[Mr. F. Brandt suggests that this word may be Telegu Thumiar, túmu being a measure of grain, and possibly the "Dumiers" may have been those entitled to receive the dustooree in grain.]
Royle says "Malayan agila," but this is apparently a misprint for Malayālam.
We do not find information as to which tree produces the eagle-wood sold in the Tenasserim bazars. [It seems to be A. agallocha: see Watt, Econ. Dict. i. 279 seq.].
This lign aloes, "genuine, black, heavy, very choice," is presumably the fine kind from Champa: the aguila the inferior product.
Pīlu, for elephant, occurs in certain Sanskrit books, but it is regarded as a foreign word.
See Lassen, i. 313; Max Müller's Lectures on Sc. of Language, 1st S. p. 189.
"As regards the interpretation of habbim, a ἅπαξ λεγ., in the passage where the state of the text, as shown by comparison with the LXX, is very unsatisfactory, it seems impossible to say anything that can be of the least use in clearing up the origin of elephant. The O. T. speaks so often of ivory, and never again by this name, that habbim must be either a corruption or some trade-name, presumably for some special kind of ivory. Personally, I believe it far more likely that habbim is at bottom the same as hobnim (ebony?) associated with shen in Ezekiel xxvii. 15, and that the passage once ran 'ivory and ebony'"—(W. Robertson Smith); [also see Encycl. Bibl. ii. 2297 seq.].
See Zeitschr. für die Kie Kunde des Morgs. iv. 12 seqq.; also Ebehr. Schrader in Zeitsch. d. M. Gesellsch. xxvii. 706 seqq.; [Encycl. Bibl. ii. 1262].
In Journ. As., ser. iv. tom. ii.
In Kuhn's Zeitschr. für Vergleichende Sprachkunst, iv. 128-131.
Detmold, pp. 950-952.
See Topography of Thebes, with a General View of Egypt, 1835, p. 153.
See e.g. Brugsch's Hist. of the Pharaohs, 2d ed. i. 396-400; and Canon Rawlinson's Egypt, ii. 235-6.
In Z. für Aegypt. Spr. und Aetferth. 1873, pp. 1-9, 63, 64; also tr. by Dr. Birch in Records of the Past, vol. ii. p. 59 (no date, more shame to S. Bagster & Sons); and again by Ebers, revised in Z.D.M.G., 1876, pp. 391 seqq.
See Canon Rawlinson's Egypt, u.s.
For the painting see Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, edited by Birch, vol. i. pl. 11 b, which shows the Rutennu bringing a chariot and horses, a bear, an elephant, and ivory tusks, as tribute to Thotmes III. For other records see Brugsch, E.T., 2nd ed. i. 381, 384, 404.
Die Inschriften Tighlathpileser's I., ... mit Übersetzung und Kommentar von Dr. Wilhelm Lotz, Leipzig, 1880, p. 53; [and see Maspero, op. cit. 661 seq.].
Lotz, loc. cit. p. 197.
See J. R. As. Soc. vol. xviii.
"Inde boves Lucas turrito corpore tetros,
Anguimanos, belli docuerunt volnera Pœnei
Sufferre, et magnas Martis turbare catervas."
Lucretius, v. 1301-3.
Here is the origin of Tennyson's 'serpent-hands' quoted under HATTY. The title bos Luca is explained by St. Isidore:
"Hos boves Lucanos vocabant antiqui Romani: boves quia nullum animal grandius videbant: Lucanos quia in Lucania illos primus Pyrrhus in prœlio objecit Romanis."—Isid. Hispal. lib. xii. Originum, cap. 2.
It is not easy to understand the bearing of the drawing in question.
This use of campo is more like the sense of Compound (q.v.) than in any instance we had found when completing that article.
Galeon is here the galliot of later days. See above.
"A kind of boat," is all that Crawfurd tells.—Malay Dict. s.v. ["Banting, a native sailing-vessel with two masts"—Williamson, Malay Dict.: "Bantieng, soort van boot met twee masten"—Van Eysinga, Malay-Dutch Dict.]
There is no justification for this word in the Latin.
"Rheede says: 'Etiam in sylvis et desertis reperitur' (Hort. Mal. xi. 10). But I am not aware of any botanist having found it wild. I suspect that no one has looked for it."—Sir J. D. Hooker.
