Tagalog Texts with Grammatical Analysis

312. The most important of the coordinating particles is at, t; as some of the others end in -t, they may be felt to contain at; cf. the similar ending in other particles, § 213; t is used after syllabics, n, and ʾ (see Phonetics), but even here at is commoner.

15When a sentence begins with a coordinating particle, the latter gives expression to the connection with the preceding sentence (as in English sentences beginning with And ... or But ...)

313. at, t and connects words, phrases, or entire predications. 20báro t salawàl blouse and trousers (native costume), aŋ tapunàn naŋ béha at upòs the place for throwing cigarette-ends and cigar-stubs, dalawa ŋ, pù t dalawà twenty-two, kuŋ mínsan at malakì aŋ gálit naŋ amà ... sometimes, when the father’s anger was great ... (kuŋ goes with both of the members connected 25by at).

315. at has occasionally a decidedly adversative tone; so, for instance, at 78,₃₁.

40316. Frequently at has subordinative coloring, the second of the members joined expressing:

cause: Hintày ka múna t hindí pa akò nakapápahiŋà. Make a halt first, for I am not yet rested. Íbig mo bà ŋ kumáin sa ámin?—Salámat, áyaw ko t kakàkáin ko pa lámaŋ. Do you want to eat with us?—Thank you, no, for I have only just eaten. Buksan 5mò aŋ pintòʾ at íbig ko ŋ pumások. Open the door, for I want to go in.

result: Ano t dí ka lumákad naŋ matúlin? Why don’t you walk fast? Ano aŋ íbig mo t nàrìrito kà? What do you want that you have come here? i. e. What have you come here for? So 10especially: anò aŋ dáhil at...? what is the reason that...?

purpose: Umalìs sya t makìkipútol naŋ damò. He has gone to help cut grass.

a subordinate quasi-subject: Sinábi naŋ maŋhuhúla sa iyò t hindi maláyo ríto aŋ kawàwalan naŋ iyo ŋ siŋsìŋ. The fortune-teller told you that the place where you would lose your ring is not far from here. Sinábi ko nà sa iyò at hwag kà ŋ maíŋay. I 20have told you already not to make any noise.6

317. The subordinating value of at appears especially in certain expressions which it forms with other particles:

(1) at bakàʾ lest (cf. § 235): Hwag kà ŋ magpatihúlog diyàn sa kátre at baká ka masaktàn. Don’t throw yourself from 25that bed, for you might hurt yourself.

(2) at naŋ so that (cf. § 192 f.): Magiinùm ka naŋ gátas at naŋ ikàw ay tumabàʾ. Drink milk so that you may grow stout.

(3) bagà màn at although (cf. § 290): Baga màn at umúulàn ay nagsísipaglarò silà. Although it is raining they are at 30play.

(4) kayàʾ at so that (cf. § 297): Napapúpunta nilà aŋ pelóta kayà t báwat isa sa kanilà ay nakaabàŋ. They direct the ball so that every one of them is on guard.

(5) káylan màn at every time that, whenever, synonymous 35with tuwè ŋ, § 307 (cf. káylan màn § 262): Si Hwàn ay táwa naŋ táwa káylan mà t márinig nya aŋ maŋa katatawanà ŋ bahági naŋ kwènto. Juan laughs and laughs every time he hears the funny parts of the story.

318. dátapuwat but is the commonest adversative coordinating particle. It is used also when the two members are not logically but only formally in contrast: Aŋ húni naŋ pipìt ay mahínaʾ, dátapuwat mataàs aŋ tóno. The chirping of the stone-sparrow 5is weak, but high-pitched. Pùputúlin ko aŋ lúbid kuŋ máy-roon akò ŋ laséta, dátapuwat walá ako. I should cut the rope if I had a knife, but I have none. Si Pédro ay hindí dumatìŋ, dátapuwat iba ŋ táo aŋ naparíto. Pedro did not arrive; it was someone else who came here.

10319. The particles nì hindìʾ (§§ 253. 239) connect coordinate elements in the sense of nor: Sya y hindí nagsísimbà nì hindí naŋúŋumpisàl nì hindí rin nagmàmáno sa páreʾ. He neither went to church nor confessed nor kissed the priest’s hand. The hindìʾ may, as an anaphoric element, be left off after another 15hindìʾ: Aŋ kanila ŋ kamày ay hindí nila máilabàs sa bútas nì ibig namàn sila ŋ bitíwan aŋ lamàn naŋ nyòg. They cannot take out their hands from the opening, nor are they willing to let go the cocoanut-meat.

320. The particle ŋúnit is equivalent with dátapuwat, but 20is less common: Hindí sya nagísip, ŋúnit sumagòt karáka-ráka. He did not reflect but answered at once.

321. The atonic particle o or (probably Spanish): isa ŋ malakì ŋ áso o báboy a large dog or pig; Dikdikìn kità sa lusòŋ o lunúrin kita sa ílog? Shall I bray you in a mortar or drown you 25in the river? Frequently the combination o kayàʾ (§ 219) is used; it is loosely joined: Aŋ kapaŋyaríha ŋ itò y gáliŋ sa dimóniyo o kayà y mána sa magúlaŋ. This power comes from a demon or else is inherited from one’s parents.

322. The particle subálit but is less common than its equivalents 30dátapuwat and ŋúnit: Aku sána y páparoon sa Balíwag, subálit hindí ako nátulòy, dahilàn sa isa ŋ karamdáman. I was going to Baliwag, but I did not keep on, on account of an illness.

