but had I have possessed them; the various duties I was oblidged to perform of commanding Officer, Surveyor; Astronomer; hunter; and advanced guard, together with the dreary season in which we travelled part of the route; with our minds much more actively employed in forming resources for our preservation from famine; and defence against any savage enemy who might assail us, then [than] examining the productions of Nature which was under our feet and Instead of our eyes being directed to the Ground; they were endeavouring to peace [pierce] the Wild before us—or giveing distinction and form to moveing Bodies on the distant Prairies—or enjoying the rapturous sublimity of the unbounded prospects which were frequently presented to our View's. Yet Docr. Robinson who possessed both talents, and taste for those pursuits; has promised to enclose me some remarks which no doubt will be interesting; and if received shall be presented to the War Department.

After I entered the Spanish Dominions I was as careful to conceal any notes or observations, I made on their country as I had been indifferent to all that related to what was in the conceived Territories of the United States; Trusting to the dignified title of an American Officer; the Caution with which I conceived the Spanish Goverment would act and an Idea I had eroneously formed of their want of Energy; yet owing to some Indications I was induced to conceal my journal and other papers, leaving the Book of Charts &c for to lull any suspicions which might arise from their being no papers in the trunks. I now wish General Dearborne to signify to me the extent he wishes me to enter in the of my involuntary Tour through the Internal Provences of New Spain if it is thought proper: I can give (from the Notes and Documents in my possession) in addition to my Diary and Corrispondences with the Spanish Governors relative to my Detention, seizure of my papers, the subsistence of my party &c; A General Idea of the Commerce, morals, manners, Arts, and Sciences: A correct account of their Military posts, with a well founded estimate of the whole Militia of the Provences; their population, and relative connexion with each other. Also, an Idea of their Annual revenue, the monies coined at the mint &c. Some suggestions on the sate [state] and influence of the Catholc Religion, The Dispositions of the Inferior Clergy—to close whole with a view of the general tendency of the Country to a revolution, the interests of the United States in case of that event; or the best mode of Treating with New Spain in case of a rupture with the Mother Country; with a General Chart of those parts of the provinces through which we passed. This may be takeing to wide a field for the time, the Goverment may wish to allow me in making the report; or they may possess, information on those subjects from pens far abler than mine, who may have anticepated those suggestions in their full extent.

I beg leave at this moment to call the attention of the Secy of War to the situation of the remaining part of my Detachment in New Spain which consists of one Interpreter, a Young man of Good family in upper Louisiania whose salary is 500 Dollars pr—Annum, one Sergeant, one Corporal and five privates; several of those poor fellows have become cripples from their limbs being frozen, and are in a strange country amongst people whose language they cannot understand, from their long detention without any information from their native Land, dispair will seize their minds, and will picture to their immaginations Years of Confinement in a foreign Country—I who was late their Companion in dificulties and Dangers cannot so soon forget our forlorne situation, and the obligations I am under to them for the promtitude with which they encountered danger, and fortitude they exhibited, and the fidility and attachment they evinced to their Military Commander, and leader, through those scenes; as not to exert myself to call forth the attention of the Government in their favour: I therefore hope that General Dearborne will take such measures as may be deemed expediant in order to restore those poor Lads to the service of their Country.

I am Sir With High Respect and
Consideration
Your Obt. Sert.
[Signed] Z. M. Pike Captain
1st UStates Regt. Infy

The Honl.
Henry Dearborne.
Sec. of War.

[VI'-5]The dagger set at Mountjoy's name is probably an error: see note2, pp. 358-360, and note50, p. 510. Mountjoy was certainly one of those who accompanied Pike from the Rio Conejos into Mexico, and there is no evidence that he was dropped anywhere in that country. Also, Pike says that only "five" privates were detained in Mexico when he made a report to the Secretary of War, dated at Washington, Jan. 26th, 1808: see p. 853. Furthermore, witness the following hitherto unpublished document, which I find in the archives of the War Department, and in which Mountjoy's name does not appear:

"Return of a Detachment of Infantry of the Army of the U: States, detained at Chihuahua, the Seat of Government for the Internal Provinces of New Spain, by Order of the Commandant General of those Provinces, in the year 1807.—

"[Signed] Z. M. PIKE Captain
"1st UStates Regt Infy"

Above in clerk's hand, Pike's signature. Rec'd at War Dept. May 3d, 1808.