Gebeli, Ar. "of the hills." Neli is also read dely, probably for d'Ely (see DELY, MOUNT). The Ely ginger is mentioned by Barbosa (p. 220).
From Amari's Italian version.
The two companies which escaladed were led by Captain Bruce, a brother of the Abyssinian traveller. "It is said that the spot was pointed out to Popham by a cowherd, and that the whole of the attacking party were supplied with grass shoes to prevent them from slipping on the ledges of rock. There is a story also that the cost of these grass-shoes was deducted from Popham's pay, when he was about to leave India as a major-general, nearly a quarter of a century afterwards."—Cunningham, Arch. Surv. ii. 340.
I.e. ḥamāmī, a bath attendant. Compare the Hummums in Covent Garden.
Hemāchal and Hemakūt also occur in the Āīn (see Gladwin, ii. 342, 343; [ed. Jarrett, iii. 30, 31]). Karāchal is the name used by Ibn Batuta in the 14th century, and by Al-Birūni 300 years earlier. 17th century writers often call the Himālaya the "Mountains of Nuggur-Cote" (q.v.). [Mr. Tawney writes: "We have in Ṛig Veda (x. 121) ime himavanto parvatāḥ, 'these snowy mountains,' spoken of as abiding by the might of Prajāpati. In the Bhagavadgītā, an episode of the Mahābhārata, Kṛishṇa says that he is 'the Himālaya among stable things,' and the word Himālaya is found in the Kumāra Sambhava of Kālidāsa, about the date of which opinions differ. Perhaps the Greek Ιμαος is himavat; Ἠμωδὸς, himādri."]
In most of the important Asiatic languages the same word indicates the Sea or a River of the first class; e.g. Sindhu as here; in Western Tibet Gyamtso and Samandrang (corr. of Skt. samundra) 'the Sea,' which are applied to the Indus and Sutlej (see J. R. Geog. Soc. xxiii. 34-35); Hebrew yam, applied both to the sea and to the Nile; Ar. baḥr; Pers. daryā; Mongol. dalai, &c. Compare the Homeric Ὠκεανός.
The Teutonic word Corn affords a handy instance of the varying application of the name of a cereal to that which is, or has been, the staple grain of each country. Corn in England familiarly means 'wheat'; in Scotland 'oats'; in Germany 'rye'; in America 'maize.'
Afterwards M.-Gen. G. Hutchinson, C.B., C.S.I., Sec. to the Ch. Missy. Society.
"Ce sont des Maures qui exigent de l'argent sur les grands chemins, de ceux qui passent avec quelques merchandises; souvent ils en demandent à ceux mêmes qui n'en portent point. On regarde ces gens-là à peu pres comme des voleurs."
This remark is from a letter of Dr. Burnell's dd. Tanjore, March 16, 1880.
Paṭṭi is used here in the Mahratti sense of a 'contribution' or extra cess. It is the regular Mahratti equivalent of the abwāb of Bengal, on which see Wilson, s.v.
The same breed of elephants perhaps that is mentioned on this part of the coast by the author of the Periplus, by whom it is called ἡ Δησαρήνη χώρα φέρουσα ἐλέφαντα τὸν λεγόμενον Βωσαρή.
It is possible that the island called Shaikh Shu'aib, which is off the coast of Lār, and not far from Sirāf, may be meant. Barbosa also mentions Lār among the islands in the Gulf subject to the K. of Ormuz (p. 37).
Reg. I. of 1810 had empowered the Executive Government, by an official communication from its Secretary in the Judicial Department, to dispense with the attendance and futwa of the Law officers of the courts of circuit, when it seemed advisable. But in such case the judge of the court passed no sentence, but referred the proceedings with an opinion to the Nizamut Adawlut.
See an interesting paper in the Saturday Review of Sept. 29, 1883, on Le Mascaret.
Other names for the bore in India are: Hind. hummā, and in Bengal bān.
It is given in No. II. of Selections from the Records of S. Arcot District, p. 107.
In a letter from poor Arthur Burnell, on which this paragraph is founded, he adds: "It is sad that the most Philistine town (in the German sense) in all the East should have such a name."
This perhaps implies an earlier spread of northern influence than we are justified in assuming.