323. A vocative joins another sentence: Hintú na kayò, 35maŋa bátaʾ! Stop, children! Té na, baláe! or: Tara nà, baláe! Come on, old man!

324. Contrast, cause, result, detail, etc. are sometimes paratactically expressed; in some cases it seems uncertain whether the second element is paratactic or subordinate, so especially when it 40begins with kaniyàʾ (§§ 241. 295): Sina Pédro, Hwàn, at Andrès ay magkakasamahà ŋ nagtánod sa isà ŋ dúlo naŋ tulày; sina Felípe, Andùy, at Mariyáno sa ikalawà ŋ dúlo. Pedro, Juan, and Andrés are standing guard together at one end of the bridge; Felipe, Andoy, and Mariano at the other. Hindí ko gustò iyàn, ibà aŋ áki ŋ gustò. I don’t like that, I want something else. 5Hwag kà ŋ umyàk, Maryà, baká ka himatayìn. Don’t weep, Maria, you might have a fainting-fit. Aŋ kantà naŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn ay kanya ŋ nalimútan, kanyà hindi tulàʾ aŋ kanya ŋ kinantà. Little Juan forgot his song, that is why what he sang was disconnected. Siya ŋàʾ, siyà aŋ nagbigày sa ákin naŋ bágo ŋ búhay. Yes, she; 10it was she who gave me new life. Sya y may famíliya; bukòd sa asáwa ay may dalawà sya ŋ anàk. He had a family; beside his wife he had two children.

325. Not infrequently explanatory elements are inserted into 15a sentence parenthetically: Tatlò ŋ magkakaybígan, isa ŋ páreʾ, isa ŋ maŋgagámut, at isa ŋ sundálo ... Three friends, a priest, a physician, and a soldier ... sa háyop namàn, karanyúwa y aŋ bábuy ... against animals, usually a pig ... wala ŋ ulàm, asìn at kánin lámaŋ there was no meat, only salt and boiled rice. 20Further cases at 54,₅. 86,₂₁. 100,₂₃. 108,₂₉.

326. Often the parenthetic element is descriptive: malakàs kumáin, katimbàŋ naŋ dalawà katáo great at eating, a match for two persons; naŋ pinagkatamàn na walà ŋ patìd, ápat na pu ŋ paà aŋ hábaʾ shavings without a break, forty feet in length. Similar 25cases at 80,₃₉. 86,₂₉. 118,₄₃. 120,₂.

327. Especially common are parentheses describing the temporary state or situation of something: Aŋ mànanalò ŋ paŋkàt at aŋ kanila ŋ maŋa kaybígan, magkakasáma ŋ tinùtugtugàn naŋ kanila ŋ bànda naŋ músika, ay agad-agàd na nagpàpaséyo. The 30winning team and their friends, all together accompanied by the playing of their band, at once form a parade. Nakaratìŋ sila sa kanila ŋ báhay, dalà nila aŋ súpot naŋ kwaltà. They arrived at their house, bearing the bag of money. Other cases at 92,₂₂. 98,₂₁. 114,₄₂.

328. In other cases a breaking off of the construction rather than an insertion seems to take place: Aŋ maŋa hindí nagsísitugtòg aŋ katuŋkúlan ay kumantà. Those who do not play, their duty is to sing. Gáya ko, akò y paráti ŋ nàhàhábul naŋ maŋa 40áso. Like me, I am often pursued by dogs. Pabulòŋ lámaŋ kuŋ silà y magsàlitáan. In whispers only (predicate) when they talk together. The organic construction would probably be: Pabulòŋ lámaŋ aŋ kanila ŋ pagsasàlitáan. Their conversation is only in whispers. Kuŋ kanya ŋ pakánin ay wala ŋ ulàm. When (they, 5anaphoric) are fed it is without meat.

329. While direct quotations often enter into normal constructions as predicate (§ 114), as conjunctive complement (§ 159), or as disjunctive object (§ 186), they are often joined by a breaking off of construction. In this case their relation to the rest of 10a sentence may resemble that of a subject; this happens especially when the sentence begins with the quotation or with part of it. If ay, y were used many of these sentences would be regular: “Magáral ka ŋ mabúti,” sinábi ni Hwàn sa kanya ŋ anàk. “Study well” was said by Juan to his son. “Dalawà!” isinigàw naŋ 15bulàg. “Two!” was shouted by the blindman. “Sa damdam kò,” aŋ sagòt ni Dyégo, “ay akò aŋ pinakamakínis.” “In my opinion,” was Diego’s answer, “I am the cleverest.” Similarly their relation may resemble that of a disjunctive object (instrumental type, § 186), but naŋ is not used. This happens if the 20quotation follows active words of saying: Si Hwàn namàn ay sumagòt: “Matàr!” Juan then answered: “Matar!”

330. This peculiar construction of direct quotations is extended to some cases that are not exactly quotations but may be viewed as such: Aŋ boò ŋ ása ko aŋ kandidáto ŋ si Manikìs aŋ 25nàgùgustuhàn naŋ maŋa táo; hindí palà, kuŋ hindí aŋ kandidáto ŋ si Sàntos. It was my whole expectation that the candidate Maniquís would be the one chosen by the people; but no, it was the candidate Santos. Aŋ paniwála naŋ maŋa táo si Saŋ-Hwàn ay sya ŋ sànto ŋ nagpápaulàn. It is the belief of the people that 30San Juan is the saint who makes rain.