"The Portuguese ... sailing from Malabar on voyages of exploration ... made their acquaintance with various places on the eastern or Coromandel Coast ... and finding the language spoken by the fishing and sea-faring classes on the eastern coast similar to that spoken on the western, they came to the conclusion that it was identical with it, and called it in consequence by the same name—viz. Malabar.... A circumstance which naturally confirmed the Portuguese in their notion of the identity of the people and language of the Coromandel Coast with those of Malabar was that when they arrived at Cael, in Tinnevelly, on the Coromandel Coast ... they found the King of Quilon (one of the most important places on the Malabar Coast) residing there."—Bp. Caldwell, u.s.
This Port was immediately outside the Straits, as appears from the description of Dom João de Castro (1541): "Now turning to the 'Gates' of the Strait, which are the chief object of our description, we remark that here the land of Arabia juts out into the sea, forming a prominent Point, and very prolonged.... This is the point or promontory which Ptolemy calls Possidium.... In front of it, a little more than a gunshot off, is an islet called the Ilheo dos Roboeens; because Roboão in Arabic means a pilot; and the pilots living here go aboard the ships which come from outside, and conduct them," &c.—Roteiro do Mar Roxo, &c., 35.
The Island retains its name, and is mentioned as Pilot Island by Capt. Haines in J. R. Geog. Soc. ix. 126. It lies about 1½ m. due east of Perim.
See Erdkunde, v. 647. The Index to Ritter gives a reference to A. W. Schott, Mag. für die Literat. des Ausl., 1837, No. 123. This we have not been able to see.
The excellence of the Goa Mangoes is stated to be due to the care and skill of the Jesuits (Annaes Maritimos, ii. 270). In S. India all good kinds have Portuguese or Mahommedan names. The author of Tribes on My Frontier, 1883, p. 148, mentions the luscious peirie and the delicate afoos as two fine varieties, supposed to bear the names of a certain Peres and a certain Affonso.
See Sayce, Principles of Comparative Philology, 2nd ed. 208-211.
"Maund, a kind of great Basket or Hamper, containing eight Bales, or two Fats. It is commonly a quantity of 8 bales of unbound Books, each Bale having 1000 lbs. weight."—Giles Jacob, New Law Dict., 7th ed., 1756, s.v.
This passage is also referred to under NACODA. The French translation runs as follows:—"Cette princesse invita ... le tendîl ou 'général des piétons,' et le sipāhsālār ou 'général des archers.'" In answer to a query, our friend, Prof. Robertson Smith, writes: "The word is rijāl, and this may be used either as the plural of rajul, 'man,' or as the pl. of rājil, 'piéton.' But foreman, or 'praepositus' of the 'men' (muḳaddam is not well rendered 'général'), is just as possible." And, if possible, much more reasonable. Dulaurier (J. As. ser. iv. tom. ix.) renders rijāl here "sailors." See the article TINDAL; and see the quotation under the present article from Bocarro MS.
See Cathay, &c., pp. ccxlvii.-ccl.; and Mr. E. Thomas, Pathán Kings of Delhi, passim.
The average was taken as follows:—(1). We took the whole of the weight of gold in the list at p. 43 ("Table of the Gold Coins of India") with the omission of four pieces which are exceptionally debased; and (2), the first twenty-four pieces in the list at p. 50 ("Supplementary Table"), omitting two exceptional cases, and divided by the whole number of coins so taken. See the tables at end of Thomas's ed. of Prinsep's Essays.
Was this ignorance, or slang? Though slave-boys are occasionally mentioned, there is no indication that slaves were at all the usual substitute for domestic servants at this time in European families.
Moodeen Sheriff (Supplt. to the Pharmacopoeia of India) says that the Mahwā in question is Bassia longifolia and the wild Mahwā Bassia latifolia.
"Don Ricardo began to fret and fidget most awfully—'Beginning of the seasons'—why, we may not get away for a week, and all the ships will be kept back in their loading."—Ed. 1863, p. 309.
Equal to 863 lbs. 12 oz. 12 drs.
Hadley, however, mentions in his preface that a small pamphlet had been received by Mr. George Bogle in 1770, which he found to be the mutilated embryo of his own grammatical scheme. This was circulating in Bengal "at his expence."
The husband of the existing Princess of Tanjore is habitually styled by the natives "Mapillai Sāhib" ("il Signor Genero"), as the son-in-law of the late Raja.
According to Pyrard mesquite is the word used in the Maldive Islands. It is difficult to suppose the people would adopt such a word from the Portuguese. And probably the form both in east and west is to be accounted for by a hard pronunciation of the Arabic j, as in Egypt now; the older and probably the most widely diffused. [See Mr. Gray's note in Hak. Soc. ii. 417.]
Sir George Yule notes: "I can distinctly call to mind 6 mucknas that I had (I may have had more) out of 30 or 40 elephants that passed through my hands." This would give 15 or 20 per cent. of mucknas, but as the stud included females, the result would rather consist with Mr. Sanderson's 5 out of 51 males.
Here the Kyendwen R. is regarded as a branch of the Brahmaputra. See further on.
"Stupiva d'vdire tanta fragranza." The Scotchman is laughed at for "feeling" a smell, but here the Italian hears one!
We have seen, however, somewhere an ingenious suggestion that the word really came from Maisolia (the country about Masulipatam, according to Ptolemy), which even in ancient times was famous for fine cotton textures.
Deotī, a torch-bearer. Thus Baber: "If the emperor or chief nobility (in India) at any time have occasion for a light by night, these filthy Deuties bring in their lamps, which they carry up to their master, and stand holding it close by his side."—Baber, 333.
One of them is generally identified with the seeds of Moringa pterygosperma—see HORSE RADISH TREE—the Ben-nuts of old writers, and affording Oil of Ben, used as a basis in perfumery.
This article we have been unable to find. Dr. Hunter in As. Res. (xi. 182) quotes from a Persian work of Mahommed Husain Shirāzi, communicated to him by Mr. Colebrooke, the names of 6 varieties of Halīla (or Myrobalan) as afforded in different stages of maturity by the Terminalia Chebula:—1. H. Zīra, when just set (from Zīra, cummin-seed). 2. H. Jawī (from Jau, barley). 3. Zangī or Hindī (The Black M.). 4. H. Chīnī. 5. H. 'Asfar, or Yellow. 6. H. Kābulī, the mature fruit. [See Dr. Murray's article in Watt, Econ. Dict. vi. pt. iv. 33 seqq.]
"Confettiamo," "make comfits of"; "preserve," but the latter word is too vague.
This is surely not what we now call Cassia Fistula, the long cylindrical pod of a leguminous tree, affording a mild laxative? But Hanbury and Flückiger (pp. 195, 475) show that some Cassia bark (of the cinnamon kind) was known in the early centuries of our era as κασία συριγγώδης and cassia fistularis; whilst the drug now called Cassia Fistula, L., is first noticed by a medical writer of Constantinople towards A.D. 1300. Pegolotti, at p. 366, gives a few lines of instruction for judging of cassia fistula: "It ought to be black, and thick, and unbroken (salda), and heavy, and the thicker it is, and the blacker the outside rind is, the riper and better it is; and it retains its virtue well for 2 years." This is not very decisive, but on the whole we should suppose Pegolotti's cassia fistula to be either a spice-bark, or solid twigs of a like plant (H. & F. 476).
This is probably Balanitis aegyptiaca, Delile, the zak of the Arabs, which is not unlike myrobalan fruit and yields an oil much used medicinally. The negroes of the Niger make an intoxicating spirit of it.
Dozy says (2nd ed. 323) that the plural form has been adopted by mistake. Wilson says 'honorifically.' Possibly in this and other like cases it came from popular misunderstanding of the Arabic plurals. So we have omra, i.e. umarā, pl. of amīr used singularly and forming a plural umrāyān. (See also OMLAH and MEHAUL.)
The word is so misprinted throughout this part of the English version.
Qu. boroughs? The writer does injustice to his country when he speaks of burghs being bought and sold. The representation of Scotch burghs before 1832 was bad, but it never was purchasable. There are no burghs in England.
[The late Mr. E. J. W. Gibb pointed out that Chocarda is Turkish Chokadār, a name given to a great man's lackey or footman. "High functionaries have many Chokadārs attached to their establishments. In this case, probably the Pasha of the province through which Ives was travelling, or perhaps some functionary at Constantinople, appointed one of his Chokadārs to look after the traveller. The word literally means 'cloth-keeper,' and it is probable that the name was originally given to a servant who had charge of his master's wardrobe. But it has long been applied to a lackey who walks beside his master's horse when his master is out riding."]
The word Nágá is spelt with a nasal n, "Náñgá" (p. 76).
The "Hugly" River was then considered (in ascending) to begin at Hooghly Point, and the confluence of the Rupnarain R., often called the Gunga (see under GODAVERY).
Other terms applied have been Numeralia, Quantitative Auxiliaries, Numeral Auxiliaries, Segregatives, &c.
See Sir H. Yule's Introductory Essay to Capt. Gill's River of Golden Sand, ed. 1883, pp. [127], [128].
Some details on the subject of these determinatives, in reference to languages on the eastern border of India, will be found in Prof. Max Müller's letter to Bunsen in the latter's Outlines of the Phil. of Universal History, i. 396 seqq.; as well as in W. von Humboldt, quoted above. Prof. Max Müller refers to Humboldt's Complete Works, vi. 402; but this I have not been able to find, nor, in either writer, any suggested rationale of the idiom.
There seems to have been great oscillation of traffic in this matter. About 1873, one of the present writers, then resident at Palermo, sent, in compliance with a request from Lahore, a collection of plants of many (about forty) varieties of citrus cultivated in Sicily, for introduction into the Punjab. This despatch was much aided by the kindness of Prof. Todaro, in charge of the Royal Botanic Garden at Palermo.
In Reiske's version "poma stupendae molis et excellentissima."—Büsching's Magazin, iv. 230.
Prinsep's Useful Tables, by E. Thomas, p. 19.
Giles, Glossary of Reference, s.v.
"The prayer that they say daily consists of these words: 'Pacauta! Pacauta! Pacauta!' And this they repeat 104 times."—(Bk. iii. ch. 17.) The word is printed in Ramusio pacauca; but no one familiar with the constant confusion of c and t in medieval manuscript will reject this correction of M. Pauthier. Bishop Caldwell observes that the word was probably Bagavā, or Pagavā, the Tamil form of Bhagavata, "Lord"; a word reiterated in their sacred formulæ by Hindus of all sorts, especially Vaishnava devotees. The words given by Marco Polo, if written "Pagoda! Pagoda! Pagoda!" would be almost undistinguishable in sound from Pacauta.
Or our symbol (Et ligand), now modified into (&), which is in fact Latin et, but is read 'and."
"The peculiar mode of writing Pahlavi here alluded to long made the character of the language a standing puzzle for European scholars, and was first satisfactorily explained by Professor Haug, of Munich, in his admirable Essay on the Pahlavi Language, already cited" (West, p. xii.).
In Canticles, iii. 9, the "ferculum quod fecit sibi rex Salomon de lignis Libani" is in the Hebrew appiryōn, which has by some been supposed to be Greek φορεῖον; highly improbable, as the litter came to Greece from the East. Is it possible that the word can be in some way taken from paryañka? The R.V. has palanquin. [See the discussion in Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. 2804 seq.].
"Pagos do aljube." We are not sure of the meaning.
The writer is here led away by Wilford's nonsense.
Query (i.) rámún (Hind.) or rama (Ladakhi) chhelli = the rama (special variety of goat) -goat; (ii.) or is Salbank mixing rama-shál (goat-shawl), the product, with the name of the animal producing the raw material?
This is the true reading, see note at the place, and J. R. As. Soc. N.S.
See Journ. As., Ser. II., tom. viii. 352.
See also De Candolle, Plantes Cultivées, p. 234.
"E foy dar no golfam do estreito de Magalhães." I cannot explain the use of this name. It must be applied here to the Sea between Banda and Timor.
Antonio Nunez, "Comtador da Casa del Rey noso Senhor," who in 1554 compiled the Livro dos Pesos da Ymdia e asy Medidas e Mohedas, says of Diu in particular:
"The moneys here exhibit such variations and such differences, that it is impossible to write any thing certain about them; for every month, every 8 days indeed, they rise and fall in value, according to the money that enters the place" (p. 28).
I invert the similar table given by Dr. Badger in his notes to Varthema.
The issues of fanams, q.v., have been infinite; but they have not varied much in weight, though very greatly in alloy, and therefore in the number reckoned to a pagoda.
"2 gunjās = 1 dugala
2 dugalas = 1 chavula (= the panam or fanam),
2 chavalas = 1 hoṇa (= the pratapa, máda, or half pagoda),
2 hoṇṇas = 1 Varāha (the hūn or pagoda)".
"The ganjā or unit (= ¼ fanam) is the rati, or Sanskrit raktika, the seed of the abrus."—Op. cit. p. 224, note. See also Sir W. Elliot's Coins of S. India, p. 56.
360 reis is the equivalent in the authorities, so far as I know.
Even the pound sterling, since it represented a pound of silver sterlings, has come down to one-third of that value; but if the value of silver goes on dwindling as it has done lately, our pound might yet justify its name again!
I have remarked elsewhere:
"Everybody seems to be tickled at the notion that the Scotch Pound or Livre was only 20 pence. Nobody finds it funny that the French or Italian Livre or Pound is only 20 halfpence or less!" I have not been able to trace how high the rei began, but the maravedi entered life as a gold piece, equivalent to the Saracen mithḳāl, and ended—?
I calculate all gold values in this paper at those of the present English coinage.
Besides the gradual depreciation of the Portugal rei, so prominently noticed in this paper, there was introduced in Goa a reduction of the rei locally below the rei of Portugal in the ratio of 15 to 8. I do not know the history or understand the object of such a change, nor do I see that it affects the calculations in this article. In a table of values of coins current in Portuguese India, given in the Annaes Maritimos of 1844, each coin is valued both in Reis of Goa and in Reis of Portugal, bearing the above ratio. My kind correspondent, Dr. J. N. Fonseca, author of the capital History of Goa, tells me that this was introduced in the beginning of the 17th century, but that he has yet found no document throwing light upon it. It is a matter quite apart from the secular depreciation of the rei.
Thus Alboquerque, returning to Europe in 1504, gives a "Moorish" pilot, who carried him by a new course straight from Cannanore to Mozambique, a buckshish of 50 cruzados; this is explained as £5—a mild munificence for such a feat. In truth it was nearly £24, the cruzado being about the same as the sequin (see i. p. 17).
The mint at Goa was farmed out by the same great man, after the conquest, for 600,000 reis, amounting, we are told, to £125. It was really £670 (iii. 41).
Alboquerque demands as ransom to spare Muscat "10,000 xerafins of gold." And we are told by the translator that this ransom of a wealthy trading city like Muscat amounted to £625. The coin in question is the ashrafi, or gold dīnār, as much as, or more than the sequin in value, and the sum more than £5000 (i. p. 82).
In the note to the first of these cases it is said that the cruzado is "a silver coin (formerly gold), now equivalent to 480 reis, or about 2s. English money, but probably worth much more relatively in the time of Dalboquerque." "Much more relatively" means of course that the 2s. had much more purchasing power.
This is a very common way of speaking, but it is often very fallaciously applied. The change in purchasing power in India generally till the beginning of last century was probably not very great. There is a curious note by Gen. Briggs in his translation of Firishta, comparing the amount stated by Firishta to have been paid by the Bāhmanī King, about A.D. 1470, as the annual cost of a body of 500 horse, with the cost of a British corps of Irregular horse of the same strength in Briggs's own time (say about 1815). The Bāhmanī charge was 350,000 Rs.; the British charge 219,000 Rs. A corps of the same strength would now cost the British Government, as near as I can calculate, 287,300 Rs.
The price of an Arab horse imported into India (then a great traffic) was in Marco Polo's time about three times what it was in our own, up to 1850.
The salary of the Governor at Goa, c. 1550, was 8000 cruzados, or nearly £4000 a year; and the salaries of the commandants of the fortresses of Goa, of Malacca, of Dio, and of Bassain, 600,000 reis, or about £670.
The salary of Ibn Batuta, when Judge of Delhi, about 1340, was 1000 silver tankas or dinārs as he calls them (practically 1000 rupees) a month, which was in addition to an assignment of villages bringing in 5000 tankas a year. And yet he got into debt in a very few years to the tune of 55,000 tankas—say £5,500!